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All rights reserved. 


On the Destruction of ''Vermin" in Rnnd Parishes. T. N. Brushfield, m.p. 
An Exeter Worthy and His Biographer. Mrs. Frances B. Troup 
Dartmoor Stone Implements and Weapons. Robert Bumard, f.s.a. . 
On the Absence of Small Lakes, or Tarns, from the Area of Dartmoor. 

Alex. Somervail . . . ... 

West Country Geological Problems. A. R. Hunt, m.a., f.l.s., f.o.s. . 
List of all the Birds proved to have been Found within the British 

Isles. H. M. Evans . . . ... 

Extracts from the Pipe Rolls of Henry II. relating to Devon. Rev. 

Oswald J. Reichel, B.C.L., M.A., F.8.A. . , . . 

The Bishoprics and Lauds of the Five Western Dioceses. Rev. J. 

Erskine Risk, m.a. . . . . . . 

Some Notes on the Tithing of Pennycross, or Weston Peveril. The 

late R. N. Worth . . . ... 

Additional Notes on the Radiolarian Rocks in the Lower Culm-Measures 

to the East and North-east of Dartmoor. George J. Hinde, Fh-d., 

F.B.8., and Howard Fox, f.o.s. . . ... 










Barrow Committee's Report — 

Plan of Kist .... 

Plan of Barrow 

Urn .... 

Dartmoor Exploration Committee's Report- 
Portion of Cooking Pot, Tanhill Rocks 
Flint Implements 
Foale's Arrishes. Hut Circle No. 1 








Smallacombe Rocks. Hut Circle No. 1 





Dartmoor Stone Implements and Weapons- 
Gelt from foot of Cosdon Beacon 
Worked Nodule from Lower Merripit 
Small Nodule with Cone of Percussion 

Large Types of Arrow-heads 
Implements of uncertain use 
Pointed Scraper, Borer, and Arrow-head . 
Knife and Small Dagger 
Scrapers .... 
Flake with Notch for Scraping Arrow-sticks 
Grooved Stone and Rubbers 





[ 5 ] 



J. HINE, Esq., F.R.I.B.A. 

Rev. H. a. BIRKS, m.a. 

E. A. S. ELLIOT, Esq. 

C. FOX, Esq. 

ASHLEY A. FROUDE, Esq., j.p. 

Captain HERBERT, r.n., j.p. 

Rev. Preb. HINGESTON- 

A.F. HOLDSWORTH, Esq., j.p. 
Rev. Canon HOUGHTON, m.a. 
J. S. HURRELL, Esq. 

W. R. ILBERT, Esq., j.p. 

Rev. T. C. LEWIS. 

Rev. W. D. PITMAN, m.a., j.p. 

Rev. F. a. SANDERS, m.a. 



Captain TWYSDEN, b.n. 

Dr. W. H. WEBB. 


Col. WISE. 

P. F. S. AMERY, Esq., j.p., Druid, Jshburton. 

%QX{, floral S^reasurer anH JSecretarp. 
W. DA VIES, Esq., Kingshridge, 

%on. JSetretarp. 
Rev. W. HARPLEY, m.a., f.c.p.s., Clayhanger, Tiverton. 

ACLAND; Sir H. W. D. 
AMBRr, J. S. 
AMBRY, P. F. S. 
BLAGKLER, t. a. 

DOE, G. M. 



HUNT, A. R. 
LAKE, W. C. 
NECK, J. S. 
PHEAR, Sir J. B. 

RISK. J. B. 
ROWB, J. B. 
TROUP, Mrs. 

[ 6 ] 




Place of Meeting. 

1862. Exeter 

1863. Plymouth 

1864. Torquay 

1865. Tiverton 

1866. Tavistock 

1867. Barnstaple . 

1868. Honiton 

1869. Dartmouth . 

1870. Devonport . 

1871. Bidepord 

1872. Exeter 

1873. SiDMOUTH 

1874. TeIGN MOUTH . 

1875. Torrington . 

1876. ashburton . 

1877. Kingsbridge . 

1878. Paignton 

1879. Ilfraoombe . 

1880. TOTNES 

1881. Dawlish 

1882. Crediton 

1883. ExMOUTH 

1884. Newton Abbot 

1885. Seaton 

1886. St. Marychurch . 

1887. Plympton 

1888. Exeter 

1889. Tavistock 

1890. Barnstaple . 

1891. Tiverton 

1892. Plymouth 

1893. Torquay 

1894. South Molton 

1895. Okehampton 

1896. Ashbubton . 

1897. Kingsbridge . 


Sir John Bo wring, ll.d., f.r.s. 
C. Spence Bate, Esq., f.r.s., f.l.s. 
E. Vivian, Esq., m.a. 

C. G. B. Daubeny, m.d., ll.d., f.r.s., Pro- 
fessor of Botany, Oxford. 
Earl Russell, k.g., k.g.o., f.r.s., &c. 
W. Pengelly, Esq., f.r.s., f.g.s. 
J. D. Coleridge, Esq., q.c, m.a., m.p. 
G. P. Bidder, Esq., o.e. 
J. A. Froude, Esq., m.a. 
Rev. Canon C. Kingsley, m.a., f.l s., f.g.s. 
Rt. Rev. Lord Bishop of Exeter (Dr. Temple). 
Right Hon. S. Cave, m.a., m.p. 
Harl of Devon. 
R. J. King, Esq., m.a. 
Rev. Treasurer Hawker, m.a. 
Ven. Archdeacon Earle, m.a. 
Sir Samuel White Baker, m.a., f.r.s., f.r.g.s. 
Sir R. P. Collier, m.a. 

H. W. Dyke Acland, m.a., m.d., ll.d., f.r.s. 
Rev. Professor Chapman, m.a. 
J. Brooking Rowe, Esq., f.s.a., f.l.s. 
Very Rev. C. Merivale, d.d., d.c.l. 
Rev. T. R. K Stebbing, m.a. 
R. F. Weymouth, Esq., m.a., d.lit. 
Sir J. B. Phear, m.a., f.g.s. 
Rev. W. H. Dallinger, ll.d., f.r.s., f.l.s., &c. 
Very Rev. Dean Cowie, d.d. 
W. H. Hudleston, Esq., m.a., f.r.s., f.g.s., 

F.L.S., &c. 

Lord Clinton, m.a. 

R. N. Worth, Esq., f.g.s. 

A. H. A. Hamilton, Esq., m.a., j.p., c.c. 

T. N. Brushfield, m.d. 

Sir Fred. Pollock, Bart, m.a. 

Lord Halsbury. 

Rev. S. Baring-Gould, m.a. 

J. Hine, Esq., f.r.i.b.a. 

[ 7 ] 


1. The Association shall be styled the Devonshire Association 
for the Advancement of Science, Literature, and Art. 

2. The objects of the Association are — To give a stronger 
impulse and a more systematic direction to scientific enquiry in 
Devonshire ; and to promote the intercourse of those who cultivate 
Science, Literature, or Art, in different parts of the county. 

3. The Association shall consist of Members, Honorary Members, 
and Corresponding Members. 

4. Every candidate for membership, on being nominated by a 
member to whom he is personally known, shall be admitted by 
the General Secretary, subject to the confirmation of the General 
Meeting of the Members. 

5. Persons of eminence in Lite^ture, Science, or Art, connected 
with the West of England, but not resident in Devonshire, 
may, at a General Meeting of the Members, be elected Honorary 
Members of the Association; and persons not resident in the 
county, who feel an interest in the Association, may be elected 
Corresponding Members. 

6. Every Member shall pay an Annual Contribution of Haif- 
a-guinea, or a Life Composition of Five Guineas. 

7. Ladies only shall be admitted as Associates to an Annual 
Meeting, and shall pay the sum of Five Shillings each. 

8. Every Member shall be entitled gratuitously to a lady's ticket. 

9. The Association shall meet annually, at such a time in July 
and at such place as shall be decided on at the previous Annual 

10. A President, two or more Vice-Presidents, a General 
Treasurer, and one or more Genei'al Secretaries, shall be elected 
at each Annual Meeting. 


11. The President shall not be eligible for re-election. 

12. Each Annual Meeting shall appoint a local Treasurer and 
Secretary, who, with power to add to their number any Members 
of the Association, shall be a local Committee to assist in making 
such local arrangements as may be desirable. 

13. In the intervals of the Annual Meetings, the affairs of the 
Association shall be managed by a Council, which shall consist 
exclusively of the following Members of the Association, excepting 
Honorary Members, and Corresponding Members : 

(a) Those who fill, or have filled, or are elected to fill, the offices 
of President, General and Local Treasurers, General and Local Secre- 
taries, and Secretaries of Committees appointed by the Council. 

{b) Authors of papers which have been printed in extenso in 
the Transactions of the Association. 

14. The Council shall hold a Meeting at Exeter in the month 
of January or February in each year, on such day as the General 
Secretary shall appoint, for the due management of the affairs of 
the Association, and the performing the duties of their office. 

15. The General Secretary, or any four members of the Council, 
may call extraordinary meetings of their body, to be held at 
Exeter, for any purpose requiring their present determination, by 
notice under his or their hand or hands, addressed to every other 
member of the Council, at least ten clear days previously, specifying 
the purpose for which such extraordinary meeting is convened. 
No matter not so specified, and not incident thereto, shall be 
determined at any extraordinary meeting. 

16. The General Treasurer and Secretary shall enter on their 
respective offices at the meeting at which they are elected ; but 
the President, Vice-Presidents, and Local Officers, not until the 
Annual Meeting next following. 

17. With the exception of the Ex-Presidents only, every 
Councillor who has not attended any Meeting, or adjourned 
Meeting, of the Council during the period between the close 
of any Annual General Meeting of the Members and the close 
of the next but two such Annual General Meetings, shall have 
forfeited his place as a Councillor, but it shall be competent for 
him to recover it by a fresh qualification. 

18. The Council shall have power to fill any Official vacancy 
which may occur in the intervals of the Annual Meetings. 

19. The Annual Contributions shall be payable in advance, and 
shall be due in each year on the day of the Annual Meeting. 


20. The Treasurer shall receive all sums of money due to the 
Association ; he shall pay all accounts due by the Association after 
they shall have been examined and approved ; and he shall report 
to each meeting of the Council the balance he has in hand, and 
the names of such members as shall be in arrear, with the sums 
due respectively by each, 

21. Whenever a Member shall have been three months in arrear 
in the payment of his Annual Contributions, the Treasurer shall 
apply to him for the same. 

22. Whenever, at an Annual Meeting, a Member shall be two 
years in arrear in the payment of his Annual Contributions, the 
Council may, at its discretion, erase his name from the list of 

23. The General Secretary shall, at least one month before each 
Annual Meeting, inform each member by circular of the place and 
date of the Meeting. 

24. Members who do not, on or before the day of the Annual 
Meeting, give notice, in writing or personally, to the General 
Secretary of their intention to withdraw from the Association, 
shall be regarded as members for the ensuing year. 

25. The Association shall, within three months after each Annual 
Meeting, publish its Transactions, including the Kules, a Financial 
Statement, a List of the Members, the Eeport of the Council, the 
President's Address, and such Papers, in abstract or in extenso, 
read at the Annual Meeting, as shaJl be decided by the Council. 

26. The Association shall have the right at its discretion of 
printing in extenso in its Transactions all papers read at the Annual 
Meeting. The Copyright of a paper read before any meeting of 
the Association, and the illustrations of the same which have been 
provided at his expense, shall remain the property of the Author ; 
but he shall not be at liberty to print it, or allow it to be printed 
elsewhere, either in extenso or in abstract amounting to as much as 
one-half of the length of the paper, before the first of November 
next after the paper is read. 

27. The Authors of papers printed in the Transactions shall, 
withm seven days after the Transactions are published, receive 
twenty-five private copies free of expense, and shall be allowed to 
have any further number printed at their own expense. All 
arrangements as to such extra copies to be made by the Authors 
with the Printers to the Association. 


10 RULES. 

28. If proofs of papers to be published in the Transactions 
be sent to Authors for correction, and are retained by them 
beyond four days for each sheet of proof, to be reckoned from the 
day marked thereon by the printers, but not including the time 
needful for transmission by post, such proofs shall be assumed to 
require no further correction. 

29. Should the extra charges for small type, and types other 
than those known as Eoman or Italic, and for the Author's correc- 
tions of the press, in any paper published in the Transactions, 
amount to a greater sum than in the proportion of ten shillings 
per sheet, such excess shall be borne by the Author himself, and 
not by the Association ; and should any paper exceed four sheets, 
the cost beyond the cost of the four sheets shall be borne by the 
Author of the paper. 

30. Every Member shall, within three months after each Annual 
Meeting, receive gratuitously a copy of the Transactions. 

31. The Accounts of the Association shall be audited annually, 
by Auditors appointed at each Annual Meeting, but who shall not 
be ex officio Members of the Council 

[ 11 ] 


1. In the interests of the Association it is desirahle that the 
President's Address in each year be printed previous to its 


2. In the event of there being at an Annual Meeting more 
Papers than can be disposed of in one day, the reading of the 
residue shall be continued the day following. 

3. The pagination of the Transactions shall be in Arabic 
nunaerals exclusively, and carried on consecutively, from the 
"^ginning to the end of each volume; and the Transactions of 
each year shall form a distinct and separate volume. 

4r, The General Secretary shall bring to each Annual Meeting 

^^ the Members a report of the number of copies in stock of each 

^art ' of the Transactions, with the price per copy of each * Part ' 

specified; and such report shall be printed in the Transactions 

'^^xt after the Treasurer's financial statement. 

^. The General Secretary shall prepare and bring to each 
^^^ual Meeting brief Obituary Notices of Members deceased 
?uritig the previous year, and such notices shall be printed in the 

^. An amount not less than 80 per cent, of all Compositiong 

^^ceived from existing Life-Members of the Association shall be 

applied in the purchase of National Stock, or such other security 

^ the Council may deem equally satisfactory, in the names of 

*'"ree Trustees, to be elected by the CounciL 

. '^- At each of its Ordinary Meetings the Council shall deposit at 

^^tetest, in such bank as they shall decide on, and in the names of 

^^^ General Treasurer and General Secretary of the Association, all 

^^invested Compositions received from existing Life-Members, all 

^^nvested prepaid Annual Subscriptions, and any part, or the 

^ole, of the balance derived from other sources which may be in 

the Treasurer's hands after providing for all accounts passed for 

Payment at the said Meeting. 

T» O 


8. The General Secretary, on learning at any time between the 
Meetings of the Council that the General Treasurer has a balance 
in hand of not less than Forty Pounds after paying all Accounts 
which the Council have ordered to be paid, shall direct that so 
much of the said balance as will leave Twenty Pounds in the 
Treasurer's hand be deposited at Interest at the Capital and Counties 
Bank, Ashburton, 

9. The General Secretary shall be authorized to spend any sum 
not exceeding Ten Pounds per annum in employing a clerk for 
such work as he finds necessary. 

10. The General Secretary shall, within one month of the close 
of each Annual Meeting of the Association, send to each Member 
newly elected at the said Meeting a copy of the following letter : — 

Devonshire Association for the Advancement of Science^ Literature, 

and Art. 

Sir, — I have the pleasure of informing you that on the of 

July, , you were elected a Member of the Association on the 

nomination of 

The copy of the Transactions for the current year, which will be for- 
warded to you in due course, will contain the Laws of the Association, 
Meanwhile I beg to call your attention to the following statements : — 

(1) Every Member pays an Annual Contribution of Half a Guinea, 
or a Life Composition of Five Guineas. 

(2) The Annual Contributions are payable in advance, and are due 
in each year on the day of the Annual Meeting. 

(3) Members who do not, on or before the day of the -Annual 
Meeting, give notice in writing or personally to the General Secretary 
of their intention to withdraw from the Association are regarded as 
Members for the ensuing year. 

The Treasurer's Address is — P. F. S. Amery, Esq., Druid, Ashburton. 
— I remain. Sir, your faithful Servant, 

Hon. Sec. 

11. The reading of any Report or Paper shall not exceed twenty 
minutes, or such part of twenty minutes as shall be decided by the 
Council as soon as the Programme of Eeports and Papers shall 
have been settled, and in any discussion which may arise no speaker 
shall be allowed to speak more than ten minutes. 

12. Papers to be read to the Annual Meetings of the Association 
must strictly relate to Devonshire, and, as well as all Eeports 
intended to be printed in the Transactions of the Association, and 
prepared by Committees appointed by the Council, must, together 
with all drawings intended to be used in illustrating them in the 
said Transactions, reach the General Secretary's residence not later 
than the 24th day of June in each year. The General Secretary 
shall, not later than the 7th of the following July, return to the 
Authors all such Papers or drawings as he may decide to be unsuit- 


3le to be printed or to serve as illustrations in the said Transac- 
ons, and shall send the residue, together with the said Eeports of 
ommittees, to the Association's printers, who shall return the 
mie so that they may reach the General Secretary's residence not 
ter than on the 14th day of the said July, together with a state- 
lent of the number of pages each of them would occupy if printed 
L the said Transactions, as well as an estimate of the extra cost of 
le printing of such Tables, of any kind, as may form part of any 
I the said Papers and Eeports ; and the General Secretary shall 
y the whole, as well as an estimate of the probable number of 
Jinual Members of the Association for the year commencing on 
lat day, before the first Council Meeting on the first day of the 
Bxt ensuing Annual Meeting, when the Council shall select not a 
reater number of the Papers thus laid before them than will, with 
le other documents to be printed in the said Transactions, make 
J many sheets of printed matter as can be paid for with the sum 
I 60 per cent, of the subscriptions for the year of the said 
pobable number of Annual Members, and any part or the whole 
f such balance, not derived from Compositions of existing Life 
[embers, or from prepaid Annual Subscriptions, as may be lying 
; interest, as well as that which may be in the Treasurer's hands ; 
ds * sum ' shall be exclusive of the extra cost of the printing of 
ich aforesaid Tables, which have been approved and accepted by 
le Council, provided the aggregate of the said extra cost do not 
ficeed 6 per cent, of the said subscriptions ; exclusive also of the 
rinters' charge for corrections of the press ; and also exclusive of 
le cost of printing an Index, a list of Errata, and such Eesolu- 
ons passed at the next Winter Meeting of the Council, as may be 
irected to be so printed by the said Winter Meeting; and the 
umber of Papers selected by the Council shall not be greater than 
7ill, with the Eeports of Committees, make a Total of 40 Eeports 
Jid Papers. 

13. Papers communicated by Members for Non-Members, and 
accepted by the Council, shall be placed in the Programme below 
tbose furnished by Members themselves. 

14. Papers which have been accepted by the Council cannot be 
'Withdrawn without the consent of the Council. 

15. The Council will do their best so to arrange Papers for 
5«^«ling as to suit the convenience of the Authors ; but the place of 

I^aper cannot be altered after the Programme has been settled by 
i© Council. 

16. Papers which have already been printed in exlenso cannot be 
^^epted unless they form part of the literature of a question on 
^liich the Council has requested a Member or Committee to 
^^pare a report. 


17. Every meeting of the Council shall be convened by Ciicular^ 
sent by the General Secretary to each Member of the Council not 
less than ten days before the Meeting is held. 

18. All Papers read to the Association which the Council shall 
decide to print in extenso in the Transactions, shall be sent to the 
printers, together with all drawings required in illustrating thenii 
on the day next following the close of the Annual Meeting at which 
they were read. 

19. All Papers read to the Association which the Council shall 
decide not to print in extenso in the Transactions, shall be returned 
to the authors not later than the day next following the close of 
the Annual Meeting at which they were read; and abstracts of such 
Papers to be printed in the Transactions shall not exceed one- 
fourth of the length of the Paper itself, and must be sent to the 
General Secretary on or before the seventh day after the close of 
the Annual Meeting. 

20. The Author of every Paper which the Council at any Annual 
Meeting shall decide to print in the Transactions shall be expected 
to pay for all such illustrations as in his judgment the said Paper 
may require. 

21. The printers shall do their utmost to print the Papers in the 
Transactions in the order in which they were read, and shall retum 
every Manuscript to the author as soon as it is in type, hvi not 
before. They shall be returned intact, provided they are written 
on loose sheets and on one side of the paper only. 

22. Excepting mere verbal alterations, no Paper which has been 
read to the Association shall be added to without the written 
approval and consent of the General Secretary ; and no additioiis 
shall be made except in the form of notes or postscripts* 
or both. 

23. In the intervals of the Annual Meetings, all Meetings o* 
the Council shall be held at Exeter, unless some other place sl^®^ 
have been decided on at the previous Council Meeting. 

24. When the number of copies on hand of any * Part ' of tt^ 
Transactions is reduced to twenty, the price per copy shall ^ 
increased 25 per cent. ; and when the number has been reduced * 
ten copies, the price shall be increased 50 per cent on the origi*^^ 

25. The Association's Printers, but no other person, "may repTT^p 
any Committee's Report printed in the Transactions of the Assa^^i* 
tion, for any person, whether a Member of the said Committee^ ^^ 
of the Association, or neither, on receiving, in each case, a writt^^ 
permission to do so from the Honorary Secretary of the Associati^^^ 


but not otherwise; that the said printer shall pay to the said 
Secretary, for the Association, sixpence for every fifty Copies of 
each half sheet of eight pages of which the said Eeport consists ; 
that any number of copies less than fifty, or between two exact 
multiples of fifty, shall be r^arded as fifty ; and any number of 
pages less than eight, or between two exact multiples of eight, 
shall be regarded as eight ; that each copy of such Eeprints shall 
have on its first page the words " Eeprinted from the Transactions 
of the Devonshire Association for the Advancement of Science, 

Literature, and Art for with the consent of the Council of 

the Association," followed by the date of the year in which the 
said Report was printed in the said Transactions, but that, with the 
exception of printer's errors and changes in the pagination which 
may be necessary or desirable, the said Eeprint sh^l be in every 
other respect an exact copy of the said Keport as printed in the 
said Transactions without addition, or abridgment, or modification 
of any kind. 

26. The General Secretary shall, within one month after each 
Annual General Meeting, inform the Hon. Local Treasurer and the 
Hon. Local Secretary, elected at the said Meeting, that, in making 
or sanctioning arrangements for the next Annual General Meeting, 
it is eminently desirable that they avoid and discourage everything 
calculated to diminish the attendance at the General and Council 
Meetings, or to disturb the said Meetings in any way. 

27. The Bye-Laws and Standing Orders shall be printed after 
the ' Eules ' in the Transactions. 

28. All resolutions appointing Committees for special service for 
the Association shall be printed in the Transactions next before 
the President's Address. 

29. Members and Ladies holding Ladies' Tickets intending to 
dine at the Association Dinner shall be requested to send their 
'James to the Hon. Local Secretary on forms which shall be pro- 
v^ided; no other person shall be admitted to the dinner, and no 
^ataes shall be received after the Monday next before the dinner. 

30. Members admitted by the General Secretary during the 
interval between two Annual General Meetings, and who decide 
^Hen admitted to compound for the Annual Contributions, shall 
"^ entitled to receive the publications of the Association during 
the Association's year then current, provided their compositions are 
pa-id not later than the last day of January, but shall not be thus 
^iititled if their compositions are paid between that date and the 
^^xt Annual General Meeting of the Association. 

[ 16 ] 


j48 presented to the General Meeting at KingBbridge^ July S7th,, 1897. 

The Thirty-fifth Annual Meeting of the Association was 
held at Ashburton, on Tuesday, July 27th, and followiDg 
days. There was a profuse display of flags in all the 
streets of the town, and in other ways the inhabitants of 
this well-known moorland centre accorded the members 
of the Association a cordial welcome. The chapel of 
S. Lawrence, an old fourteenth -century building (now used 
as a Grammar School) was placed at the disposal of the 
members for meetings, and a reception-room and ladies' 
room were provided in East Street. 

At two o'clock a Meeting of the Council was held, and 
an hour and a half later there was a formal reception of the 
Association by the Portreeve (Mr. 6. Batten). 

Mr. J. S. Amery, the Hon. Local Secretary, having formaDy 
introduced the Association, Mr. Batten expressed the hononr 
he felt in receiving the Association in the name of 
Ashburton. He hoped the visit to the ancient and 
honourable borough town would be marked by interest, 
profit, and pleasure. The Eev. Professor Chapman, in the 
absence of the President (Lord Halsbury), gracefully and 
suitably replied. 

Mr, W. Langler, the Secretary of the Ashburton Mutual 
Improvement Association, then presented an address of 
welcome, which was accepted and acknowledged by the 
Hon. Secretary (Eev. W. Harpley). The Vicar, Eev. W. M. 
Birch, on behalf of the clergy and ministers of the town, 
offered a hearty and sincere welcome to the Association, 
and Lieutenant-Colonel Taylor said the members of the 
Constitutional Club also offered a welcome, and threw open 
their premises to the members of the Association. By the 
kind permission of Mr. Bastard and the Hon. E. Dawson, 
the Buckland and Holne Chase Drives were open to members 
and their friends during the week. 


At 4 p.m. the General Meeting was held. At its close 

visit was made to the Church under the guidance of the 
TicsLT, after which, by the kind invitation of Mr. Birch, the 
lembers of the Association and others attended a garden 
•arty on the Vicarage Lawn. 

At 8 p.m. the Eev. S. Baring-Gould delivered his 
^residential Address in the Market Hall. There was a 
irge attendance. 

On Wednesday, at 11 a.m., the reading and discussion of 
be following Programme of Eeports and Papers commenced, 
nd was continued until 4 p.m. 

rineteenth Report of the Committee \ r ■p^^^T„'„„ p^„^ - «, . „ , - 
on Scientific Memoranda . . K ' Brooking Rowe, F.S.A., f.l.8. 

ifteenth Report of the Committee on ) ^ m j?j,«/»wji./ 
Devonshire Verbal Provincialisms K* ^- ^^^^^^V- 

^^^L^^"^. ^"^ *!''' ^"'"''"'^ °" } 22. -y. fFarth, F.o.s. (the late). 

oarteenth Report of the Committee ) t> e» o j^ . 

on Devonshire Folk-lore . . ) ^- ^- ^- ^'^'^^ 

oarteenth Report (Third Series) of j 

the Committee on the Climate of A, Chandler , f.iuMbt. Soo. 

"'tlX'^^rd.'"'!"''**" "" I •^- ^rooHng i^. ,.s.A.. .x.s. 

Tie Purchase of Dartmoor . , W, F, Collier, 

L Tangle in the History of Ashburton P. F. S. Amery, 

'"^ThbSrt^n "^ ?" ^""f °1]S^- J- S. Pears<m, l>.i,. 
ilarly Nonconformity in Ashburton . E, Windeatt. 

?he Parish Registers of Ashburton ) p^„, »«. ^ i> . ^* __ . 
and Buckland-in-the-Moor . . ) -^^- ^- ^- ^*^^' ^-^ 

led Deer in Buckland Woods . . F, ff. Firth. 

iesidents in Ashburton and the ad- ) r « j^^^, 
joining Parishes in 1588 . .f*^'^' ^^'^^H/- 

Tacobite Days in the West • . P, Q. Karkeek^ M.R.O.& 

^eghana T. N, Brushfield, m.d. 

\. Photographic Survey of Devonshire C, E, JRMnaon, m.Inbt.c.b. 

k)me Devonshire Reminiscences of the \ t>^, o n tt^.,.u^^ „ . 
Nineteenth Century . . . } i?^'. >Sf. (7. iTarm. m.a. 

Some Devonian Items . . , JR. N. Worth, f.o.s. (the late). 

John Enowles, f.b.s. . . . T.W. Windeatt. 

Devonshire Revels «... Miss Helen Saunders, 

A List of the Rectors of Moreton- ) r « at z. 
hampstead j J, &. JVeck;. 

Devonshire Domesday, Part III. . Bev, 0, J, Beichdy M. A., B.O.L., f.s,a. 


Analysis of Ezon Domesday . ^v, T, WkdU^ m.a. 

The Hundreds of Devon, II. . . Bev. 0. J, Beichel, M.A., B.C.L., r.s. A. 

The Warrens of Headborooffh and ) r o >< 

their descendants . . .\^'^' ^'~^- 

Some changes in the County Omis \ 

noticed particularly in the South / C. E. EllioL 
Hams ) 

West Country Geological Problems . A. R. Hunt, m.a., F.L.S., f.o.8. 

Prehistoric Torbay .... Alexander Somervail. 

Devonshire Briefs. Part II. . , T. K. Brushfidd^ m.d. 

The Stone Rows of Dartmoor, V. , K N. Worthy (the late). 

The Tithing of Compton Gifford . K N. Worthy f.o.s. (the kte). 

Some Ancient Totnes Seals . K WindeaU. 

Me^u™. to the West of Dart- ^^^^tS Tk ^^ 
moor ....../'' ' 

After the reading of Papers there was a garden party ft* 
Holne Park, by the kind invitation of the Hon. Mrs. Dawsoa- 
The members were most hospitably received and entertained 
by the host and hostess, and a couple of hours were very 
pleasantly spent in examining the house and grounds. 

In the evening, at 7.30, the Annual Dinner was held afc 
the Golden Lion Hotel. The President was in the chair, and 
there was a large attendance. The host, Mr. Sawdye, pro- 
vided an excellent repast, and the arrangements made by the 
Dinner Committee were very satisfactory. 

On Thursday, at 10 a.m., the reading and discussion of 
Papers was resumed, and continued until 3 p.m., when the 
concluding General Meeting was held, followed by a Meeting 
of the Council. Afterwards the members visited Buckfast 
Abbey, and thence proceeded to Bossell, Buckfastleigh, where 
they were hospitably received by Mrs. James Hamlyn and 
family. Later in the evening a conversazione was extent' 
porized by the Local Committee, and was eminently successf *^^ 
Mr. J. S. Amery exhibited on a screen by aid of a lanteti^ 
several views of interesting points on Dartmoor, his brotb®^» 
Mr. Fabyan Amery, ably describing the scenes. Songs w^^e 
sung during the evening. The President sang two or tbi®^ 
" Songs of the West " in a masterly manner, and Dr. Brusl** 
field convulsed the audience by his inimitable rendering ^^ 
some comic compositions. 

On Friday a long drive of thirty miles brought one of tih^ 
most pleasant, instructive, and successful meetings of th^ 
Association to a close. About twenty conveyances, contaifl* 


ing about 120 members and associates, left the bull ring, 
Ashburton, just after nine o'clock in the morning, and pro- 
ceeded to Grimspound to inspect the work of the Dartmoor 
Exploration Committee, taking on the way the moorland 
church and village of Widecombe-in-the-Moor. At Grims- 
pound the President gave an account of the enclosures, and 
lucidly described the work of the Committee. On the big 
stones of the outer circle the members sat down, or reclined, 
and enjoyed a sumptuous meal, kindly provided by the Local 
Committee. The return home was by way of the Valley of 
the Webburn and the Buckland Drives. 

It having been decided that the next Annual Meeting 
should be held at Kiugsbridge, the following were elected 
officers for the occasion :— 

President: J. Hine, Esq., f.r.i.b.a.; Vice-Presidents: Eev. 

S. Baring-Gould, m.a.; Eev. H. A. Birks, m.a.; E E. S. Elliot, 

Esq.; C. Fox, Esq.; Ashley A. Froude, Esq., J.P.; Captain 

Herbert, R.y., j.p. ; Eev. Preb. Hingeston-Eandolph, m.a. ; 

A F. Holdsworth, Esq., j.p. ; Eev. Canon Houghton, M.A. ; 

J. S. Hurrell, Esq.; W. E. Ilbert, Esq., J.P.; Eev. T. C. Lewis ; 

Eev. W. D. Pitman, m.a., j.p.; Eev. F. A. Sanders, m.a.; John 

Henry Square, Esq. ; John Harris Square, Esq. ; Captain 

Twysden, R.N.; Dr. W. H. Webb; T. W. Weymouth, Esq.; 

Colonel Wise; Hon. General Treasurer: P. F. S. Amery, Esq., 

J.P., Druid, Ashburton; Hon. General Secretary: Eev. W. 

Harpley, m.a., f.c.p.s., Clayhanger Eectory, Tiverton ; Hon. 

Local Treasurer and Secretary : W. Davies, Esq., Kingsbridge. 

The Council have published the President's Address, 

together with Obituary Notices of members deceased during 

the preceding year, and the Eeports and Papers read before 

the Association; also the Treasurer's Eeport, a List of 

Members, and the Eules, Standing Orders, and Bye-Laws; 

they have since added an Index, kindly prepared by Mr. J. 

Brooking Eowe, and a Table of Corrections. 

A copy of the Transactions and Index has been sent to 
each member, and to the following Societies: The Eoyal 
Society, Linnsean Society, Geological Society, Anthropological 
Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Eoyal Institution 
(Albemarle Street), the Society of Antiquaries, Devon and 
Exeter Institution (Exeter), Plymouth Institution, Torquay 
Natural History Society, North Devon Athenaeum (Barn- 
staple), Eoyal Institution of Cornwall (Truro), the Library of 
the British Museum, the British Museum (Natural History, 
Cromwell Eoad), the Bodleian Library (Oxford), and the 
University Library (Cambridge). 

L 20 1 

Treasurer's Report of Receipts and Expenditure 


Balance from 1896 . . . . 

Arrears of SubscriptioDs, 1894- 95 
Arrears of Subscriptions, 1895-96 
Annual Subscriptions, 1896-97 . 
Prepaid Subscriptions, 1897-98 . 

Life Compositions . . . . 

Sale of "Transactions" — 

2 copies for 1863, 1865, 1866 

1 ditto 1864, 1867, 1868, 1870 . 

1 ditto 1871, 1873, 1874, 1875, 1877 

1 ditto 1879, 1881, 1882, 1883, 1885 

1 ditto 1886, 1887, 1888, 1889, 1894, 1895 

Sale of surplus Indices, at 6^2. . 

Dividends on Consols . 

Discount from Messrs. Brendon and Sou . 

Balance due to Treasurer 

Annual Subscriptions unpaid, due July 31st, 1895 
Ditto ditto July 31st, 1896 

£ s. 




5 11 


£ s. 




8 18 


140 14 

7 7 

157 10 
15 15 




1 1 


2 2 

1 19 

2 7 


8 5 






7 19 




4 11 

;i99 17 




78 5 


278 2 



4 4 



27 16 

Zhate examined the foregoing Accounts voith the VoucTierSy mid foutid them 

correct, this Ylth day <tf October, 1897. 

{Signed) R E. TUCKER. 



[ 21 ] 

during the year ending 27th Jidy, 1897. 


Messrs. BrendoD and Son — 

Printing "Transactions," vol. xxviii. . 
,, 25 separate Copies of Papers 
Packing and Postage 
Index and Postage to vol. xxviL 
Cards, Circulars, and Notices 

Dent, Ashburton, printing Programmes, &c. 
Hon. General Secretary, Petty Expenses . 
Hon. General Secretary's Assistant 
Hon. General Treasurer, Postage and Expenses 

£ s. d, £ s. d. 

215 14 

18 15 

17 10 

4 10 

7 1 



263 15 
1 7 
5 7 


2 13 6 

^£278 2 8 


P. F. S. AMERY, H(m, General Treasurer. 

[ 22 ] 

Statement of tlie Property of tlie Association, July SOth, 1897. 

Fiiiidtil Properly, Consols 



"TraoHiotiona" in Stock 1883 86 copies at 2s. Od. 

6 10 

1834 a* „ 3a, Od, 

13 12 

iSb' 79 „ 2a, 6d. 

9 10 

18S6 7 „ 33. Od. 

8 11 

1867 58 „ Ha. Od. 

17 8 

1S88 H „ Ba, U. 

11 I 

lb/0 le „ fia. OJ. 

4 16 

18a 13 „ 8a. OJ. 

5 4 

l'</3 24 „ Os. Od. 

7 i 

18/4 31 „ 83, 6d. 

13 S 6 

1376 H „ lOs. Od, 

5 10 

18(0 14 „ IBa, Od. 

10 10 

18( 17 „ 9s. 6i!, 

8 1 6 

18 3 3 „ 12a. Od. 

1 16 

18 t 21 „ 78. Od, 

7 7 

1880 23 „ 123. 8d. 

14 7 6 

lasi 29 „ 8h. Od. 

8 14 

1832 (8 „ 10s. Od. 

24 10 

lS3d '4 „ 8a. Od, 

21 12 

18''4 (.9 „ 12a, Od. 

41 8 

1S85 ,3 „ 8s. Od. 

29 4 

iHhb 81. „ 8s. oa. 

34 8 

ia'*7 5o „ 103, Od. 

27 10 

laiS 4 „ Oa. Od. 

14 2 

1839 48 „ 7fl. 6d. 


1890 56 „ 5s, Od. 


l'*91 16 „ 63. Od. 

28 16 

ISB2 55 „ 8a. Od. 


1393 55 „ 8a, Od. 


1894 63 ,. 8a. Od. 

25 4 

1896 84 „ 8a. Od. 

1898 .,. 45 .. lOfl, Od. 

22 10 

Indeiea (oitra ctipios) to 

Tols. from 1384-1896 ,.-517 „ 0». Bd. 

13 13 6 

"DflVOnsfiirBDoiUHsdny,"l"ait T., 38 ,, 2a, 0(1. 

■3 16 

,. Part II., C6 „ 4a, Od. 

11 4 

Part III., 69 „ 49. Od. 

13 16 

Part IV., 40 „ 1b. fld. 


Part v., 8B „ la. ad. 

2 18 6 

Part VL, 39 „ 2g. 6d. 

4 17 6 

Port VII,, iS „ 2s. fld. 


Part VIII., 93 „ 2». 6a, 

11 12 9 

„ PaH IX., 54 „ 23. 6d. 
(Signed) W. HARPLEY, ma. Secrclary. 

6 15 

±■916 14 6 

"When tho nniaber of copie* on hand uf Any Part' of 
tvenCy, tie prloe |iet copy »h«ll bo Inurpsaed MpiT cent; i 
ndnced t« tea cn[>lei. the price ahiill lie iDcregnoa (0 per 

e orlgliul price, "- 
3r£LIXI, The volt 

[ 23 ] 



Passed at the Meeting ai Kingsbridge. 
JULY, 1897. 

9. That Dr. Brushfield, Rev. W. Harpley, Sir J. B. Pbear, Mr. 
J. BrookiDg Eowe, and Mr. A. H. A. Hamilton be a Committee 
for the purpose of considering at what place the Association shall 
hold its Meeting in 1899, who shall be invited to be the Officers 
during the year beginning with that Meeting, and who shall be 
invited to fill any official vacancy or vacancies which may occur 
before the Annual Meeting in 1898; that Mr. J. Brooking Eowe 
be the Secretary ; and that they be requested to report to the next 
Winter Meeting of the Council, and, if necessary, to the £rst 
Meeting of the Council to be held in July, 1898. 

10. That Mr. J. S. Amery, Mr. F. Brent, Dr. Brushfield, Mr. 
Robert Burnard, Mr. A. Chandler, Rev. W. Harpley, Mr. C. E, 
Robinson, Mr. J. Brooking Rowe, Mr. A. Somervail, and Mr. H. 
B. S. Woodhouse be a Committee for the purpose of noting the 
discovery or occurrence of such Facts in any department of 
scientific inquiry, and connected with Devonshire, as it may be 
desirable to place on permanent record, but which may not be of 
sufficient importance in themselves to form the subjects of separate 
papers ; and that Mr. J. Brooking Rowe be the Secretary. 

11. That Mr. P. F. S. Amery, Mr. G. M. Doe, Mr. D. O. 
Evans, Rev. W. Harpley, Mr. P. Q. Karkeek, Mrs. Radford, Mr. 
J. Brooking Rowe, Mrs. Troup, and Mr. H. B. Woodhouse be 
a Committee for the purpose of collecting notes on Devonshire 
Folk-Lore ; and that Mr. P. F. S. Amery be the Secretary. 

12. That Dr. Brushfield, Lord Clififord, Mr. J. Davey, Mr. A. 
H. A. Hamilton, Mr. J. Hine, and Mr. J. Shelly be a Committee 
to prepare a Report on the Public and Private Collections of 
Works of Art in Devonshire; and that Mr. J. Shelly be the 


13. That Mr. J. S. Amery, Dr. BrushBeld. Mr. F. T. Elwcntl*^, 
Mr. F. H. Firth, Mr. P. Q. Karkeek, Dr. W. C. Lake, and VLmts. 
Troup be a Committee for the purpose of noting and iecoid£j3g 
the existing use of any Verbal Provincialisms in Devonshi^^ 
in either written or spoken language ; and that Mr. F. T. Elworitoy 
be the Secretary. 

14. That Mr. P. F. S. Amery, Kev. S. Baring-Gould, I^r. 
Brushfield, Mr. Burnard, Mr. Cecil M. Firth, Mr. J. BrookLDg 
Howe, and Mr. R Hansford Worth be a Committee to collect aix<x 
record facts relating to Barrows in Devonshire, and to take stepgy 
where possible, for their investigation; and that Mr. R. Han«fo*«- 
Worth be the Secretary. 

15. That Mr. J. S. Amery, Mr. D. Buchanan, Mr. F. H. Firfcli^ 
Rev. W. Harpley, Mr. R. C. Tucker, and Mr. T. W. Winde^t* 
be a Committee for the purpose of making the arrangements f o^ 
the Association dinner at Honiton in 1898 ; and that Mr. T. ^^^- 
Windeatt be the Secretary. 

16. That Mr. James Hamlyn, Mr. W. Ingham, Mr. 
Chandler, and Mr. P. F. S. Amery be a Committee to collaoiJ 
and tabulate trustworthy and comparable observations on tb^ 
climate of Devon ; and that Mr. A. Chandler be the Secretary^. 

17. That the Right Rev. Bishop Brownlow, Dr. Brushfield* 
Mr. R. W. Cotton, The Very Rev. the Dean of Exeter, Rev. J- 
Ingle Dredge, Rev. Preb« Hingeston-Randolph, Mr. J. Brookic^^ 
Rowe, and Mr. E. Windeatt be a Committee for the purpose o^ 
investigating and reporting on any Manuscripts, Records, or Anciex^'^ 
Documents existing in, or relating to, Devonshire, with the natus^^ 
of their contents, their locality, and whether in public or priv&'t^^ 
lianda ; and that Mr. J. Brooking Rowe be the Secretary. 

18. That Rev. I. K. A.nder8on, Mr. R Burnard, Rev. ^ 
lUrii\g'Qould, Mr. J. D. Pode, Mr. J. Brooking Rowe, and AC 
K« UauHford Worth l>e a Committee for the purpose of explorir^ 
l)artmoor ; and that the Rev. S. Baring-Gould be the Secretary. 


^ADiES AND Gentlemen, — Unlike my distinguished pre- 

essor, I am no interpreter of prehistoric monuments, 

I am therefore unable to pursue the subject he treated 

h. so much learning and skill at the last meeting of our 


iTet the theme of the brief address I have now the 

LOur to give is kindred to his, since it has to do with 

preservation of such and later monuments. The 
satened destruction of many of these, and the "viola- 
X of Nature" (as Mr. Gladstone calls it) in all directions, 
not fail to remind us that a great wave of vandalism 
sweeping over the land which our boasted civilization 
>€ars inadequate to resist. Can we doubt this when we 
d almost daily of some fresh outrage and defacement? 
is fortunate that the Press is alive to the mischief going 

and generally employs its great influence in the right 
action. Not many weeks after the Ashburton meeting, 
^hich, if I mistake not, the truly conservative state- 
Dt was endorsed that Dartmoor wanted nothing more 
n to be let alone, a road contractor, taking an entirely 
?€rent view of the matter, and having a single eye to his 
ti business — a very Cyclops — deliberately destroyed a 
tie avenue, and partially demolished a hut circle, on 
irberton Common. Eepresentations were made to the 
al authority, and it is understood that subsequently the 
'veyor was instructed to see that the roads under his 
pection were not in future to be repaired with the 
oains of ancient monuments. 

Ihe indignation aroused by this outrageous proceeding 
•s by no means confined to the county, and a leading 
udon journal, commenting upon it, forcibly remarks : 
^uch an act of brutal barbarism is not to be atoned for 

an expression of regret and a promise not to do it 



again, or we shall next hear that Stonehenge, which must 
be a tempting object to a road contractor, and would cover 
a lot of highway if broken up small, has been carted off 
under the authority of some local body, who will be ready 
with a handsome apology when their little mistake is 
pointed out to them. The destruction of these priceless, 
because irreplaceable, relics is not merely the disgrace of 
rural ignoramuses ; it is a disgrace to the country in which 
such a thing could, by any possibility, happen, and more 
directly still to the Legislature by whose laws that 
possibility was created." 

That was written before Stotiehenge, Limited, was suggested, 
it would be premature to say floated ! 

" It is said," remarks the Financial News, " that the whole 
circle is to be removed from its present position, just below 
the highest point on Salisbury Plain, to some more con- 
venient place, if not to the Metropolis itself, and there 
used as an attraction for holiday-seekers; but this scheme, 
seeing that the resources of modern engineering would be 
taxed to move some of the huge trilithons which make up 
the circle, is treated with derision. Another and alternative 
scheme which is said to be hatching is that the whole thing 
is to be acquired in its present position on the Plain, and run 
there as a sort of antiquarian show." 

A very different speculation this from that which for many 
centuries has occupied the minds of antiquarians and philo- 
sophers, including the perhaps not very subtle intellect of 
that early Fellow of the Eoyal Society, Samuel Pepys, of 
diary fame, who 230 years ago visited the mystic circles, and 
exclaimed in awe and fright, ** Prodigious ! God knows what 
their ttse was ! It is hard to say, but yet may be told." And 
might he not have added, "To what base uses may they 
not yet be put " ? It may never come to that ; but the 
mere fact that such a scheme has been coolly suggested for 
Stonehenge should have the effect of increasing exertions 
for the preservation of the natural beauty and antiquities of 

We know what a road contractor has done on a compara- 
tively small scale, and that a hint has been given of a Vic 
Tor Monument, sixty feet high, with winding stairs to the 
top, as a suitable memorial of the Queen's Diamond Eeign ; 
also of a wayside cross with a Victorian crown on the top of 
it. One shudders, therefore, at the thought of what changes 
a Dartmoor, Limited (or unlimited), might bring about, in 
generally making rough places smooth (a difficult task, 


certainly, but still a great deal can be done with asphalt) ; 
giving an up-to-date character to the summits of some of the 
tors by the erection of small but useful and ornate houses, 
chiefly for inspiriting refreshment ; Brent Tor treated 
differently, and with a switchback railway on its sunny 
slope! And when all this is done, the ghost of Carrington 
will not know the scene of his poem. 

May this dream — although it may have its warning — 
never be fulfilled; and especially may no revived race of 
Gubbinses ever lay hands on the loveliest of the tors — 
crowned with its thirteenth-century parish church, guarded 
by the archangel, and wrapped in the clouds of heaven. 

A touching letter appeared in the Western Morning News 
a few months ago, written by a gentleman who was Curate- 
in-Charge of Lydford sixty-four years ago, and who is now, I 
am informed, the oldest clergyman in CornwalL He says : 
" Never have I ceased to love the place and people — Dart- 
moor— with its rugged hills and grand amphitheatre of tors, 
into which when I entered I felt impelled to uncover my head 
as in a cathedral." 

May the shadows of those tors never be less or more than 
they are now. 

We cannot, I think, fail to recognise the respect for Nature 
shown by the old moorland builders. Their churches, whether 
at Widdecombe, Walkhampton. Brent Tor, or elsewhere, never 
mar the beauty of the landscape, but, on the contrary, enhance 
it, and no artist would rather be without them. And even 
the old farm buildings, with their thick and low granite walls, 
steep thatched roofs, and rudely-shaped chimneys, are in 
harmony with the scene around. There are not very many 
of them left, but they are very picturesque. Can we say the 
same of what is called '*the Capital of the Moor" — Prince 
Town ? I do not mean Her Majesty's priSon, which from a 
pictorial point of view or any other aspect would be anywhere 
a melancholy blot on Nature ; nor do I allude to the outlying 
houses a little away from the town (which town, fortunately, 
you can soon get out of), commanding a more sylvan scene, 
but to the long street leading up to, or culminating, as it 
were, in the prison — the shops, the church, the chapel, all 
extremely modern and unaesthetic, " built for use and not for 
ornament," as the saying is, but with fronts and profiles 
having a more or less dejected and dissatisfied appearance, as 
though the efforts to be useful had not been very successful, 
at any rate, in the direction of keeping the wet out, in spite 
of great coats of stucco and tar. 

c 2 


The venerable statesman before mentioned applied the 
epithet, a violation of Nature^ to a brand-new watering-place, 
with a long name, in North Wales, on the occasion of a 
recent visit to the place, and after receiving a flattering 
address from the inhabitants. Would he withhold it from 
Prince Town if on a visit to it? I think not. It is impossible 
not to say so with every desire to do justice to a place 
which is very health-restoring, and where one can rest and 
be thankful for, at any rate, some things. 

It may be hoped that the proposed acquisition of the 
Forest of Dartmoor, or what remains of it, by the County 
Council is gradually approaching a practical stage. With 
that acquisition not only would the preservation of pre- 
historic remains be guaranteed, but the repetition of such 
buildings as I have alluded to — which are fatal blots on 
moorland scenery, but which may be expected to follow all 
new enclosures — would be at once arrested. I am sure it 
is the desire of this Association that Devon should have her 
Forest of Dartmoor whilst there is beauty to preserve, and 
before it is too late. 

The rescue or provision of forests, parks, and open spaces 
for the full enjoyment and benefit of the people is happily 
being recognised as a necessity of modern times and con- 
ditions, and as constituting almost the only compensation 
for the wide-spreading encroachments of the great towns 
on the country, and the consequent defacement in many 
instances of Nature. 

In England such public grounds are often too limited 
in extent to be of much use or ornament, and in some 
cases are mere patches. In France and Germany they 
are usually on a broader scale, and one town in Germany 
— Hanover — has a finely- wooded park sixteen miles in 
length; whilst the largest public park in the world is, as 
might indeed be expected, in the United States, the 
Yellowstone National Park being sixty-five miles long and 
fifty-five miles wide. Like Dartmoor, it has grand geological 
features and comparatively few trees; but no doubt there, 
as well as on the Devon moors, before long, forestry will 
supplement the work of Nature — almost the only exception 
to be allowed, let us hope, to the let alone rule. 

What sources of enjoyment are to be found in these 
greater altitudes ! " The feeding of the rivers," Mr. Euskin 
says, " and the purifying of the winds are the least of the 
services appointed to the hills. To fill the thirst of the 
human heart with the beauty of God's working, to startle 


its lethargy with the deep and pure p.gitation of astonish- 
ment, are their higher missions. They are a great and 
noble architecture ; first giving shelter, comfort, and rest ; 
and covered also with mighty sculpture and painted legend." 

The pity is such thoughts and lessons are too often 
entirely lost on those who build their houses amidst such 
surroundings, and also on the makers of new towns. The 
same eloquent writer has told us that " art is the expression 
of man's delight in God's work"; yet the very first step 
in the creation, for instance, of some new watering-place 
or some detached house on our western coast has been, and 
is, a deliberate violation of Nature by the cutting away 
of the noblest crags and the finest portions of cliffs for the 
purpose of building ignoble walls, because, forsooth, it is 
easier to do a great wrong by removing the surface of the 
cliff (with all its lovely colouring, as at the Lizard) than, 
without injury, to obtain the stone from some neighbouring 

The appeal comes from all parts of Devon and Cornwall 
that something may be done to avert the wanton destruction 
of our unrivalled coast scenery in both counties — the 
breaking up of those natural charms which constitute the 
chief attraction of at least "the rocky land of strangers." 

Surely the loud voice of intelligent public opinion will be 
heard — above the dense mass of indififerentism — in favour 
of the preservation of the natural beauty of our charming 
western country. 

The fine headland opposite Tintagel Castle has fortunately 
been secured this year by the National Trust, and is now the 
property of the nation for ever; but how to preserve stretches 
of coast, equally beautiful if of less legendary interest, 
miles in extent, is the more difiBcult problem to solve. But 
even Parliament, which has this year recommitted to a 
Select 'Committee a Scotch Eailway Bill on the ground that 
the railway would ruin the beauty of the country through 
which it passedy may possibly not be appealed to in vain. 
That business-like motion was carried by a good majority 
in a full House: let it not therefore be said that such a 
topic as I have chosen for this address is merely a "senti- 
mental question," not to be seriously entertained in this 
practical and progressive age — progressive, no doubt, in 
almost everything relating to invention, but leaving the past 
unrivalled in its artistic records. 

Do we quite realize the high state of civilization which 


prevailed in Britain during the Boman occupation, as 
attested by the marvellous finds at Silchester, at Brading, 
in London, at Bath, and even nearer our own borders ? 

There have been various relapses to barbarism since then. 
What would the Boman vine-grower, whose beautiful villa 
(rich in mosaic pavements and inlaid walls) overlooked the 
Bay of Brading in the Isle of Wight, say could he visit one 
of the newest towns of this advanced and progressive age 
on our western shore — built without any regard to the fine 
scenery around, devoid of grace and beauty in form and 
colour, and stamped with all the shams of modern construc- 
tion — built, mark you, to attract strangers, and yet growing 
up ugly as though nobody cared — what would he be likely 
to say ? " Where are we ? what is the exact time of the 
world's history ? Surely this is a relapse to barbarism. Let 
me forget: bring me a goblet of my own wine, something 
more potent than your nineteenth-century British wines." 

And then he might add — one cannot tell; who knows 
what a man may say in an intemperate mood ? — but perhaps 
his final sentence would be, "Hang the architect!" Upon 
which it will be desirable to inform him that he is conspicu- 
ous by his absence ; and perhaps to repeat the compliment 
once paid to the profession regarding a tower of old, 
commenced amidst considerable misunderstanding, and 
designed to be carried up to a most presumptuous height — 
" There was no architect, hence the confusion." 

The Anglo-Eoman would look with great surprise at 
the iron road which had superseded not only MacAdam's 
road, but the Eoman Way, which he would know something 
about; and during his rapid progress along the line his 
eye would detect many blemishes on the face of Nature. 
"What," he will ask, "are those hideous screens on stilts 
planted in every field and wood " (not, I think, yet in South 
Devon) " and what proclamations are inscribed on them ? " 
It will be necessary to explain that these hoardings are 
advertising Tnedia — blessings in disguise, the disguise of 
ugliness — a boon, for instance, in the way of rent to 
depressed agriculturists; a restorer of life and activity to 
torpid humanity; a sovereign remedy — I mean a guinea 
remedy (that being its reputed worth) — for all the maladies 
that flesh is not only heir to but the possessor of. What 
a pity that so much happiness and freedom from suffering 
could not have been conferred on mankind without such a 
distressingly vulgar disfigurement of beautiful scenery ! 
The more attractive and interesting a place is, the more 


likely is it to be spotted and desecrated by the advertising 
genius; and I am informed that between Bideford and 
Westward Ho — almost classic ground — there is a continuous 
line of such unpicturesque advertisements (even covering in 
some places the rocks) as startled and shocked the ghost 
of our civilized Anglo-Eoman friend. 

"God made the country, man the town." It may be 
permitted man to build up (if he can) great towns in 
stateliness and beauty, but let him keep the country inviolate, 
everywhere there reverencing and respecting Nature; not 
advertising nostrums on field gates and big boards; not 
roofing cottage homes and, farm buildings with corrugated 
iron instead of thatch ; and not robbing stone walls of ivy 
and moss, and covering them with that other abomination, 
stucco. Perhaps the most deplorable of these modern 
introductions — from the point of view we are considering — 
is corrugated iron, which has not only largely superseded 
thatch, but also the old Devonshire mode of covering 
buildings with small slates and then interlocking them, as it 
were, in the valley gutters, rendering lead there unnecessary. 
This is now a lost art. Fine specimens of this kind of 
slating may be seen on Mr. Mildmay's buildings about Mete 
and Mothecombe, and on Mr. Tremayne's, grand old Eliza- 
bethan house and out-buildings at Sydenham, where nothing 
can be more lovely in colour than the sheen of yellow and 
orange lichens on the old slates. 

I fear the rustic mind is often not very appreciative of 
the beautiful it has so long enjoyed, but craves rather for 
what is new and worthless, town-like and shoddy, and what 
is really not wanted in the country. There is a quaint old 
house at Tintagel, the last of the survivals of the sixteenth 
century. It is not what it was, but there it still stands. 
It was formerly full of beautiful colour, running through all 
gradations, from a warm buff into purple and greenish grey ; 
and numberless artists came to sketch and paint it, much 
to the surprise of the proprietor, who was inclined to pity 
the taste of the poor fellows who saw anything in it to 
admire or make a picture of. One artist came again and 
again, and was expected once more. So the owner deter- 
mined on having the old house " done up," and made decent 
to look at, and especially to give extra satisfaction to the 
visitor. He had the open joints of the masonry— which 
Prout, the greatest delineator of old buildings, so delighted 
in, and in which here and there the stone-crop and mosses 
grew — neatly filled up with mortar and flush pointed, and 


then the walls, and I think the roof, whitewashed all our. 
Needless to say that when the artist came and saw the 
transformation he was almost broken-hearted. He left, it 
is said, for the Lizard (hoping not to find the rocks 
whitewashed), never again to return to Tintagel. 

The poor African parts with his ivory (or icsed to part 
with it — he is getting better informed now) for a string of 
bright beads or a few brass buttons, or (crowning bargain) 
a large striped umbrella ; but it is left to civilized com- 
munities to sometimes barter away, for little worth having, 
the beauties of Nature, or what is historic and precious 
in art. 

It must be admitted that there is an absolute necessity 
now for the defacement of Nature in the manufacturing 
districts, and that there is a certain, if inadequate, com- 
pensation for a pandemonium of fire and smoke in the 
employment of large masses of the population; but there 
is no excuse for this defacement in Devon, which has almost 
ceased to be a manufacturing county, although when Daniel 
Defoe visited it in 1723 Exeter had the largest serge market 
in England next to Leeds. But there were no mighty steam 
engines and tall chimneys then, and the beauty of the city, 
which it still retains, instead of being impaired by its once 
flourishing manufactures, was probably largely due to them. 
Devon, now with few manufactures, though having its large 
shipping and commercial interests, should be most jealous to 
guard and preserve from injury its natural beauty as its 
great possession and glory, not only for the delight of its 
own inhabitants, but for the attraction of those who desire 
to be free from the foul rivers and the masses of smoke atid 
darkness overhanging so many towns in the North ai^d 
Midlands, and to enjoy here in Devon — to quote once mote 
Mr. Gladstone's words — " the light and air God has givea ^^ 
just in the way He gave them." 

The century approaching its close has seen the marvell<^V 
development of the great towns of England and Scotland ^ 
area and population, and immense have been the stri^^ 
taken, for example, by Liverpool, Edinburgh, Birmingh^f^ 
in nobility of building ; but of nearly every one of ^'^ 
great towns it may be truly said, I think, that, repres^^*^ 
ing the progress and enterprise of the district, and refl^^ 
ing the complex conditions of modern civilization, wh-i-*^* 
there may be a magnificent centre, the vast surroundlx^S 
are motley. 

Of these great absorptions of the country into the toW^' 


— for better or for worse, for weal or for woe — the results are 

no doubt often eminently important and satisfactory ; whilst 

in other and numerous instances, and especially from an 

artistic and aesthetic point of view, the changes are of the 

most melancholy and disappointing kind. There are few 

landmarks and milestones to indicate the various transitions. 

Here and there one sees a milestone in the middle of a town, 

which when fixed was a mile or two out of it ; and now and 

then in the great labyrinth of London we come upon a 

directing-post which tells us we are so many "miles from 

where Hicks's Hall formerly stood," which is not altogether 

conclusive information as to where we are standing, and 

which only makes us wonder who Hicks was, that he should 

be so immortalized, and what his Hall was like. Hudibras 

does, however, inform us that — 

*' An old dull sot, who had told the clock 
For many years at Bridewel-Dock, 
At Westminster, and Hickes-Hall, 
And Hiccius-Dockius play'd in all." 

The diligent and even the casual observer of the growth of 
some of our great towns during the last fifty years will not 
need to be reminded by a milestone of Hicks's type of the 
changes on the face of Nature which have taken place within 
that period. He will call to mind large tracts of land with 
not much beauty, it is true, to preserve — flat and swampy 
sites in a transitional condition indicative of impending 
changes — hovering for a few years between cultivation and 
neglect, or between market-gardening and brick-making, pre- 
paratory to the inevitable "building operations," the said 
operations resulting, we may be sure, in giving no delight to 
anybody, except a few useful professional men who probably 
have been called in to keep things a little straight, and 
eventually, when the houses are occupied, affording employ- 
ment and melancholy satisfaction to the disciples of 

But he will remember other and brighter transformations — 
beautiful sites which have been reverently dealt with, where 
every graceful tree which could be spared has been, where 
the laying out of the roads and building plots has been sub- 
ordinated to the preservation of the natural advantages of 
the place, and where all the houses are of a picturesque 
character and go well with the pleasant surroundings. There 
is a well-known charming suburban estate answering to this 
description not very distant from the Metropolis; and border- 
ing on a few of the great provincial towns may be noticed 


estates — some humbler, some more important — showing 
much the same regard for Nature and kindred artistic 

The growth, however, of great towns is not generally after 
this manner; more often it involves, not only the defacement, 
but really the obliteration of Nature, the abandonment of 
every consideration of beauty whatever. You may have 
observed in passing through the country the gradual dis- 
integration and destruction of some finely-wooded and 
beautiful domain, the thinning out of noble trees of centuries' 
growth, until they are all gone, and then the arising of an 
unsightly suburb of densely-packed houses, without gardens 
or open spaces, and the appearance from a distance of a vast 
and unrelieved wilderness of pantiles and plaster. 

A Paradise lost, never to be regained. 

Happy are those who are not in danger of such 
revolutionary and unlovely changes as these, who have not 
lost their Paradise, and who dwell amongst scenes of 
unspoiled beauty — 

'* Where peaceful rivers, soft and slow, 
Amid the verdant landscape flow.** 

The interest of many towns, large and small, is centred in 
their antiquity. There may be a modern revival, as in Eome, 
but still their chief glory is connected with the past, and this 
constitutes a very honourable boast; whereas there is nothing 
to be proud of in mere expansion, or magnitude, of quantity 
apart from quality. The preservation of the ancient buildings 
of historic towns is, it is almost needless to say, of paramount 
importance. At Chester there are laws — as unalterable as 
other codes so oft quoted, but yet so invaluable as early 
precedents — affecting the maintenance of the good old build.* 
ing customs of that city; and who does not .appreciate t^x^ 
charm of the picturesque Chester Eows, without which t>b.€ 
town would lose half its interest and attraction ? Might rxol 
similar laws be usefully adopted for the preservation of tiVic 
ancient buildings of such towns as Exeter, Totnes, sltic 
Dartmouth ? At any rate, there would be nothing impx-ac- 
ticable in the requirement that the style of such structiares 
should be adopted in new buildings, just as in greater to'^^v'iis 
it is recofj:nised that there can be no dignity in modern 
street architecture in endless diversity, and without the 
adherence to a given design throughout, or through one 

It wna very gratifying to read, a few weeks ago, thaT; tne 


rotnes Commercial Association " recommended as worthy of 
consideration : — the preservation and protection of the style 
md character of ancient houses of the town and district" 
rhere is a good conservative ring about that resolution, and 
would that a similar one had been adopted by many towns, 
including Totnes, at the beginning instead of the end of the 
nineteenth century; but better late than never, and oppor- 
tunities of carrying it out will no doubt occur in the 
twentieth century. 

Totnes is our " Devonshire Chester," and has much left of 
fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth century work. May it 
long continue, marking the importance of the town at those 
periods, and the value attached then to the beautiful as well 
as the useful. We have heard occasionally (though not quite 
lately) with astonishment, no less than regret, rumours of the 
contemplated destruction of the Butterwalk at Dartmouth, 
that grand old example of Jacobian street architecture ; and 
we have asked, "Can it be possible?" because it seems 
almost incredible that the town should entertain the idea 
of sacrificing a building so handsome and full of interest, so 
attractive to strangers in general and artists in particular, 
and the only important memorial, in stone and carving, left 
of Dartmouth in its palmy days. What a blank it would 
leave, and what would the town be without it ? 

Granted, there are many persons (though fewer than there 
were) who think nothing of old buildings or their history, or 
anything of the kind, and who would walk through Dart- 
mouth and leave it without even looking at the Butterwalk : 
like the tourist who lately visited Hildesheim, that town of 
seven gates and wonderfully beautiful half-timbered houses, 
and who after listlessly strolling about the streets all the 
morning, asked the hotel waiter "if there was anything 
worth seeing in the placed" and on being informed that 
there was not much besides the houses, the town gates, and 
the cathedral with its ten altars and bronze doors covered 
with bas-reliefs, made his way to the railway station, which 
was much more in his way. 

Now, that man, or the other stranger who passed the 
Butterwalk without looking at it, must have been as destitute 
of imagination as was the Scotchman of humour who had to 
undergo a surgical operation before he could see one of 
Charles Lamb's jokes, but when he saw it he was much 
surprised and interested. 

There is just enough, and only that, left of Old Dartmouth 
^ indicate what an exceedingly quaint and picturesque town 


it must have been two centuries ago, and to induce the wish 
that we could see it as it then was, in all the glory of its 
carved and gabled houses ; and if the Totnes resolution had 
been then adopted and ever after enforced there, what a 
charming and unique place it would still be ! 

There is nothing, as a rule, to be gained, but everything 
to be lost, by modernizing the aspect of country towns and 
villages by the introduction of the stateliness and artificiality 
of great cities, the unfitness of which is always very apparent 
and very unpleasing to the eye. 

My subject does not extend to other important con- 
siderations connected with towns. Whether a town is 
picturesque or ugly, large or small, sanitation is now an 
absolute necessity, and a very costly necessity, and happy 
is the community which has chosen a good scheme,, v^rhich 
is perhaps not altogether a fortunate word, as it is just a 
little suggestive of uncertainty. It is a progressive science, 
unlike the laws of our old friends the Medes, and as variable 
in its application as the four winds, scattering broadcast a 
waste -paper basketful of new patents every twenty -four 

Let us hope there is no truth in the rumour that the 
destruction of the famous bridge of Bideford is in contem- 
plation ; for a more vandal act could not be perpetrated ; 
and it is very hard to believe that any Bideford man could 
be a party to the obliteration of his town in all that is most 
attractive and interesting. It is Charles Kingsley, President 
of this Association at the Bideford meeting in 1871, who 
says in Westward Ho: 

" Bideford Bridge is the very soul around which the town, as a 
body, has organized itself; and as Edinburgh is Edinburgh by 
virtue of its castle, Eome Rome by virtue of its capitol, and 
Egypt Egypt by virtue of its pyramids, so is Bideford Bideford 
by virtue of its bridge. But all do not know the occult powers 
which have advanced and animated the said wondrous bridge for 
now 500 years, and made it the chief wonder, according to Prince 
and Fuller, of this fair land of Devon : being first an inspired 
bridge, a soul-saving bridge, an alms-giving bridge, an educational 
bridge, a sentient bridge, and last, but not least, a dinner-giving 
bridge. And all do not know how Bishop Grandisson, of Exeter, 
proclaimed throughout his diocese indulgences, benedictions, and 
* participation in all spiritual blessings for ever ' to all who would 
promote the bridging of that dangerous ford ; and so, consulting 
alike the interests of their souls and of their bodies 'make the 
best of both worlda' '* 



This is the prelate who built the beautiful and perfect 
nave of Exeter Cathedral, completed about the year 1350, 
and to whom we are also, no doubt, largely indebted for the 
noblest bridge in the western counties. Not that the 
bridge now is exactly as it was in Bishop Grandisson's time. 
Would it were ! It has undergone various so-called " im- 
provements" since then. Now, as then, it has its twenty-four 
massive arches ; but long ago it lost its chapel and spire on 
one side, its bell-tower and gateway on the other side, and 
over the central pier, the shaft and capital bearing high 
the figure of the Blessed Virgin with the Divine Child. 
What a marvel of beauty Bideford Bridge must have been 
four centuries ago ! The parapets have undergone at least 
two alterations in comparatively modern times, and in the 
last changes, which took place, I think, about thirty years 
ago, when the over-hanging footways were formed, the 
quaint V-shaped recesses, which we still see in a few remain- 
ing old Devonshire bridges, were entirely done away with 

But Bideford Bridge still retains its noble arches and 
piers, and the wonderful interest attaching to a long and 
unrivalled history, and surely the town will not part with 
such a great possession. 

From Newton Abbot, and Liskeard in the adjoining 
county, the cry comes, " Down with it ! down with it ! 
Why cumbereth it the ground?" And not unlikely, when 
twelve months hence we tell the towers thereof, we may 
find one of them missing. 

Now, Newton Abbot is an eminently respectable, modernly 
stuccoed town, and if it is slightly uninteresting it is 
because it seems to want maturity (to use a crusty port-wine 
phrase), the maturity which old buildings always give a 
town. No one goes there in search of the picturesque; 
there are no street vistas sufficiently attractive for the 
photographer ; no Proutesque bits for the artist ; nothing 
to remind one of the past except a solitary and venerable 
tower, which marks almost the first stage in the adventures 
of a Dutch prince in search of a crown, the success of which 
adventures, I sometimes fancy, must have rather surprised 
him, and induced him to laugh in his capacious sleeve. 
But I should have thought that Newton Abbot would have 
made much of this one important historical incident — have 
had its tulip day, its tulip garlands around the old tower, 
and that the day would have been religiously kept in all the 
chapels and some of the churches of the town. 


But St. Leonard's Tower had a prior history, and was 
between two and three centuries old when the Dutch prince 
landed at Torbay; and the pity is that it ever lost the 
interesting little chapel, with its carved fifteenth-century seats, 
and probably much older font, formerly attached to it; but 
Newton Abbot cannot afford to lose its venerable tower, 
which is still useful as well as ornamental, and which 
possesses, it is said, for I have not heard them, a musical 
peal of bells. 

And what would England be without her church towers 
and the voices of her church bells — the bells which awake 
us by their glad peal on the festal mom, which hallow the 
nuptial rite, which call us to our final rest ? 

A very warm controversy has been going on in reference 
to the restoration or destruction of the Norman tower at 
Liskeard. It has arisen out of a competition which was 
invited for designs for a new tower. I have not seen any 
of the drawings submitted, and can therefore give no opinion 
on the design which it is understood has been adopted. 

But it is the proposal to take down — when it has been 
shown to be unnecessary — a very early tower of almost 
unique interest which so staggers one. 

These towers are something more than "sermons in stones," 
valuable as such sermons are ; they are History, of the most 
undoubted kind, in stone. There at Liskeard is the only 
visible, tangible proof of the connection of that now prosaic 
town with the Norman period, and yet by a few blows from 
cruel hands that evidence is to be destroyed, or so weakened 
by the stones being placed in a museum or in a new building 
as to be comparatively valueless. It is a treasure which I 
venture to think should be preserved either in its present 
condition, subject to some few repairs — in which state it 
would probably last for ages — or, better still, preserved by 
complete restoration, of which, in the opinion of a com- 
petent architect who has more recently examined it than 
I have, it is capable. If, however, it can be clearly shown 
that though restored it would be unfit for a peal of bells, then 
I would say, Build your new bell-to wer attached to some other 
part of the church, or detached except by an archway or 
porch ; but whatever you do, keep your historic tower. 

Llandafif has its ancient tower on the north side of the 
west end, and its new tower with spire on the south side, 
and the grouping of the old and the new is satisfactory there, 
as it could be at Liskeard. 

This note on Liskeard tower was written some months ago 


in the earlier period of the controversy (in which I have 
taken no part, knowing I should have something to say on 
the subject upon this occasion), and I am glad to see that 
Prebendary Hingeston-Eandolph has quite recently proposed 
a compromise, namely, that the old tower should remain, and 
a new tower be built on the north side of the church, 
which very much coincides with my suggestion. The latest 
and most extraordinary argument used by some who favour 
the destruction of the Norman tower is that it is not in 
keeping with the Perpendicular church. This reminds me 
of Boswell's visit to lona, and his great disappointment 
at finding the monuments there so inferior, as he said, 
to those in Westminster Abbey. Poor, but sacred lona ! 
And scarcely less sacred should this vestige of Norman 
Liskeard be.^ 

Truly this is an age of destruction rather than preserva- 
tion; yet, Strang^ to say, the ancient buildings of this 
country command the greatest admiration and respect from 
the cultured portion of the most utilitarian and enterpris- 
ing nation of the world — I mean the American. The people 
of the great Bepublic are far ahead of us in many branches 
of manufacture connected with building, especially in steel 
and iron, and they have their twenty-storied houses such as 
we never dream of erecting (and, for that matter, never 
want), and they have their great and increasingly costly 
churches; but they have no ancient, historic buildings, 
and it is beyond the wit of even the cute Yankee to create 
such buildings. And when they make their pilgrimages to 
old England, they are lost in wonder and admiration at 
cathedrals and churches which, beyond their intrinsic 
architectural beauty, are invested with all the charm and 
poetry of a history — like that of the Norman tower of 
Liskeard — occupying nearly half the Christian era. So, 
too, with a love for English association and literature, they 
sometimes come to our ancient altars for the marriage rite, 
as on a recent occasion, when a bridal party crossed the 
Atlantic to be wedded at Stoke-Pogis, the scene of Gray's 
immortal Elegy y undeterred by its pathetic lines : 

*' And all that beauty, all that wealth e'er gave. 
Await alike th' inevitable hour : 
The paths of glory lead but to the grave " ; 

^ With what interest would the proposed removal of this ancient tower 
have been regarded by the great Archbishop who has lately passed away, 
whose knowledge of Christian art was so profound, and whose love for 
Corn-wall was so unfeigned. In a letter I received from him when he was 
leaving Truro, he said, " I grieve to leave this land of sacred wonders.'^ 


and to be reminded that here, after the curfew has tolled 
" the knell of parting day," 

* ' All the air a solemn stillness holds . . . 
Save that from yonder ivy-mantled tower 
The moping owl does to the moon complain 
Of such as, wandering near her secret Dower, 
Molest her ancient solitary reign." 

It is said that ninety-five per cent, of all the ancient parish 
churches of England have now been wholly or partially 
restored. This has been the work of rather less than sixty 
years. There had been miscalled restorations somewhat 
earlier in the century, which do not count, such as the 
appalling reproduction of the whole of the west front of 
Lichfield Cathedral in Eoman cement. Acknowledged and 
legitimate, as distinct from spurious, church restoration began 
about 1840. The work has been too precipitant and quick. 
Following another movement originating at Oxford, priests 
and architects rushed at it, without sometimes, perhaps, a 
prayer from the latter (I would not presume to suggest any 
clerical neglect) for " a right judgment in all things " relating 
to it, and without the money to do the work in the best and 
truest way. I think the parish parson of the last century 
had some good ground for hesitation. He was perhaps an 
ecclesiologist of the old school, and conjectured that under 
the plaster which covered the whole of the interior of his 
church there probably was beautiful and precious work ; but 
his knowledge of such things was limited, and where was he 
to get perfectly reliable information and advice? So,, like 
the angel, he feared to move, and when the clerk on the lower 
deck announced with the utmost gravity that there would be 
a vestry meeting on such and such a day, " to take into con- 
sideration what colour the church should be whitewashed," 
he was an assenting party to the notice — excepting its- con- 
tradictory framing ; and he left the beauty of his church to 
be unfolded, as he fully anticipated it would be, in the light 
of the nineteenth century. 

It would have been better for many of the parish churches 
if they had been left whitewashed, yellowwashed, or blue- 
washed (those were the prevailing colours) until now. 

The work of the last sixty years has no doubt been a great 
one, and there have been a multitude of noble restorations ; 
but the very magnitude, not less than the rapidity, of the 
work has been its difiiculty; for at its commencement — 
although an interest had been awakened by Britton, Le 
Keux, Mackensie, Prout, and Pugin — there were compara- 


tively few who by special study and research, combined with 
professional acumen, were known to possess the qualities 
essential in a safe restorer. Fortunately these few were good 
men, but the very fact that their latest restorations were their 
best— the most consistent and conservative, the most regardful 
of history — indicates the unequal success of their work. 

Considering the very large number of restorations which 
were going on and occupying each mind at one time, it is 
surprising there are so few weak points in them. The work 
now is more equally distributed throughout the country, and, 
looking back a good number of years, I do not think there 
has been a time when (with a few lamentable exceptions) 
a finer discrimination in church restoration has been shown 
than now. This is partly due to the fact that the true 
principles of restoration are better understood and are in- 
sisted upon now for adoption ; and partly due also, I believe, 
to the efforts of a very vigilant and occasionally mistaken 
and troublesome Society — I mean the one for the Preservation 
of Ancient Buildings. That Society, I fear, can point to fine 
old oak roofs which not so very long ago were needlessly 
taken down (because a little decayed) to make place for 
common deal roofs; to fifteenth -century seats with carved 
ends (which never go utterly to decay) which found their 
way to very secular places ; to ancient masonry reworked, 
hacked, and inutilated beyond identification ; and to restored 
churches which need re-restoration. 

There is one thing which cannot be avoided, the renewal 
of utterly decayed masonry on the exteriors of cathedrals 
and churches. I dare say many present have lately noticed 
that a large portion of the stonework of the west front of 
Exeter Cathedral, including the great west window, is under- 
going renewal. I do not presume to question the judg- 
ment of the eminent architect, Mr. Pearson, under whose 
direction this work is being done ; the new stone facing is no 
doubt an absolute necessity, but it is a sad necessity, and it 
will be many years before the venerable facade recovers its 
harmonious tone. We enter the nave, Bishop Grandisson's 
great work. The piers and arches were scraped (a somewhat 
dangerous, if necessary, process) in Sir Gilbert Scott's restora- 
tion; but here and there are portions of masonry — the lower 
parts of the vaulting shafts, some of the carved corbels 
under, and parts of the minstrels' gallery — which, with the 
remains of the original polychrome, were judiciously left 
undisturbed ; and to my mind they are the most impressive 
and interesting fragments of the whole interior. These are 





indeed the touches of the vanished hands of those who five 
centuries and a half ago were engaged on this sublime woik. 
Be assured that the secret of the interest and valae ot 
ancient buildings lies in such touches of vanished hands— 
the very work as left by the old masons and craftsmen. 

May I be permitted, in conclusion, to express a desire that 
the increasing influence of our Association may be employed 
— by protest, appeal, and in every possible way — against the 
further violation of Nature and the destruction or mutilation 
of prehistoric remains and ancient buildings in this county 1 
The conservation of what is so precious is quite consistent 
with a hearty desire for real progress. Very barbarous things 
have been done ; but there are signs of reaction, indicatioirs 
that the tide of public opinion is setting in strongly in favorur 
of the preservation of places of historic interest and natursi 
beauty ; to redeem modern civilization and education from 
still sadder reflections. 

d^bttuarp Notices* 



^AS Hewetson resided for the last twenty-four years 
lis life in the vicinity of Buckfastleigh. Few more 
I'ous supporters of local institutions could be found, for 
i^as always ready to aid any effort of a deserving 
icter. A keen supporter of sport, Mr. Hewetson was for 
y years one of the most energetic members of the Dart 
d of Conservators, acting on that body up to the end of 
:. He was one of the three trustees of the Buckfast- 
Eecreation Ground, and frequently patronised the 
>ns matches played there. He was also a generous 
orter of the Ashburton and Buckfastleigh Cottage Hos- 
, of which he was a life governor, and invariably backed 
lis support with liberal subscriptions. To the poor of 
town, especially, he was a true friend. Though his 
Dathies were so largely exercised locally, the town of 
^ck, in Cumberland, must also regard the Hewetson 
ly as public benefactors. Fitz Park was secured for 
mck through the generous contributions of Mr. Thomas 
etson and his brother ; and his brother Henry built and 
►wed a cottage hospital in that town, 
r. Hewetson became a member of the Association in 
). He died at his residence. Ware House, after a short 
5SS, on Tuesday, April 14th, 1896, at the age of 79 years. 

I) 2 


William Knowles was the only son of S. P. Knowles, of 
Highweek, Newton Abbot, of whom an obituary notice 
appeared in the volume of the Transactions of the Associa- 
tion for 1889. He was born in Surrey, but came into 
Devonshire in his boyhood with his parents. After passing 
with much credit the examination for the Civil Service, he 
was first appointed to a situation in Devonport Dockyard, 
and was afterwards transferred to more congenial work in 
the Education Department in London, where he labouTed 
diligently until, from continued ill-health, he was obliged to 
send in his resignation in 1896. He had been a member of 
the Association since 1884, and was wont to attend its 
meetings regularly during the annual visit which he paid to 
Highweek. The perusal of the volumes of its Tran8adm& 
always afforded him pleasure, and led him to procure and 
study other publications relating to Devonshire. He had 
lived at Sydenham, in Kent, for several years, but in 1896 
returned to Devonshire, occupying a house in Teignmouth, 
where he had been at school. He died there in May, 18973 
and was buried in Highweek Churchyard on Ascension Day^ 
by the side of his fathers remains, and in the same grar^ 
with his only sister, Emma Knowles, also a member of th ^ 
Association, who died in 1894. 


Rkv. William Tucker Arundel Eadford, m.a., was ft 
the long period of 55 years rector of Down St. Mary, nes 
Crediton. During his incumbency the ancient church, decL - 
catcd to St. Mary, underwent thorough restoration at a cost ^ 
Bonie thousands of pounds, he being by far the largest coo^ 
tributor, not only in a monetary point of view, but also 
th« gift of valuable building stone, procured from his lane 
which was largely used in the restoring of the church. Coi 
niodious 8chot)l premises were provided in the parish maini.X, 
through his instrumentality and support. Mr. Eadford too 
groat intorest in the work of church restoration in the couat>. 
generally, and contributed liberally thereto. 

He became a member of the Association in 1876. 
(lied, after a painful illness, on Saturday, July 18th, 1896. 




Sixteenth Report of the Committee — consisting of Mr. J, S, 
Amery, Mr, F, T. Elworthy (Secretary), Mr, F, H, Firth, 
Mr, P, 0. Hutchinson, Mr. P, Q, Karkeek, Dr. W, C, 
Lake, Dr, Brushfield, and Mrs, J, Rose Troup — for the 
purpose of noting and recording the existing use of any 
Verbal Provincialisms in Devonshire, in either written or 
spoken language, not included in the lists published in the 
Transactions of the Association, 

Edited by F. T. Elworthy. 
(Read at Eingsbridge, July, 1897.) 


the Fourteenth Report of your Committee, in 1895, 
ference was made to the then forthcoming English Dialect 
''^^'ionary. Since then the promise has been fulfilled, and 
^ parts, down to " Blare," have been issued, while the entire 
^^Ic is expected to be finished in about five years. It is 
^®ti satisfactory to notice how important and valuable a 
^ti is occupied among the materials by the previous Reports 
your Committee, of which it is evident the Editor has 
^<ie full use. Last year it was thought expedient that we 
^vild in a way mark time, and review the work we had 
'^sidy accomplished. For this purpose an index of the 
^^cls recorded thus far was issued, and it is with the utmost 
^tification that the list of words your Committee are now 
^^ to present shows clearly that not only is the interest in 
^ gathering up of these provincialisms by no means 
^Sging, but also that there is still remaining an abundant 
^^vest to be reaped — so much so, indeed, that the gleaning 
"^cess can hardly be said to have yet begun, and many full 


reports may be confidently looked for in the future. It is 
therefore earnestly to be hoped that observers will not relax 
in their watchfulness, and that with the Index and this 
Sixteenth Report before them they will be stimulated to note 
every quaint word or phrase they may hear or see in print, 
remembering that if a better illustration of any one should 
come before them than that already recorded, it is most 
desirable for it to be carefully preserved. All who will do 
this may confidently reckon upon the future gratitude of 
those who will come after us. 


Each provincialism is placed within inverted commas, and 
the whole contribution ends with the initials of the observer. 
All remarks following the initials are simply editorial. 

The full address of each contributor is given below, and it 
must be fully understood that he or she is responsible only 
for the statements to which his or her initials are appended : 

P. F. S. A. = P. F. S. Amery, Druid, Ashburton. 

J. S. B. = Eev. J. S. Burns, Presbytery, Barnstaple. 

R. B. = Eev. R. Blackmore, Lamorran Rectory, 

Probus, Cornwall. 
R. P. C. = R. Pearse Chope, 107, Tedbury Road, 

G. M. D. = G. M. Doe, Torrington. 
F. T. K = F. T. Elworthy, Wellington, Somerset. 
F. H. F. = F. H. Firth, Place, Ashburton. 
P. Q. K. = P. Q. Karkeek, Torquay. 
J. S. N. = J. S. Neck, Great House, Moretonhampstead. 

0. J. R. = Rev. 0. J. Reichel, A la Ronde, Lympstone. 
F. B. T. = Mrs. J. Rose Troup, Offwell House, Honiton. 
H.B.S.W. = H. B. S. Woodhouse, 10, Portland Place, 


"About to go. A gentleman speaking of travellers by 

rail visiting the town said, * They go to X , and ahout to 

go:— June, 1896. G. M. D." 

No doubt the meaning here is that the visitors no sooner 
arrive than they turn about and are off again. The phrase 
is more expressive than the much commoner "away to go," 
because it implies that they do not merely set off, but go 
back again immediately. We use the same idiom in giving 
a lad a mount, or ** a leg up " : " Now, then, up to go ! " In 
fact, we use " to go " in this way with most of the indefinite 


adverbs, as in, on, down, hack, out, &c., after all of which we 
may add " to go " with the same notion of prompt energetic 

In literature the phrase " about to go " is far less forcible, 
meaning simply on the point of going : " You came just as 
we were about to go." 

Upon this see N, R D,, s,v. about A 12. 

"All of a quirk = squirming (?). Our cook, native of 
Dunchideock, about 32 years old, spoke of a baby that was 
restless and was twisting about rapidly, * He was all of a 
quirk, ma'am.'— Dec, 1893. F. B. T." 

"Babber = under lip. A farmer, aged about 70, said, 
* I don't like the looks of thucker 'oss ; he hang'th down his 
bobber too much.'— July, 1896. E. P. C." 

This as an adjective applied to the lips is an old English 
word, though now quite obsolete, and expresses the hanging 
down precisely as intended by the farmer above. It is 
evidently a survival of a noun much older than the Mid. 
Eng. adjective. 

" He was bitelbrowed and baberlipped also, 
With two blered eyghen as a blinde hagge." 

Piers Plowman, B. v. 190. 

Babyrlyppyd — labrosus. Promp. Parv. 
Halliwell has •* baberlupped." Piers Plowman, 

"Back along = some time ago. A Lympstone man, 60 
years of age, on my making some remark about want of 
rain, replied, *Us had a plenty back along.' — June, 1896. 
O. J. E." 

See Eleventh Eeport. We insert this for the sake of " a 
plenty," which is a true old form no longer " polite," though 
it is just as grammatically correct as "a good deal," or "a 
great many." See Eng, Dial. Diet p. 112. 

" Bacon-eater = an insect (name unknown). One evening 
during the cold weather I found a large winged insect with 
numerous legs on the table near the lamp. As all the 
windows were shut, I know not how he got in. It rather 
resembled a grasshopper, but had transparent wings. This 

the housemaid, Mary , native of Lapford, age 24, called a 

'bacon-eater'; but she could not say whether it ate bacon 
or not, but knew it was attracted by lights. — April, 1897. 
F. B. T." 



" Bagavel," " Eagg." See Fourteenth Report. 

In our last Eeport on these words it was omitted to be 
noted that we were indebted to Mr. Champion, of Exeter, for 
the extracts from the Eeceiver-General's accounts, to whom, 
though late, thanks are now cordially ofifered. 

"Barriels, for 'barrels'; galliant for 'gallant* A 
mason, in describing an excursion to the seaside, said, 4t 
rained barriels ; but the galliant eight still went on.' — June, 
1896. G. M. D." 

This is one of the commonest western forms of euphony ; 
e,g. : 

" And she the lauriel wear'd." 

" They bin liviers there so long 's I can mind." 

" No ! her id'n a purntice, her *s 'ot they calls a proovier 

" Bethought. In the Western Daily Mercury of July 6th, 
1896, in a report of an inquest re a death at Tiverton, it was 
mentioned that there had been high words between the 
deceased and another man, and in her evidence the mother 

of the dead man said *her son and had not been 

friends for a long time. Her son had said that always 

bethought him.' What was meant ? H. B. S. W." 

Be (the later form of by), as a prefix, usually means ahmt; 
thus, to bethink really means to think about, and hence 
regretfully, fecgrudgingly. 

On this see K E, D. 

We may well consider the be in this case to represent the 
older by in the sense of against, or to the prejudice of. 

Here is quite a rare expression, but the «neaning is clear. 
He thought badly, evilly of him ; hence always had a grudge 
against him. 

The word bethink is quite common in 0. and Mid. En^- 
(see Stratmann), and might be quoted from many well-knowd^ 
authors ; but the most like the Tiverton woman's use is : 

" And for to speke of hyre in special, 
Hyre beaut(i to bethynken, and hyre youthe," &c. 

Troylus and Gryseyde, 981. 

" BLACK-W0RM = an ordinary beetle. A Devonshire docto:» 
aged about 45, now living in London, to whom I showed « 
copy of the Fourteenth Report, informed me that in tt^* ' 
neighbourhood of Plymouth the term black-worm used to lo^ 
applied. to ordinary beetles, not cockroaches. On makiiii^ 
further enquiries of my previous informant, I could get "iJC 


ry definite statement. He then seemed to think the term 
3 applied to grubs, 'like you turn up in the garden wi' 
ar shovel/— Nov., 1895. E. P. C." 

There is a variety of earth-worm very nearly black ; they 
i much less dependent on damp than the common angle- 
itch. It is, however, not always safe to accept the obvious, 
ack-beetles have several curious names. 
See Fourteenth Eeport ; also Ung. Dial. Diet pt. ii. p. 282. 
•* Go and zarch vor angle-twitches and black-worms vor 
i burds." Eock, Jim and Nell, st. 124. 
This quotation clearly points to the black variety as above. 

" BuLL-DOGS = (flowers), marsh marigold, caltha palv^tris. 
irsery governess, age 23, native of Tiverton. — May, 1897. 
B. T." 

There is no sort of finality about plant and flower names, 
le same name is given to many and entirely different 
ecies in different localities, for the simple reason that 
few people nowadays know one flower from another. 
3Cording to Britten, bull-dogs are antirrhinum majus, 

"Caddling round = pottering round. An innkeeper's 
Lfe, native of Whimple, age about 50, said, ' I thought you 
ily wanted the horse for caddling round.' The meaning 
^idently was for doing odd jobs that did not need to be 
Due in a hurry, for the horse referred to was, to say the 
jast, aged.— Aug. 4th, 1892. F. B. T." 
Very common expression all over the Western Counties. 
ee West Somerset Woi^d Book, 

"Candlesticks = geranium robertianum. Candlesticks 
Lrn out to be herb robert, and the resemblance to candle- 
fcks is striking when you see the pistils with the surround- 
? sepals when the petals have fallen off". Same authority 

for Bull-dogs.— May, 1897. F. B. T." 

Written gives both devil's and lady's candlesticks, but to 

^y different flowers from the above. 

« < 

Canon bread = an ancient and customary allowance of 
^d. A privilege belonging anciently to the magistracy of 
^ter. Has it been long obsolete? We should be very 
d of any information.' — From Editor of English Dialect 

1 could only give him the following quotations: (1) 
•oke's Memm'ials of the City of Exeter (1677), p. 74 : 
^24. Canon Bread and Wine first given to the Mayor 
i Ojflcers, against the Feasts of Christmas and Easter' 


(2) Jeukins' Histoi-y of the City of Exeter (1806), p. 74: 
' 1424. This year a custom commenced of giving to the 
Mayor and Aldermen, at the feasts of Christmas and £aster, 
a certain quantity of bread and wine: commonly called 
canon bread and wine/ — June, 1897. E. P. C." 

•* Cappers = big, large. * They 'em great cappers,' referring 
to the size of blackberries. Spoken by a boy aged 7| years, 
residing in the parish of Chagford. — October 14th, 1895. 
J. S. N." 

Compare toppers, whackers, wappers, &c. 

" Car = carry. To he car*d, used in the sense of to be 
carried off — to die. A labourer's wife, aged about 60, said, 

* The poor little chap kip'th on gittin' the crope (croup) iv'ry 
month or zo. I'm afear'd he'll be cai^'d arter all.' — April, 
1897. R P. C." 

Quite a fresh use. The idea is more probably carried to 
his grave. To " car away " is often used in this sense. 

" Caskes, for ' casks.' A labourer, giving evidence in the 
County Court, said, *I drawed the water by two caskes.' — 
June, 1896. G. M. D." 

It is always difficult to sound s after sk or st ; hence we 
always hear priest^s, vlstds (fists), wisk4s (whisks), paitstSs, or 
oftener pauses (posts), &c. 

On this see Grammar of West Somerset, E. D. S., p. 6. 

"Cat and Dog = the game of tip-cat. Informant, a London 
doctor, aged about 40, a native of Plymouth. K. P. C." 

" Chewery = sodden, tasteless. A farmer, aged about 70, 
said, ' I don't think these herrings are very good ; they taste 
all chewery:— 3v\y, 1896. K. P. C." 

"Clammar = footbridge. From Devon and Exeter Gazette, 
March 2nd, 1894 : * A Buckerell correspondent calls atten- 
tion to the clammar or footbridge which crosses the river 
Otter between Gittisham and Buckerell.' Halliwell gives 

* Clam, a stick laid across a stream of water (West).' F. B. T." 

Clammer is the regular word in West Somerset for pole or 
rough plank by which one may clammer (clamber) across a 
stream. See W. S. W. B. 

" Whau tha comst over tha Clam wi' tha old Hugh Rosegood 
. . . . how tha velst in, and tha old Hugh drade tha out 
bi tha vorked Eend." — Exmoor Scoldimj, 1. 133. 

The above is HalliweWs only authority. 


" Crease = increase. Devon and Exeter Gazette, date lost, 
but during 1895: 'Wanted 20 ewes to half crease/ F. B. T/' 

Compare Cress in Fifth Eeport, 1882. 

This is not merely a corrupt pronunciation of increase, but 
an older form. 

Wyclif has, " The fame of Crist must creese." 

Promp. Parv, '^Crese, or increse; Uoso'escencia {incre- 

Many quotations might be given. 

" Crease = increase. The following advertisement appeared 
in the North Devon Herald oi September 4th, 1896: 'Wanted, 
TO LET, 30 Ewes at half crease. — S. Woolacott, Jun., Yarns- 
combe, or at " King's Arms," Barnstaple, Friday.* 

*' By this he meant that he wanted somebody to keep the 
ewes, and to receive in payment half the lambs and half 
the wool, ix, half the increase. The same thing is sometimes 
done with bees, the man who takes charge of them receiving 
half the swarms and half the honey. E. P. C." 

Compare Halves, 

" Crip = crisp. 'Very crip, sir, he is,' said a Barnstaple 
gardener, about 70 years of age (April, 1896),as he accidentally 
broke off a lily. J. S. B." 

The usual form is crips, which may be found in Mid. Eng. 
literature. Another form is Kirps, also to be seen in fifteenth 
century writing. 

" Blac with cripse here, 
The kyrpse skyn of hyr forheed." — Lydgate, 1430. 

See also N; E, D, 

" Dander = anger. *It made his dander rise.' A retired 
tradesman, age 65, living at Moretonhampstead. — March, 
1896. J. S. N." 

This is an importation from America, and by no means 
native; believed to come from the American term dander, 
a ferment, but whence that comes no man knows. 

"•*I don't understand such language,' said Allen, *for he 
was fairly ryled, and got his dander up.' " 

Haliburton, Sam Slick, p. 31. 

"Dappy stores = small pebbles. The game of knuckle 
bones is frequently played by children with small pebbles 
instead of the classical 'astragali,' the game being then 
called dappy stones. — June, 1896. G. M. D." 


" Dapse = likeness. * She is the very dapse of her aunt.' 
A farmer's widow living in the parish of Moretonhampstead, 
age about 70.— Oct, 1895. J. S. K" 

Very common throughout the West. 

"Tha hast the very daps o* thy old Aunt SybyL" 
Eocmoor Scolding^ 1. 229. 

See also Nathan Hogg, Tor Abbey Vaistings, 

" Dashels = thistles. Same authority as for Bull-dogs.— 
May, 1897. F. B. T." 

Usual name in the West. See W. S. W, B, 

"Doily. An old woman, about 80, born at Eastdown, 
complained of suffering from ' doily dreams.' Asked to ex- 
plain, she could not find another suitable word, but assented 
when ' rambling * was suggested. Silly, incoherent (?). April, 
1894. J. S. B." 

To *• tell doil " occurs three times in the Eocmoor Scolding 
in the sense of talking incoherently, without reason, sense- 

"DKANG-WAY = a narrow passage. *He's jist rinned up 
the drang-way.' Spoken by a native of Moretonhampstead, 
age about 25, on April 14th, 1897. J. S. N." 

"Drang- WAY I find still used in Withycombe and in 
Lympstone to express a passage way. The word had become 
obsolete when I was in Berkshire, but I found it on old 
maps and terriers to describe a 'doorway.' — June, 1896. 
0. J. E." 

See W. S, W. B. The common term. 

This is a pure Teutonic survival. Mod. Germ, drang, a 
press, crowd, throng. I do not find " drang- weg" in the 
dictionaries, but doubt not it would be good German. 

Hal. gives only "Drang, a narrow path or lane. West, 
which is wrong, for the essential of a drang-way is that it 
be confined between walls or other enclosure. 

It is strange that a word so common in speech does n^^ 
appear in literature, or at least not in Stratmann. 

"FARROL = to cover a book. A labourins: man giviiig 
evidence in the County Court said, *He broke out tixe 
leaves of the book and fresh farrol'd 'en.' — June, 1896- 
G. M. D." 

The word is/orrc/, a well-known term for the cover of * 
book, from low Latin ; and hence it has become technical ^ 
a particular kind of binding. The above is a purely loca^ 



♦renunciation, and a verbalising of the noun — precisely like 

D tin the saucepan. 
Forelle, " to kepe yn a boke " — Forcelus. Promp, Parv, 
ForelL, " for a boke " — covertesse de livre. Palsgrave. 
The word also occurs in Piers Plovmian, 

" Feeling-hearted = kind-hearted. Anne Cotty, native of 
)fiFwell, age over 80, speaking of some kindness shown 
ler by my husband, said, * He *s such a kind-hearted, feeling- 
learted gentleman.' With the true courtesy of the poor, 
his remark was made to a friend who was with me when 
^nne thought I was out of hearing. — May, 1897. F. B. T." 

'*Feti = great. 'Should have feti many beans, if the frost 
lid not cut them.* A gardener in the parish of Chagford, 
ibout 60 years of age. — August, 1895. J. S. N." 

See Feat in Ninth Eeport. 

Here is a real 0. Eng. word surviving down to these latter 

In the Kentish Glosses of the ninth century we read ; 

donne to fettum stiorce — quam ad intuhim saginaUcm 
(than to fatten the steer or calf). 

In Alfric's colloquy of the tenth century we find : 

he scry t me wel and fett — nestit me bene et pasdt 
(he clothes me well and feeds — fattens). 

forpan se yrpling us ealle fett — quia arator nos omnespascit 
(because the husbandman us all feeds). 

Wright's Vocahvlaries. 

Besides the above use of the word as a verb, we find fetto 
--pinguiay but its common use as a participial adjective 
ame later ; thus in the fifteenth century it seems to have 
Dst its verbal sense, and to have become a simple ^adjective, 
Lke many another, and to have acquiied its present form — 
it, fet, or fatte, as flesshe and oper lyke — Pinguis, Grassios, 
^besus. Promp, Parv. 

About the same period, having lost in literature its 
riginal meaning, a verb had to be remade out of the 
.djective, and thus we have to fatten, which does not appear 
sarlier than 1500, and is quite unknown to any but readers 
)f books and those who " talk like a book." Country folks 
itill/a^ their stock just as their forefathers did a thousand 
^ears ago, while clever people have lost the old word and 
revived it in a new shape. 

Thus the gardener at Chagford was speaking good Old 
English, but if he had said a " fat lot of beans," his phrase 
would have been quite intelligible, but not polite. 


" Floxing. My servant was rolling in a barrel of petroleum, 
which was not as full as it ought to have been. He sent in 
to ask me to come out to examine it. I asked how he knew 
it was not full. He said, * I can tell by the w[e]ight of 'an, 
sir, and the way the oil do keep floxin[g] about.' I think 
' floxing * a perfectly descriptive word. — Nov., 1895. E. B." 

Flopsin is a very usual variant of flopping, and to the 
initiated conveys a perfectly different idea. A fish out of 
water would be **floppin about," while a partly full cask 
would be "flopsin about." Floxih is a natural alternative 
for the latter, and would mainly depend on "personal 

"FoRCE-PUTT (accent on the last syllable, which rhymes 
with hut) = obligation. In speaking of selling skim-milk, 
which we were then keeping for rearing pigs, the cook, a 
native of Cornwall, but resident in Devon from childhood, 
aged 35, said she would not part with any milk ' unless it 
was a force-putt,' to a cottager, who was ill. I gathered that 
she meant ' unless she were obliged to give it by force of 
circumstances.'— Jan., 1897. F. B. T." 

See First Report. 

The above is here inserted because it distinctly shows both 
pronunciation and stress. The common phrase. 

" Gape-show = foolish exhibition. When the coachman, 
native of Whimple, age over 70, was asked if he meant to 
attend the wedding of another servant, said scoffingly that 
he did not * care for they gape-shows.' He also applied the 
words to a circus. — Dec, 1896. F. B. T." 

The literary word is gaping-stock. The pronunciation of 
this phrase is gap-show. In both Devon and Somerset we 
have an equally common one — gaps-nest. 

Exmoor Scolding, 1. 186, has: "Th'art good for nort but a 
gape's nest vor all thick there roily." 

Used also as a verb. 

" Wile es kained an stared an gaps-nested roun, 
A gurt cart-load a pudd'ns com'd in tap the groun." 

Nathan Hogg, Tor Abbey Vaistings, 

"Gapping stick = spoons. A farm labourer, between 50 
and 60 years of age, a native of Ashburton, on hearing a 
man was kept on spoon-meat (sops), remarked, ' Poor thing ! 
to feed a man with a gapping stick' — May, 1896. P. F. S. A." 

A fine reminiscence of the old stick or wooden spoon. 
Anything made of wood may be of stick. 


" Giggle-ting {not 6ig-let-ing) = laughing in a silly manner; 
frivolous. A farmer's daughter, aged about 30, said, 'I 
couldn't get any sense out of the giggleting things.' — July, 
1896. E. P. C." 

See W. S. W. J?. 

The word occurs three times in the Exmoor Scolding, 

A Somerset man spoke of his daughter in my presence as 
" a gigletin young bitch." 

" Gone dead = has died. Heard from a native of Freming- 
ton.— Sept., 1895. J. S. B." 

In the nigger song, "Uncle Ned," is : 

" For he *s gone dead long ago." 

" Half-knack = partial, half-and-half. A farmer's wife, 
aged about 65, said, * [ can't niwer zill no butter in town 
now, there's zo many hcdf -knack farmers about' — meaning 
that there were so many tradesmen and others who kept a 
few cows, but did not make their living out of farming. — 
April, 1897. E. P. C." 

This really means half-trained, not expert, as of those who 
have "sarv'd their perntice," and learned their "knack" 
or dexterity. See Skeat, 8,v. Knack. 

" Halves. ' Ewes to Halves. — W. Lewis, Templeton, is 
prepared to put out any number of Ewes on the most 
favourable terms yet heard of. Also Eeed for Sale at all 
XimQ^:— Tiverton Gazette, Aug. 11th, 1896. F. T. E." 

See Crease. 

The system is for the owner, as above, to provide the ewes 
for another man to keep until a certain date to be agreed on, 
when the ewes return to their owner, and the "crease" is 
divided as may be agreed. 

" Hammelled. The moisture on the twigs of bushes, &c., 
being frozen, is said to be hammelled. 'Everything is 
hammelled all over this morning.' A moorman, aged 60. — 
Jan., 1896. J. S. N." 

" Hammerbates. In the summer of 1895 my hind, about 
45 years of age, at Cator, said to me, in describing a young 
bay horse, ' Maister, he 's as full of hammerbates as can be,' 
meaning the dappled spots seen on some bay and brown 
horses. F. H. F." 

These are usually called hammer-marks. Bates probably 
means bents or strokes. 

. . . ^^-^«'v 


" Hard = aloud. A farmer, on being asked to read through 
a document before signing it, said to me, ' Must I read it 
hard ? '—June, 1896. G. M. D." 

Probably this meant throughout, to the very end, as in the 
nautical hard a-port ; i.e. to the very extreme turn of the 

Hard has several different senses. Hard of hearing would 
be entirely distinct from the above. 

" Hard and sharp " means a near shave, hardly saved or 
prevented ; while " hard up " reverts to the end of one's 

" Hemel = frozen fog. * During the whole of this week the 
weather on Dartmoor has been very severe. A bitterly cold 
N.E. or E. wind has been accompanied by heavy frosts and a 
very slight fall of snow. On Wednesday the cold was 
intense, and the frozen fog (locally known as " hemel ") caused 
the paths and roads to become very slippery and dangerous 
to pedestrians The trees have a very effective appearanca' 
Taken from the Western Morning News, Jan. 22nd, 1897. 
J. S. N." 

The same as Hammelled, q.v. 

" Hank = to do (rhymes with bank). A coachman, whose 
horse had run away, said to his master afterwards, ' 1 11 have 
no more hank with 'im.'— March 10th, 1897. J. S. N." 

This common word is usually hanks. See W. S. W. B. 

This may be a shortened form of handling. 

"HET = to hit or germinate, spoken of seeds. A farmer, 
aged about 25, said, *The seed didn't 'et this year.' — July, 
1896. R r. C." 

This is evidently the same as " to hat." See Fifth Eeport. 

The North of Devon vowels are much closer than ^'^ 

Het, or haty are synonyms for strike; hence, "The se^^ 
didn't strike (root) this year " would be the precise equival^^ 
of the above. See W. S. W. B. 

"HovEK, noun = a shelter, rhymes with cover. A rabt>i^ 
having gone under a bank, Eichards, a native of Ofifwell, a>g^^ 
about 24, said, *That is only a hover, sir.' The gardeii^^' 
on being asked about the word, said he had heard it appli^^ 
to a place under a bank where trout took shelter, a meani^| 
given by Halliwell ; so this may have been a mistaken use ^J 
the word. He may have meant cover. — Nov., 1896. F. B. T- 

Richards meant precisely what he said. 


le word is the regular one for such a hollow under a 
: as a rabbit loves to squat in. See Seventh Report, 
W, S. W. B. 

Muffle = to hustle, to raise by blowing. A farmer, aged 
t -70, said, ' The wind huffled up the dist rether.' — July, 
>. R. P. C. * 

Iteming. I have heard from several people of various 
natives of Exmouth, *to item' used as a verb, 
nple : * They stood there iteming with one another.' 
ine, 1896. E. Wadmore, per 0. J. R." 
le meaning is trifling, fidgeting, playing tricks; a very 
non expression. See Item, Second Report ; also 
?. W. B, 

Tack Jesums. From the North Devon Herald of March 
, 1897 : ' The tidal bank, which prevented the overflow 

the river along the foreshore, was during the summer 
:hs the " happy hunting ground " of small children, who 
Lously searched for what was commonly termed Jack 
ras — a small button-like growth gathered from a herb 

grew on the side of the embankment.' — R. P. C." 

lis sounds suspiciously like an adaptation of Jake-jUsoms. 

iETTLEHAMMERiNG. Another woman, aged about 50, 
ng from near Starcross, speaking of an infirm relative, 
* She keeps me hettlehammering after her for hours.' 
me, 1895. E. Wadmore, per 0. J. R." 

l.EAR = a channel made in the beach for vessels to dis- 
ge their cargoes. T. C. informed me that in order to 
e one of the combes on our coast more secure for vessels 
ing goods, the proprietor had picked up the large stones 
\ about on the beach, and had made a pebble-ridge 
reakwater about three-fourths of the way across the 
ince of the lear, R. P. C." 

seems more probable that this is North Devon for lair 
yer^ a place for a craft to lie at ebb tide. 

jEARAGE = droppings or excrement of cattle. A farmer, 
about 70, informed me that the reason why the top of 

ly field is much better than the rest is that the sheep 

3attle make their learage there. — July, 1896. R. P. C." 

le word does not mean droppings except in the sense 
there are always plenty of such in a learage or place 

•e cattle have their lair or favourite shelter. 

te Leer, Ninth Report. 

)l. xxix. e 


"Mawguts = sheep's intestines. Informant, a London 
doctor, aged about 40, a native of Plymouth. R. P. C." 

The maw is the first stomach of a ruminating animal, 
whence the cud or quid is brought up into the mouth for 
complete mastication; hence the intestines connected with 
the maw. 

" Mazery = nonsense. A gentleman of this town described 
what he considered a foolish proceeding on the part of a 
public body as * the biggest piece of mazery ever known.'— 
June, 1896. G. M. D.*' 

This is simply foolery. 

A maze man is not exactly mad, but wildly, inconsider- 
ately, stupidly foolish. 

A complete lunatic is said to be ''so mazed as a sheep." 
Sheep are said to be mazed when they have a rather 
common affection of the brain, which causes them to keep 
on turning round and round. 

Maze-headed is the regular word for vertigo or giddiness. 

" Mease. The Western Morning News of Nov. 23rd, 1896, 
contained the following: * During the past few days large 
quantities of herrings have been caught at Clovelly. One 
fisherman, James Small, brought in about twenty measc 
(mease, 600). The prices realised have fallen so low a3 
5s. per mease, which is after the rate of ten for oa^ 
penny. This figure is quite unremunerative to the fisher- 
man for his labour and wear and tear of boat and net3- 
P. Q. K." 

This must be a purely local measure of numbers. 

"Milky dasrels = Taraooacum officinale. I never before 
heard dandelions called milky dashels. Is it simply ^ 
misnomer on the part of my governess, the same one wh.^ 
gave me the other plant names? See Bull-dogs. — MajTa 
1897. T. B. T." 

The milk in the two plants would easily lead to confusion 
among persons ignorant of plants. 

" MoATY, MOTTY = to take root, to tiller. A farmer, ag©^ 
about 25, said, *The corn didn't motty well this year- 
Another farmer, aged about 75, pronounced the word moat^* 
July, 1896. E. P. C." 

See Moot out in Seventh Eeport. 

The meaning is to throw up many stalks from the same 
root. Called " to wreedy " in Somerset. 


" * Moot earth is the earth for geraniums/ Said by the 
same gardener (see Crip). Explained that " moot earth " is 
got from the " mores " of the trees. Mould earth (?). — June, 
1896. J. S. B." 

" Morgan HAYES, commonly called Morning. In a note, 
asking my husband to join a shooting party. Sir Edmund 
de la Pole said they would meet at a farm called ' Morgan- 
hayes, locally known as Morning.' This farm belongs to the 
Shute estate, and is in the vale of the Coly, not far from 
Colyford.— October, 1896. F. B. T." 

"Naked Jacks = small suet dumplings. Informant, London 
doctor, aged about 40, a native of Plymouth. E. P. C." 

" On = at. A labourer, aged about 60, speaking of his wife's 
illness, said, ' It tak'th her on times.'— April, 1897. E. P. C." 
See No. 69, First Eeport. 

"Orch, verb. Samuel Home, circa 60, a native of Lympstone, 
explained the reason of a young bullock's lying down, which 
had evidently been damaged by some other animal, by saying, 
'Er orch'd un.' James England, the proprietor of the damaged 
bullock, shortly afterwards explained the occurrence more 
circumstantially by saying the drangway was too narrow, 
and * er orch'd un.' In Berkshire a man who had been gored 
by a bull once used to me the expression, ' Er 'uck'd I.' At 
the time I concluded that to be the Berkshire form of 
'houghed.' Is it possible that ''orched' may be the Devon- 
shire form of the same word ?— June, 1896. 0. J. E." 

See Horch in Eleventh Eeport,' also in JV. S. W. B. 

" Peck-headed = stupid. In referring to a man who had 
J'ecently got involved in many lawsuits, our coachman, a 
^tive of Whimple, aged 70 years, spoke of him as a ' chuckle- 
headed fellow,' and then as * peck-headed,' evidently a synono- 
Jjous term. Others have told me it is a common phrase in 
^evon._April, 1897. F. B. T." 

This is by no means pig-headed — that is, obstinate — but 
®^^pid, daft, imbecile, like a hydrocephalous person, who is 
fl^ays said to have a head " so big as a peck." Hence peck- 
headed implies the effect of water on the brain. 

**PiLLUM = dust. 'You've got the pillum on your things.' 
spoken by an old woman, age about 70, living near Staverton. 
^une 23rd, 1895. J. S. N." 

This means rather fluff, the woolly dust which accumulates 
^ader a bed. 

B 2 


" PiNNiCKiNQ = weak, ailing, delicate. A tradesman, aged 
about 40, said of a delicate child, ' Her was always a 
pinnickirC little thing/— April, 1897. E. P. C." 

See Third and Twelfth Eeports. 

" Plum = mild and moist, applied to the weather. A mason, 
aged about 40, said, ' Us be hevin* very plum weather, ban't 
us, zir ? '—Feb., 1896. E. P. C." 

See Tenth Eeport. 

"Poaching. A labourer, describing the floor of a shed, 
said, * It was in a mess with the cattle poaching it up ' ; it 
through their trampling on the wet soil, &c. — June, 1896. 
G. M. D." 

See Poached in Fourth Eeport, and Pauch in W. S. W, B. 

" Prince's feather (flower), Syringa vulgaris. For authority 
see Bull-dogs.— May, 1897. F. B. T." 

This name is given to Prunella vulgaris, which alone stands 
for twenty difierent flowers ; to Amaranthus hippochondriam, , 
which stands for four others; to Saxifraga umbrosa, which 
stands for twenty-one others; and to Syringa vulgariSy as 
above, which stands for thirteen different flowers ; so that, ; 
according to Britten, no less than fifty-eight flowers are 
called Prince's Feather. 

"Queen's feather = Syringa vulgaris. Coachman, native 
of Whimple, age over 70. He gave this name for the lilac; 
and when I asked the governess if she knew it, she said he 
meant Prince's Feather. F. B. T." 

This is probably an alternative for Prince's Feathet. 
Britten only gives this name to Saxifraga umhrosa. 

"QuiLLAWAY = a sty or small pustule on the eyelid. ^ 
Devonshire doctor, aged about 45, now living in London* 
informed me that this term was in use in the neighbourhood 
of Plymouth. The usual cure for a quUlaway is to rub i^ 
outwards from the nose with a wedding-ring. — Nov., 189^' 

E. P. 0. 

" Eacket thing = crate. On being asked about some cas^^ 
that had arrived by rail, the housemaid, native of LapfoX"^» 
aged 24, spoke of one of them as * that racket thing,' which 
proved to be a crate filled with china. Can it be because ^^ 
was similar to the meshes of a tennis racket? — April, 1897* 

F. B. T." 

Much more likely the other way. Crates were most 
probably called rackets before the game was invented. 


"Bagged jacks = small suet dumplings, boiled without a 
covering cloth. The same as Naked Jacks, q,v. T. C. informs 
me that this is the term applied to them at Hartland. — July, 
1896. R P. C." 

" Eanes = remains. A labouring-man having come home 
hungry, his wife said, 'There is only the ranes of the pie 
left in the house,' as she placed the dish before him. Spoken 
by a woman at Lustleigh, age over 60. — March lOfeh, 1897. 
J. S. K" 

Here is only a common example of change of m into n. 
Rames is the commonest name for a skeleton ; probably it is 
short for remains. 

See Second Report ; also many examples in W, 8. W, B, 

"Rare, verb. A woman, aged about 65, native of Ex- 
mouth, S6dd to me : ' So-and-so has overlooked her husband ; 
when I catch her won't I rare her for it' — June, 1896. 
0. J. R.'^ 

To rave at, to scold, to abuse, is here meant. 

See Rbar, Sixth Report. 

" RoosH AN = rushlight. From the N(yrth Devon Herald of 
March 11th, 1897: *The ceiling of the establishment was 
occasionally hid by strings of long dips, short dips, 12*s, 16's, 
24's, and the cottager's rooshan, or rushlight.' — R. P. C." 

This looks very like reporter's dialect, and it is very 
doubtful if any cottager ever so called a rushlight. The 
pronunciation is altogether foreign to North Devon. Btcsh 
is never rooshy but risk. The reporter is probably a north 
country man, and, like many novelists, thought the word 
would look quaint, and improve his " copy." It is spurious 
^^ the face of it. Newspaper Provincialisms must always 
DC taken cum g^^ano, 

"Aroozed down, pronounced 'arlizd down ' = slid down, 
f North Devon thatcher, mending my thatch, told me that 
wi several places 'it had aroozd down' ( = ye rlizd down). — 
J^ne, 1896. 0. J. R." 

Compare Rushment in First Report. 

Anglo-Saxon, hredsan — to shake or tumble down. 

Stratmann has hreosen — Anglo-Saxon, hreosan, mere, 
^ere; reosen. Also toreosen, dilabi. 

Layamou, \e corde gon to rusien, 1. 15946. 

The word is connected with hrysian, to shake ; hence any 
trembling or shaking causes earth or thatch to slip down. 


Chaucer gives the same word as rese or rees. 

" And al was y-told him in a litel while, 
How Qamelyn and Adam had doon a sorry rees." 

— Cokestale of Gamdyn, L 546. 
See W. S, W. B., s.v, Euse. 

" Scrubby = small. Speaking of apples : ' They be scrubhtj 
little things/ A farm-labourer, about 65 years of age, re- 
siding in the parish of Chagford. — August, 1895. J. S. N." 

This can scarcely be called a Provincialism, for it is 
equally common in Cockneydom. 

"ScuN = to scold. A farmer's wife, aged about 60, 
* If it had been wet, the dog would have been scunned and 
kept out of house morn'n he has been.' — July, 1896. R P. C." 

" Shucken = to go timidly or shyly. A farmer, aged about 
70, speaking of a pony passing a traction engine, said, 'He 
didn't shy exactly, but he rather shuckerCd a bit.' — July, 
1896. R P. C." 

Probably shook, often pronounced shuck. The en is found 
to be frequently added to verbs to give a frequentative 
meaning ; but in this case the speaker possibly used the 
p. past shaken, while the weak past inflection 'e2, tacked on 
to the strong preterite, is one of the curious developments 
of modern dialect, at least in the West. See on this 
W. S, W. J?., p. xliv. 

" Slight = slake. A mason said to me, 'They slighted 
the limestone.' — June, 1896. 6. M. D." 

This (pronounced slate), with the alternative sleft, are the 
usual words used by masons in Somerset and Devon. See 
W. S. W. B,, s.v, Slait and Sleft. 

" Slotter = sloppy. * What a slotter there 's in the street, 
is'n there?' A farm bailiff residing in the parish of 
Moretonhampstead, age 55. — Dec. 23rd. J. S. N." 
Used both as noun and verb. 

Here is the older pronunciation, though slatter is the 
commoner : 

pan aght pe saul of synful with-in 
Be ful foule pat es alle slotered in syn. 

Hampole, Fricke of Conscience, 1. 2367. 

Sloterou, or defowlyn (sloteryn or done fowly, P.). Mmtdo, 
detin'jk). Pi'omp. Pai^. 

Sloteriu, dottcr, ''macidore.' — Stratmann. 


"SNAKE*s-MEAT = J5reracZmm sphondilium. For authority 
see Bull-dogs. I find the daily food of my little son's pet 
rabhits consists of milky dashels and snake's-meat — May, 
1897. F. B.T." 

Although Britten gives fifty-one names by which Heracleum 
sphondylium is known, the above does not appear amongst 
them. One of its names, however, is " Rabbit's-meat," 
because tame rabbits are fond of the young shoots. Snake's- 
meat is usually applied to the spear or fruit called Parson in 
the Pulpit — Arum m^aculatum. 

" Spry = active. * He's a spry chap.' Spoken by a small 
tenant-farmer in the parish of North Bovey, age about 65. 
—Nov. 1st., 1895. J. S. N." 

This very common word implies something more than 
active — strength as well as agility are included. 

See W. S. W. B. 

"Thare's net a spreyer Vella in Challacomb." 

ExTnoor Courtship, 1. 581. 

" Sterling = storZiTi^, a defence of piles around the piers 
of a bridge. The following notice appears on Bideford 
Bridge : 

" 'Notice ! Any Person or Persons Damaging the Structure 
of This Bridge or Eemoving Stones or Mussels from the 
Sterlings thereof will be prosecuted as the Law Directs. 
By order, R. T. Hookway, Bridge Warden.' 

"Besant's History of London^ 1893, pp. 58-9: * Repairs 
were always wanting : to keep some of the force of the 
water off the piers these were furnished with starlings, i.e,, 
at first piles driven down in front of the piers, afterwards 
turned into projecting buttresses of stone.' — R. P. C." 

" Stemming = by turns. Two people having some distance 
to go, and having only one horse between them, said, * Let 
us ride stemming,* That is, one would ride say half a mile, 
dismount, and tie the horse up to a gate, and walk on ; the 
other would walk on until he arrived at th6 spot where the 
animal was secured, mount, and ride on until he overtook his 
friend. This would be repeated until the journey was com- 
pleted. Spoken by a farmer's widow living at Lustleigh, 
age 75, * Let's ride stemminey.' — March, 1896. J. S. N." 

The word is stemmin(g). The y termination gives it an 
intransitive as well as frequentative sense, while at the same 
time it makes it into a distinct adverb. The stem is to stop, 
to resist; hence, to stemmy is to cease going; i.e. to stop 


(intransitively), and stemmin{g)y is to ride in a frequently 
stopping manner — the change of rider being understood. In 
literary English the phrase would be " to ride stemmingly " 
and would be both correct and easily " understanded of tiie 

" Swart = sharp, cutting. A poor woman, speaking of a 
former mistress, said, * I don't like her, her 's so swart.' A 
native of North Bovey, age about 56. — May 24th, 1897. 
J. S. N." 

This is a true Old English word. Its use above is also 
distinctly figurative, as it was in Saxon times. In Wright's 
Vocabulaines, 163, sweart occurs twice, and is glossed as 
cUe7\ tetei\ and cerideus. 

In ProTiip. Paw, we find swarte, of colowre. Sinopidus 
secundum phisicoSy fascuSy niger, Swartnesse, Fuscedo. 

In the Aiicrcn Riwle of about 1216 is (p. 304) : 

"O}^ one halue, a domesdei shulen ure swarte sunnen 
bicleopen us stroncliche of ure soule murdre." 

On tkc one half {side) on doomsday shall our blade sins 
accuse us severely of our sotd murder, 

Teter means horrid, repulsive, shameful, disgraceful, &c 
Sinopidus, &c. (real dog-Latin) we should translate, " Greenish 
as to complexion," dark, black. Fuscedo implies the com- 
plexion of Othello. 

All these meanings of O.R suxirt are kept alive in the 
very common vituperation, Ya black lookin old bitch / Hence 
the former mistress of the above speaker was swart; i.e. 
black-looking, i.e. repulsively ill-tempered. 

"WiNNlCK = a puny, delicate person. A farmers wife, 
aged about 50, said she heard a person say to a delicate girl 
when there was a lot of sickness about, * 1 wonder you hebbn 
a-got it, you'm sich a poor little winnick* — April, 1897. 
R P. C." 

I^bably a variant of pinnick. See Reports 3-12. The 
speaker may have had the idea of tcecny in her mind, and so 
have compounded it iceeny-pinnick, shortened into vyinnick, 

" Yard = a measure of 9 feet. 

" * ToRRiNGTOX. The tender of Mr. Charles Heard to 
channel the water-courses with Marland brick in various 
parts of the town was accepted at 4^?. M. per yard of nine 
i^i.'—Xorth Devon Herald, April 8th, 1897, p. 8, coL 2. 
R P. C." 

The yard has ever been of uncertain length. 


The arrow of an English archer measured a full cloth 

Its indefiniteness is implied in its name. A.-S. gyrd, a 
stick, rod. Dutch, garde, a twig, a switch. Therefore, as a 
measure, it describe^ a length as accurately as one has heard 
of a thing "about as large as a good-size lump of chalk." 
The yard of a ship is of as uncertain a length as its halyards, 
A yard in Somerset is 16| feet, and an acre is eight score 
yards. In fact, a yard, unless distinguished, is as doubtful a 
measure of length as a bag or a basket are of quantity. 

"YE = yes. Eeynold's Ancient Diocese of Exeter^ p. 33, 
gives the following ancient dialogue from the Tywardreth 
Obituary belonging to Lord Arundell at Wardour Castle: 

" ' Prior : What desire ye ? 

" ' Novice : To be mad broder. 

" * Prior : Ys hit your wyl and your hertely desyre to be 
parte taker of all maseis and prayers and almys dede done 
yn holy place or shall be done hereafter ? 

"'Novice: Ye. 

" * Prior : Al so ys hit your wille to defende and to main- 
tayne the righte of this holy plas to your power, where by 
God or Synt Andrew may be the pesabeler servyd by your 
worde and gode wille, as a trewe broder oghte to do ? 

"* Novice: Ye.' 

" Thirty-five years ago, before the Exeter-Exmouth Railway 
was constructed, *ye* was common in these parts for yes. 
I never hear it now. — June, 1896. 0. J. R." 

This is, of course, only an old spelling of yea, and there is 
no doubt but that it was often so pronounced. 

In 2 Cor. i. 17 we read in Tyndale's translation: "That 
with me shuld be ye ye, and naye naye . . . but in him it 
was ye." 

Cranmer's version of the same passage has, " Shuld be yee 
yee, and nay naye." 

In the Geneva version, 1557, we find the word first spelt 
yea. It is to be noted, en passant, that in Wyclif 's and the 
Rheims versions these expressions do not occur at all. 



Sixteenth Report of the Committee^ consisting of Mr, P. 
F. S, Amery, Rev. S. Baring-OotUd, Dr. Brushfiddf 
Mr. E. Bumardy Mr. P. 0. Hutchinson^ Mr. J. Brooking 
RowCy and Mr. R. Hansford Worthy appointed to coUect 
and record facts relaiing to Barrows in Devonshire, and 
to take steps, where possible, for their investigation. 

Edited by R. H. Worth, Hon. Secretary. 
(Read at Kingsbridge, Jaly, 1897.) 

The main feature of your Committee's sixteenth annual 
report will be found to be the exploration of an undisturbed 
kistvaen on Watern Down by Mr. R. Burnard. 

In view of the exceptional, if not unique, discovery of 
an unopened kistvaen in a Dartmoor barrow of the smaller 
type, it is an especial matter of congratulation that this find 
should have fallen to the lot of an antiquarian, and that 
the exploration should have accordingly been conducted on 
scientific lines. 

Your Committee has from time to time heard reports 
of the opening of undisturbed kistvaens, but in every case, 
of late at least, by utterly unskilled hands, the more part 
having been opened in the course of agricultural operations. 

The only known recent instance of the finding of a 
kistvaen apparently undisturbed in one of the smaller 
barrows occurred some years since. 

The kist was situated in one of the fields of Nun*s Cross 
Farm, near Princetown, and was opened by the son of the 
occupier of the farm. 

When the circumstance became known, immediate in- 
quiries were instituted, but no clear statement of the nature 
of the contents of the kist was obtainable, and no attempt 


had been made to preserve any object or objects which may 
have been found within it. 

The kist was discovered by accident, and the finder having 
satisfied himself as to the absence of " treasure," destroyed it 
as a hindrance to agricultural operations. 


On April 29th last, whilst examining some hut circles 
near the Stone Eow on Watern Down (99 KE. Ordnance 
Survey) with the Eev. S. Baring-Gould, I was fortunate enough 
to discover a small barrow which appeared to be intact. It 
lies close to the north side of the grassy trackway which leads 
from Willanhead and Hurston (89 S.E.) to King's Oven, nearly 
opposite the ruined buildings of West Vitifer Mine, and 
about 400 yards N.E. of the northern end of the Stone Row. 
This portion of the Down is known as Chagford Common. 
The diameter of the barrow is 15 feet, and the height in the 
centre about 18 inches. 

It was not easily distinguishable from the surface of the 
ground, for there is no circle of stones around the barrow to 
proclaim its sepulchral character. What drew my attention 
to it first was a small upright and some fallen stones, 
which seemed to be portions of a miniature stone row 
pointing to the barrow. These on investigation did not bear 
out this interpretation. It is somewhat remarkable that this 
small barrow should have escaped spoliation, for it is close 
to a trackway which must have been used for a long period 
by wayfarers proceeding from the moorland farms in Chagford 
parish to King's Oven. 

On opening the barrow a large flat stone was found in the 
centre, weighing some 6 to 7 cwt. This was trigged, and 
appeared to cover something. Surrounding this was an 
6blong enclosure formed of a series of stones lying inwards 
layer on layer. These were entirely covered by the barrow, 
and therefore invisible until opened out by the spade. 

As the cover-stone was too heavy to lift without a lever, 
and as the day was advancing, the excavation was covered 
up and concealed with "vags," and operations were sus- 
pended until next day, which unfortunately opened with 
much rain, and nothing could be done until the afternoon. 
On resuming operations next day, at which were present 
Mrs. O. L. Munday, Kev. S. Baring-Gould, George French, 
Kichard French, and the writer, the cover-stone was soon 
prized off its triggers and removed, disclosing the four walls 


of a small kistvaen, 3 feet 6 inches long and 2 feet 3 inches 
to 2 feet 6 inches wide. It was full of soil. The top was 
evidently black peaty earth, which had washed in ; but below 
this thin layer the kist was filled with " calm/' or subsoil, 
in which could be seen here and there small fragments of 
wood-charcoal. This filling was compact, and was probably 
trodden or lightly rammed in. 

The presence of the charcoal made us hopeful that some- 
thing would be found in the kist, but we were not prepared, 
on lifting the cover, to find that the builders of the kist had 
performed the apparently unnecessary operation of filling it 
up with the ** calm " they had dug out of the hole in which 
the kist was built. 

This filling was carefully removed and sifted, and before 
proceeding far a tiny fragment of pottery was turned up con- 
taining traces of a pattern, and later on it was found that there 
was a small urn lying on its side in the S.E. angle of the 
kist, with its mouth pointing to the N.W. angle. It was 
lying 4 inches above the floor of the kist, which was 2 feet 
deep, and had evidently been placed on its side, for its 
bottom was set close into the angle, and it was resting on 
a bed of " calm.*' (See Plate I.) 

The urn was carefully lifted from its resting-place, having 
previously been measured and sketched, but it was so water- 
logged that it subsequently broke up. It has, however, been 
restored by an expert on the British Museum staff, and now 
presents practically no trace of breakage. 

From the sketches made at the time of its discovery and 
a study of the sherds, Mr. R H. Worth has drawn the vessel 
to scale, fully restored, and the reproduction here given is 
one-half of the original size. (See Plate II.) 

Tlie urn is 10 inches high with the following diameters: 
moutli. 7 inches ; neck, 5 J inches ; body, 7 inches. The wall 
of the vessel is three-eighths of an inch thick. The paste is 
mostly clay mixed with a small proportion of apparently soft 
fragments of j^artially decomposed granite. Very little quartz 
is visible* The pottery is a light chocolate -brown colour, 
and wi\3 hand -made. The ornamentation consists of a 
^^eries of impressions forming short U-shaped dots arranged 
in ^>arallel and diagonal lines, produced by some instrument 
>n*i>at\Hl for this purix^se — half of a split bird-bone would 
ailmind>ly. The top of the rim is ornamented in the same 

Nothing w^as found on carefully sifting the filling of the 
kist- no tnxoe of Innie, bone ash, implements, or weapons. 







'0 \ 

PLAN OF ^*=^-,;:r^,-^^ BARROW 

SCALE ■ FT TO I le . 



The kist was built to receive the urn, which was placed 
as previously described, was carefully filled in with " calm " 
mixed with a little wood-charcoal, covered with a large flat 
stone, surrounded with stones leaning inwards towards the 
kist, and the whole covered with a barrow of earth 15 feet in 
diameter, and which was doubtless higher in the centre than 
when opened, for it has probably wasted down by the action 
of the weather and the trampling of cattle. All this trouble 
was taken to bury this small urn containing within it when 
air-dry 3 lbs. of what looked like light brown soil flecked 
with a little black carbonaceous matter. 

The interest now centres in the contents of the urn ; so 
this was carefully sampled and analysed by my friend, 
Mr. H. S. Billing, f.i.c, with the following result : — 

2*48 per cent. 


Water of Combination 

Organic Matter, &c. (loss on ignition) 

Insoluble Matter (silica, quartz) . 

Oxide of Iron (Feg Og) 

Alumina (Alg Og) 

Lime (CaO) . 

Phosphoric Acid (Pg Og) . 

Undetermined — Alkalies, Magnesia, &c 









100 00 



The striking features of this analysis are the large amount 
of insoluble matter, and the small amount of phosphoric acid 
and lime contained in the sample. 

The microscopical examination gave no trace of bone or 
bone ash, and it was found that the black carbonaceous 
matter was adhering to fragments of quartz, and was simply 
organic matter containing no lime. 

These results are curious and puzzling, for there is no 
evidence whatever of the urn containing any remains of a 
cremated body. 

If bone or bone ash had been placed in the urn, and these 
still remained, both the chemical examination and the micro- 
scope would have disclosed it. 

The phosphoric acid and lime, which the analysis shows 
to be present in small quantities, cannot safely be ascribed 
to bone origin, for it is possible for such to be derived from 
the decomposition of granitic matter, or of food which may 
have been placed in the urn. There are features connected 
with these small Dartmoor barrows which are extremely 


Fifteenth Report of the Committee — consisting of Mr, Javm 
HamlyUy j.p. (Chairman), Mr, P, F, S, ATmry, J.P., ard 
Mr. A. Chandler^ f.r.mbt.soc. (Secretary) — to collect and 
tabulate trustworthy arid comparable observations on the 
climate of Devon, 

Edited by Alfred Chandler, F.R. Met. Soc, Honorary Secretary. 

(Read at Kingsbridge, July, 1897.) 

Your Committee presents tabulated monthly tables, with a 
summary of the year, of Meteorological Observations taken 
during 1896, relating to the Rainfall, Temperature, Humidity, 
Cloud, and Sunshine, as recorded in various localities repre- 
senting as well as can be obtained the different districts 
and elevations of the County of Devon. The station at 
Woolacombe Bay, and Rainfall at Newton Abbot, have this 
year been added to the previous list, with the omission of 
Brampford Speke. 

As regards the important record of Sunshine, your Com- 
mittee is glad to be able to give the results from six stations 
— an increase of two over the last report — which fairly 
represent the County. 

The Secretary has taken every means in his power to have 
the observations verified by the observers themselves, as 
well as compared with the published returns of the Royal 
Meteorological Society; and the thanks of the Committee 
are due to them for the assistance they have given in 
compiling the Report. 

The sudden illness of the Honorary Secretary, Mr. A. 
Chandler, f.r.mkt.8oo., has prevented a more elaborate Report 
being presented. 



The particulars of the Stations and Observers are as 

follows : 


Ashburton (Druid) .., 
Buckfastleigh (Bossell) 


Holne (Vicarage) 

ELEVATION (feet). 



Newton Abbot (Wolborough 

Hill School) 300 

Plymouth (Met. Observatory) 117 
Princetown (H.M. Prison) 1359 
Rousdon (The Observatory) ... 516 

Salcombe (Prawle Point) ... 350 

Sidmouth (Sidmount) 


Southmolton (Castle Hill 

School) 363 

Tavistock 392 

Teignmouth 70 

Torquay (Gary Green) ... 12 
„ (Chapel Hill Met. 

Observatory) 286 

Woolacombe Bay 60 

P. F. S. Amery, j.p. 

James Hamlyn, j.p. 

T. Turner, j.p., f.r.met.Soc. 

Rev. J. Gill, M.A. 

M. W. Tattam. 

E. S. Dudding, m.a. 

H. Victor Prigg, a.m.i.c.e. 

E. M. Ellis. 

C. E. Peek, m.a., j.p., p.r.a.s., 

R.H.Scott, M.A.,F.R.S.,F.R.Met.Soc. 

(Sec. to the Meteorological 
W. T. Radford, M.D., P.R.A.S., 


W. H. Reeve. 

E. E. Glyde, f.r.met.Soc. 

W. C. Lake, m.d. 

Charles Shaplfey, f.r.Met.Soc. 

Alfred Chandler, f.r.Met.Soc. 
Edward Henshall, a.m.i.c.e. 

James Hamlyn, J.P., Chairman. 

P. F. S. Amery, J.P., Acting Sec. pro tern. 







o 1 i«ir 4 1 T 





KAlAr Aliij, 






























deg. 1 d8g. 

dag. d«g. 






Ashbniton , . 

1. 14 


4'-9 38.4 

47.2 42.8 






BiickfMtJeit'li . 



■ 75 


37.0 47.4142.8 






llfracombe. . 

























Newton Abbot . 




Plymouth . 

1.25; ifil 



40. 7 

47' 3 



S^'9 89 


55 44 



4-19 14 






4S.8 97 



Roosdon Obaerv, 

1.03 10; 









60" 1}D| 




43^ I 



43' 6 





-.. I. -I 

Sidmouth . , 


















■JO 5 






Taviatocfc . 


















Torquay (C.G.). 





47. S 







Torquay (Cn.). 
WooUcombe Jjay 









54^7 90 


43 V '"a 


,S5 43.6 1 40.6 1 47.3- 43.9 1 31.0 1 S5.8 13716.9! 46 iji ... 11 


Ashburton . 















































NewtoD Abbot 



Plymouth . 




43. a 








63 'u 











54^ 8 



RouBdon Obaerv 







40. s 





79 35 













Sidmouth . 


■ 'i 

40. s 







58 '30 












TftViBtOCk . 

















Tor<iuay(0. G.) 












Torquay (C.n.| 








52 ic 


Woolftcouibe Baj 











7J li 

Ashbnrton . 



IlEracombe . 
KewtoD Abbot 
Plymouth . 
Bousdon Obierv. 
Sidmouth . 
Tavistock . 
Torquay (C.G.>. 
Torquay (U. H.). 
Woolacombe Bay 

6.79 24 









846 23 

■ I'i 





20. S 



6.6 ... 

^■97 23 





4b. 6 


6.6 106 5c 

8.03 24 

3-95 33 








7-3 ■- 

3.87 i\ 






id. 2 


7.6 109 3* 


3,82 25 








7.2 ... 

3.41 27 







7 7 '07 15 


5-45 25 








7.4 ... 

3-42 33 







6.^ ... 

3.00 a 






117 2( 

3-SS " 






S.J 74 45 















t - 

~ i ■ 






n 3 













. deg. 






^ . 

bra. ID. 



9 ■ 







77 S.4 



10 . 

2 53^4 



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S . 

4 5'.5 








i6j 10 





9 So^o 










5 ■ 

S; ■■■ 

-h . 

■ zB 

10 . 

^ S1.9 

44 1 







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6 45. 5 


5a 2 






L Obaerv 


9 - 

J9 48.g 







'73 5 




6 . 

so. 3 








h . 


12 . 

o 50.S 








146' a 



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5 48.2 




30. » 




Ji . 


I6 . 

5 5^7 





gj 6.S 



5 ■ 

^5 ... 



' (C. G.) 

S - 

5J 53.3 



SO. 5 



72 6.1 


5 . 

■H S'^9 





63- S 

73 - 



imbe Bb> 


10 . 

6 1 50.0 








131 30 




01 60.1 







02 54.6 
04 ... 

01 59' 3 











n sa-1 





.04 56.1 



55- a 


55- 3 





.09 S8.8 
.02 ... 










■02 55-7 




74.8 6S : 

69^9 S7 •■ 

72.0 77 ; 

74.3 ^5 : 

77-9 71 , 

78.7 -57 . 






3 '3 33 


: '0 

302 5 
307 30 



274 3t^ 



2.99 9 

89 62 S 



4K 65.5 

2.19 10 

43 *4-o 




1.86 10 

4S 60.7 



54 7 



3.06 J 



S 55. C' 




1.80 IQ 


6s. 5 


41 eo.9 


94 62.5 



2.62 2 ] 


41 62. 8 



1.89 10 


1.80 J3 

AS ^'-4 



60.6 47-6 
61.2 38,0 




... 1 ... 

61. 1 40.2 


215 js 44.0 

60.7 51-9 







278 28 S7.0 

56.5 44-S 



... ... 

59.6 (8.0 



... 1 ... 

6a4 40.7 



... 44-6 

61.3 40.8 



61.5 44,1 


?^ A,Wi 

60.8 50.3 




Asbbnnoii . 



Neffbia Abbot 
Fl^outh . 
BoosdoQ Observ. 
Sidmouth . 
Tavistock . 
Torquay {C. Q.) 
Tormiaj(C. H.) 
Woolacombe Bi 

Ashburten . 
Newton Abbot 
Plymouth . 
Rousdon Observ. 




■ i.tK 









M^. 1 ucy. 1 











70. S 






:'4 3S 
143 ° 

Sidmouth . 
ITaviatock . 
Toriiuay (C. G.) 
TowuayfC. H.). 
WoolMombe Bay 

1.85 2 

'.47 "3 '. 

:-3S 2 .3 60.5 

3.61 <) 74 59-7 









SO. 3 





















49 3 











75.4 73 

76.5 69 
74.3 71 

70.9 94 
7.1.8 «S 
76.0 82 






62 Q 

















Ilfracombe. . 







Newton Abbot . 




Plymouth . 













56' 3 

5*- 1 

Ronadon Obaerv 





60. S 









Sidmouth . 
















Tavistock . 











Toiquay (C. G.) 


















43.0 68.7 97 ; 

39.0 68.5 81 I 

37.6 69.4 S4 ■ 

65.9 S5 ; 
4a8 59.8 97 1 

46.0 66.0 iic, 7.9 

41.8 66.4 S7 8,; 

35.9 68.2 88 7.1 

38.1 66.0 S9 S.3 

44.2 67.2 

45-6 67.1 87 ; 

442 66.5 89 

46.0 65.4 Si \, 

97 "s5 

25:0 " 

99 " 




■09 45 

'os 15 




















































































99 20 











53- > 






n Abbot 



J. 06 


nth . 






53- 1 



63. g 



113" 1 















on Observ 











'33 30 














atli . 




47. s 






m 30 












ock . 























47-8 ; 33-6 




»j{C. H.) 





46.5' 3i-7 



119 40 
















on Observ. 
ibe (8 
uUi . 
ock . 
Kj (C. G.) . 
txmbe Bay 

.55 41-6 37-3 48.0 4Z,6 29.4 56.3 87 6. 
.09 38-5 32-3 47-4 39-9 2'-S 54-9 S; 6.S 
.3J 38.3 31.6 46.S 39.1 21.3 S^-' Si 7_o ; 

309 9 .97 36.0 
"-09 7 -37 39-4 

.84 6 .62 42.4 37,7 
■ 77 7 -54 40-9 36-4 

52.4 87 5.9 

79 58 

50.6 SS 6.1 


52., ^5 6.7 


54-4 84 6,0 

52.1 90 

83 2< 

52-2 84 .7 








46. s 







Ktleigk . 











'lis 1 26 

9.6 27 










2S .0 

imbe! '. 

6.45 ! 22 










m Abbot . 

6. S3 2° 



mth . 

8.5Z z6 







53 4 



47 12 


16.33 24 









... 1 

Ion Observ. 

6.57 22 



3D- 9 







41 so 


i.83 26 


42- 5 








■Qth . : 




46. 5 

41. s 





37 15 

moltOD . 





39 3 




wk . 

lo"-' 11 



35-4 46-3 






month . 

'aeg 25 


... ... 



ay (C. G.) . 

7-37 24 



38.3 47.2 



54- 1 




7-33 26 



37-6 45.7 




40 '30 

floiube Baj 

6.14 27 










30 30 



itiiokfutlulgli . 


Newton Abbot . 
lldUMliin Ubnerv. 
Ndnioiith . 
Ttvbtuok , 
T^>^ln»y (i\ U.) , 
W wHUiuub* fi«i 

1S7 2.0S 
166 I.Ol 
"39 1. . 
'?9 1.40 

t6i: 1.37 
171 i.ts 
179 t.t6 
303 1.40 
191 1.64 
157 I 54 
IM 1.43 
176I .77 





Si-3 45 , . . 
45.6 41.1 si-3 
43-7 : 54-S 
J..U 4S.2 56.1 
51,3144.0 56.6 
4b.S'4i-i 56.1 . 
50-7 1 41.5 57-"'- 

Sa. I ' 45-9 570 : 
51.1 44-6 ST.a! i 
51.6 46.9 S5.6'j 



Eighth Eeport of the. Committee, consisting of the Right 
Rev, the Bishop of Clifton [TF. R. Brownlow^ D.I),\ 
Tl N, Brushfleld, M.D.y the Very Rev, the Dean of Exeter 
[Benjamin Cowie, Z>.i>.], the Rev. J, Ingle Dredge, Mr. J, 
Brooking Rowe (Secretary), and Mr. Edward Windeatt, 
for the purpose of investigating and reporting on Manu- 
scripts, Records, or Ancient Documents existing in, or 
relating to, Devonshire, with the nature of their contents, 
their locality, and whether in public or private hands. 

Edited by J. Brooking Rowe, Honorary Secretary. 
(Read at Kingsbridge, July, 1897.) 

This Eeport contains the remainder of Northcote's Transcript 
of Fox's Manuscript in the Plymouth Proprietary Library, 
the first part of which was given in the Seventh Eeport at 
the Meeting of 1896. 

II. Plymouth Proprietary Library Manuscripts. 


I. The Fox Memoirs — Worthies of Devon. 


"He was born in Totnes of very honest but obscure parents. 
His father was a dissenter by principle & a butcher by trade 
& a very careful man. He had a small estate in the parish of 
Staverton which he left to his eldest son which was disposed of 
when he came of age in order to defray the expenses of his 
education. The doctor was young when his father died who left 
him to the sole care of M^ Thomas Edgley a dissenting minister 
in Totnes who was empowered to bring him up to any profession 
he was inclined to or was fit for. It soon appeared that he was 


capable of letters & therefore M' Edgley plaoed him at a 
grammar schoo]. The most of his time in this way was spent 
with M' Gilling of Newton where he acquired a very good 
knowledge in the classics & it was discovered that he had a 
great memory though assisted by very little diligence or 
application. From M"^ Gilling he came to M' Hallett's academy 
in Exeter. I had been tbere a year before & stayed two afte^ 
wards & by tbat means became thoroughly acquainted with him. 
He was always esteemed to have very good parts, & to perform 
his exercises well but at the same time careless somewhat 
deceitful in some things not very honest in making no pretentions 
to religion. While I stayed he behaved decently & having 
finished his courses he was sent to Leyden to study physic under 
the learned Boerhaave. He did not remain more than one year 
& a half his circumstances not admitting any further expense 
but it happened that by his great application added to his abilities 
he had got more in that small time than some would or could 
have done in thrice the time. 

" In short he studied hard read a great deal and made the best 
of his advantages and after he had gone through all his lectures 
he went to Ehemes in France to take his degree because that 
could be had much cheaper there than at Leyden. Thus furnished 
he returned to Totnes waiting for a place of settlement to try his 
fortune. He did not wait long for one D^ Hunkyn a thick-head 
physician of Plymouth dying, Edgley thought it was an opening 
for him and accordingly carried him directly thither. I remember 
I came home one evening and found the parlour full of company, 
and at my entrance was accosted to my very great surprise in the 
grand French air, and with the minuet step, by my old friend and 
acquaintance, M'^ Huxham, who with a very profound reverence 
told me that he was come to throw himself at my feet. I was 
not a little confounded at this unexpected salutation and began to 
be under some difficulty of replying to it but M"^ Edgley stepping 
forth to speak to me and my father saying that M^ Huxham was 
come to live with us I immediately understood what he meant 
and accordingly bid him welcome and wished him success. His 
coming recommended by M^ Edgley was sufficient to put him 
under the protection of the Dissenters who were immediately his 
friends, and that he might appear in lodgings suitable to his 
quality he was taken to lodge with M' Mordecai Cockey who was 
then one of the best men in M'^ Enty's meeting. In this situation 
he continued some time having as yet little practice, for D' Seymour 
had the general run of the town. Business not immediately 
answering expectation he began to think of marrying into some 
family which might have interest to promote it. It happened that 
M" Ellen Corham^ was then in town, & not provided for, so he 

^ Daughter of Dr. Corham, whose portrait, painted by Hogarth, is now 
at the Foundling Hospital, of which Hospital he was the first projector. 


made her an oflfer, and succeeded, & being settled in an house of 

his own he began to look bigger and atfect much more gravity 

than usual, and here was the beginning of that stiff & affected 

behaviour which he hath been so very remarkable for. He 

pretended to believe that his awkward strut and unnatural gravity 

would give him respect though he freely owned to me once when I 

was speaking to him about it that he laughed at himself for doing 

it, Je moque de moi Tneme, was his expression. But dissimulation 

& hypocrisy were so natural to him that he could wear any 

disguise, or make any outward profession without seeming the 

least uneasy, or out of countenance, provided it contributed to his 

interest. He began to be much out of humour after he was 

married because business did not come in as he expected. He 

said that Plymouth was a damned preaching place, because some 

people were better pleased to trust themselves in the hands of an 

old apothecary than a young physician who had never been used 

to them. He used every little art he could think of to make 

people think how much he was employed. He would often appear 

in boots though he had no place to ride to. He would often ride 

out at one gate & return by another though he had no patient to 

visit. He scarce ever went to Church but his boy must be sent to 

call him out though he had nothing in the world to do. And thus 

he went on abusing himself and cheating the world and inwardly 

cursing the apothecaries who did not think it worth while to 

recommend him till luckily for him T>^ Seymour's first malady 

broke out. He then began to be taken notice of by the Church 

party as well as by the Dissenters upon which he began to show 

his ingratitude to the latter by declaring that he never thought 

himself in the least obliged to them. His practice increased daily 

and in a very few years he got an estate and that he might be 

known the better he wrote up several cases which he met with to 

D' Jurin, Secretary to the Eoyal Society. By this means he 

contracted a correspondence with him, and at last got himself 

chosen a Fellow of that honourable body. Thus he was soon 

introduced into the best business both of town & country, and 

was thereby enabled to live in that splendour which he once never 

expected, & which on many accounts he never deserved. For he 

was a man that seemed to be actuated in most part of his life by 

craft & treachery. He would do almost anything for his interest, 

and seemed to have very little regard to truth in anything that he 

said. He was naturally proud & ungrateful for nothing would 

mortify him more than to be spoke to by a relation or a friend 

who knew anything of him or his pedigree. If he could not shun 

such a person he would pretend not to know them, and if he was 

made sensible at last who the person was, he would receive them 

with great shyness & indifference. He affected much talk of 

God and religion to his patients, though I have seen & heard 

Buch discourse come so very fulsome from him that the common 


sort of people have despised him for it, & very jostly, for I 
doubt he never very much regarded either, any farther than he 
could make fools of them, to promote his interest. As a scholar 
he was allowed to understand Latin well, & to be thoroughly 
acquainted with books. As a physician he would have shew'd 
more if in his prescriptions he had consulted the interest of the 
apothecary less and the patient more. He was very indefatiguable 
in his business, & spared no pains by night or day to visit if 
occasion required. Nor was he griping for his fee like Seymour, 
but was generally esteemed moderate in his demands, and very 
compassionate and generous sometimes to the sick poor. He was 
very tenacious of his opinion & practice when contradicted by 
any physician, & would rather sacrifice a patient than suffer him- 
self to be thought mistaken, or another in the right. He kept a 
decent character with regard to his morals and was guilty of very 
few excesses in any shape, & had it not been for the affair oi 
Cudmore's wife, which was never cleared up, it would have been 
unspotted. He was reckoned a very good anatomist, a naturaJ 
philosopher, and had upon the whole knowledge and learning 
sufficient to support his character in business, but neither honesty 
or virtue to make him esteemed or respected. 

"He died at Plymouth on the 10 of August 1760 & Hos 
buried in the north aisle of the parish Church of S* Andrews 
in that town at the east end of the Church. 

" As to his age he was always shy of speaking of it so that ii 
cannot be told with any certainty, but they suppose him to be 
between seventy-three and seventy-four years at the time of hU 

" By his marriage he had one son who was bred to the churct 
and two daughters all of whom survived him. 

"As to his person he was rather a little man of a fair com- 
plextion and had a cast in his left eye. The print is a strong like 
ness of him having been taken from a tolerably good picture takec 
from the life. He commonly wore a scarlet cloak, & when dressec 
he wore a suit of black velvet. 

"M' William Veal the apothecary of Plymouth said that D^ 
Huxham must have been about seventy-six years old at the tim< 
of his death. 

"mark batt, esq. 

" This gentleman was born in Plymouth of very obscure parents. 
All that I ever heard of his pedigree is that his grandfather was a 
carpenter of that town known by the name of * Timbem Will ' ' 
that his father was bred to a very low-life business and that when 
he was first married he and his wife between them both could not 
raise full twenty shillings. They first rented a room and got their 
living by spinning tobacco. At length he was master of money 
enough to keep a shop & by degrees became a kind of tobacconist 


and distiller. This first Y/'de dying he married one M" Slade of 
Exeter hy whom he had two sons Mark of whom I now write, 
^ William. He was one of those fortunate men who fell into 
the method of getting riches soon. He was a dissenter and though 
he was an ignorant passionate & lewd man he was much looked 
upon, because he paid well. He retired into the country some 
time before he died. By his last will he made a most unnatural 
distinction hetween his two sons for he left the eldest with ten 
thousand pounds, and the younger but two hundred. Some have 
said the reason was because he feuicied the younger to be none of 
his own, but I believe this is a slander, & that he did it merely 
out of the vast fondness he had, and always expressed, for the 
elder. He always intended to breed him a scholar and a dissenting 
minister, for which end he was placed as a boarder with M' Harding 
after he came from the Latin school, the better to dispose & 
qualify him for that profession. But this had a quite contrary 
effect on him and he assured me that the austerity tyranny and 
gloominess which he saw continually in M^ Harding did so frighten 
& disgust him and gave him such dismal ideas of living and 
conversing with such sort of people that he was soon determined 
never to engage in that way of life though for the present he 
durst not own it for fear of any ill effect it might produce on his 
father. With this secret resolution he was sent from Plymouth 
to Mr. Hallett's academy in Exeter where he went through all his 
courses with very great applause and left behind him the character 
of a gentleman of great good nature & of a fine understanding. 
At his return he insinuated himself so to act into his father's 
favour that he managed him as he pleased. The holy M^ Harding 
himself had no more the ascendant & son Mark was the only oracle 
consulted. He very soon persuaded him out of the notion of 
breeding him a minister and that a man could make a better figure 
in life by reading Coke upon Littleton than by studying the 
iiiystical meaning of Solomon's Songs and the Eevelations, and 
accordiogly he got leave to settle at the Temple where he bought 
chambers & set himself to the study of the law. He continued 
there several years and attended Westminster Hall as all the young 
Counsel did, but he was never called to the bar though he might 
have made a much better figure there than many others. While 
be was at the Temple he fell into an acquaintance with one Mr. 
Penney who was a man of some sense and an excellent companion, 
out he was a thorough Deist & very easily made another of 
^r. Batt, who had already discovered a great deal of tricks & 
roguery of priests. However he had address sufficient to conceal 
^ sentiments especially from his father & conformed very 
cheerfully when he was at home to all his rules and kept him 
quite from any suspicion of his principles by going to meeting and 
conversing with dissenters. He had likewise the art of saving 
Us father from doing two things which his heart was much set 


upon, the fixing him with a suitable wife and then building his 
house at Moditonham. The truth was he hated the very thought 
of a wife and knew that he would not build agreeable to his taste, 
and though the old man might naturally have suspected these to 
have been his reasons yet he was never known to have manifested 
any suspicions or uneasiness about it. As soon as his father di^ 
he entirely quitted London & the Temple and retired to his 
country house where he betook himself to building & planting. 

" He had a great taste for all country diversions except hunting, 
and seemed to relish them as much as if he had never known the 

" His knowledge & reading were not confined to the law. He 
knew enough of divinity and Church history to enable him to rake 
to pieces those who made them their profession and study. 

"He had a very good store of natural philosophy & was in 
short a well bred gentleman with a fine genius & abundance of 
good nature and manners For some years he lived very retired 
& would not accept of a Commission to the Peace which was 
offered him. At last he thought otherwise, and afterwards he came 
to delight in cock-fighting. The business of a Justice did not look 
so frightfull and he became as useful a magistrate as his coontiy 
ever met with. 

"He ever retained his prejudices against Christianity & marriage, 
and had the greatest hatred & contempt to both I ever saw in 
any gentleman who could give reasons for what he did. He went 
to Church tis true, but twas to laugh at the priests and to read 
some book such as the Moriae Encomium of Erasmus in the open 
pew while the service was performing. But yet while I knew him 
he kept up family worship which he thought useful for the common 
sort of people. 

"Everyone must know what his favourite vice was for he took no 
care to conceal it and was fully convinced that he did no harm to 
Society in general or to any individual. His notion was that all 
women were free as long as they were not another's property, or 
not in a station of life which gave them reputation or character, 
for which reason he never but once meddled with a wife, or was 
concerned with any beyond the degree of a servant. In all other 
respects he behaved with the utmost decency modesty & 

"He was remarkable for composing breaches & preventing law- 
suits. He behaved to his brother as if he had been possessed of 
half his fortune. He showed the greatest afifection & duty to 
his mother while she lived, all his domestics were easy & happy 
about him and everybody was both diverted and instructed that 
had the good fortune to live within the small compass of his 

" He died at last of the gout which disabled & tormented him 
for many years though he was ever very moderate & temperate. 


le left one natural son now his heir and is buried at Botos 
■"leming Church. 

'^ This natural son of Mark Batt was named John Batt ; he was a 
ouDg man of very considerable natural abilities but idle dissipated 
xtravagant lewd & fond of low companio'^^ as might be expected 
rom such a birth as his which soon reduced him to great straits. 
le married young one Grace Croker for love, without a penny of 
Drtune & a good many poor relations. By thia- marriage he had 
large family of children which he soon left on the world as he 
led by his debauched manner of life at an early age. His estates 
lad been secured to his children together with some thing con- 
iderable that was left them by his Uncle William Batt who being 
. true grovelling miser died rich & left his fortune between 
ohn Batt's children and one Mark Grigg who had been bred up 
inder WiUiam Batt, a grocer who was his near relation & exactly 
ike him in disposition & therefore his favourite. This Mark 
Trigg he left also to be the trustee & guardian to John Batt's 
roung family." 

The following is added by Northcote : 

"An abstract of a letter from Plymouth dated April the 3' 1796 
contains the sequal of the account of the Batt family which runs 

"I had forgot to mention to you about Jack Batt's family as 

there is something remarkable in the fate which seems to attend 

them. Jack Batt left Mark Grigg and Drew as Guardians to his 

children but as soon as they begun to move they showed their 

natures and Mark Grigg who had the principal care of them found 

himself in the position of a poor hen which is fostering a brood 

of ducklings. As they had a living annexed to the estate the 

eldest son was sent to the University with good advice from Mark 

together with an exact account of what he could afford to spend 

there yearly. But the young man followed evil counsellors and 

spent so very extravagantly that he has ruined himself so that 

tiiey have been obliged to sell the estate & the living and all 

they say is not sufficient to pay the debts. As to the two eldest 

daughters they got lovers it would seem by a kind of elective 

attraction for two spendthrifts and attached themselves to them. 

The lover of the eldest girl was called Morshead of Cornwall & 

lie happened to be blown up in the West Indies by some sudden 

o^losion before Marriage with his Mistress' picture about his 

Deck. The lover of the second daughter unfortunately did not 

hlow up until after marriage and so produced a complication of 

ovils. He was called Gilbert & was at the time of his marriage a 

jieuteDant in the Navy but having as he said something handsome 

in hand and good expectances he quitted the Navy in order to 

J^ttle himself more comfortably in life. He accordingly married 

Jane Batt & carried her off from the Church door with his 


Buite in poBt-chaises and gave out that they were going to visit a 
rich relative an uncle. And not long after this the Batt's were 
obliged to sell Moditonbam with the living annexd to pay the 
creditors when Mr. Gilbert out bid the Bishop of Exeter and 
bought the estate and the living that it might not go out of the 
family. Tis true that when the conveyances were ready the 
money did not appear but some reason was given for it. However 
after a while M" Gilbert returned to Plymouth in order to lye in 
and they tigured away in Bellman's lodgings where they gave 
themselves uncommon airs snuffing up their noses and wondering 
at the presumption of most of their visitors. Soon after the lying 
in business had been performed with every attention to modish 
forms they left Plymouth to return to their rich relations. The 
sequel of the story is that long since M" Gilbert wrote her mother 
M'^^ Batt an account that M^ Gilbert and she were reduced to the 
greatest distresses he not being worth a farthing and that they had 
been skulking about for some time in order to avoid the bailiffs. 

"Mark Batt the second son gave £400 to one EEarvey an 
attorney whom he was to go into partnership with when his 
clerkship was out, but this Harvey broke, and the money was 
all lost, and this Mark Batt suffered likewise by becoming boond 
for this fellow's debts, and for his brother's. 


"I have known this gentleman ever since the year UIO when 
he came to M' Hallets academy where I then resided. He was a 
native of the City of Exeter. His father as I have heard was by 
trade a carpenter but died while he was very young, and is 
remembered by very few. His mother I knew well; she main- 
tained herself by attending lying-in-women, and had the character 
of a careful sober woman. I dont apprehend she was able to keep 
her son to school at her own charge, for being dissenters and living 
near to old M' Trosse, who came to see that the boy had extra- 
ordinary parts he gave him books and paid for his teaching.^ 

1 ** * Old Mf Trosse left him some books by his Will. That part of the Will 
relative to M' Z. Mudge is as follows : * Item my study of books I thus 

* dispose of. All my English books I give to my Wife. All my other books 

* Hebrew Greek Latin French I give to be divided between my cousin John 

* Tross and Zachary Mudge to be equally divided between them but the o' 

* Zachary Mudge to have the choice of each division because I suppose my 

* Wife will give to her nephew many of her English books.' 

** This Will is dated 23 Nov : 1711 when M^ Trosse was 81 years old. 
*' His Will also contained the epitaph he desired for himself • 

" * Hie Jacet 
Peccatorum maximus 
Sanctorum minimus 
Concionatorum indignissimus 

Georgius Trosse 
hujus civitatis indigena et incola 
qui huic maligno vale dixit mundo 
tali die talis mensis—Anno Domini 

seta tis suae.' 


When he had gone through the Grammar School at Exeter, he 
was placed with old M' Hallet & was then intended for a 
dissenting minister, & he had accordingly an allowance out of 
the Presbyterian fund to maintain him at the Academy. He staid 
there the usual time & went through all his exercises with great 
acuteness & it began to appear that he had something more than 
common both in his temper and capacity. He had not been too 
years at the Academy before he gave a specimen of the former in 
a very remarkable instance. He was very intimate in the family 
of M' John Atkin and grew very great with his head maid 
M" Moll Fox and at length fell desperately in love with her. 
She was some years older than he, and considered that 'twould look 
indecent to marry a boy who had nothing, and therefore refused to 
comply with his proposal immediately. The gentleman was so much 
offended at the disappointment that he immediately formed a scheme 
of running away to be revenged upon his mistress. 

"Accordingly one day he marches off without any money in 
his pocket any linen to change or any recommendation to any one 
person in the world to supply his necessities & very heroically 
takes the road to London. I have forgot what particular passages 
befell him in his journey thither though I have heard the story 
from himself, but I remember he told me when he came there he 
had not one farthing to get a lodging or to buy a piece of bread 
till by accident he found a half-penny as he was crossing S^ James' 
Park. With this he bought him a brick and then proceeded to 
the Tower wharf to try if he could get on board a ship that was 
bound to the East or West Indies. But in this he was dis- 
appointed for he could find no master or voyage and it was 
growing towards night & hunger weariness and grief pressing upon 
him he knew not where to go or what to do. At length observing 
&ome empty sugar hogsheads upon the wharf he thought it would 
be better lodging in one of them than in the street, and accord- 
ingly got into one of them and took up his lodging there for that 
night. He slept soundly and got out early next morning without 
being taken notice of & then went in pursuit of his favourite 
scheme again to enter on board some vessel bound abroad ; but this 
absolutely failing, and being reduced to begging or starving he 
begun to entertain some thoughts of returning home and accord- 
ingly he pursued his journey with all that expedition which his 
affairs required. His first night's lodging was under a hedge, he 
having nothing to purchase a little straw much less a bed ; but he 
slept well and should have been much refreshed had he not fallen 
iiito a dream which much distempered him. What the dream was 
I know not, but it had a great effect on him for he travelled a 
vast way in his sleep and crossed many a hedge in the night & at 
last awoke in a terrible surprise not knowing where he was or how 
he got there. At length he met a person who told him where he 
vas and by whose directions he found the way to Salisbury where 


Providence directed him to an old school fellow who relieved his 
hunger and gave him lodging. From thence he came directly to 
Exeter to the great joy of his mother who after all the inquiry she 
could make about him had given him up for lost & expected to hear 
that he was either hanged or drowned in some private comer — 

'^ Another instance of his temper appeared in a letter which he 
sent to his tutor just upon his leaving the Academy. I have seen 
& read it & myself & the substance of it I well remember to be 
this : That having put himself under M^ Hallet's care for his 
education he now expected that an income be procured for him 
sufficient to maintain a family : That he had been offered by 
M^ Eeynolds four score pounds per annum if he would assist him 
in his school, but that he would however stay among them 
(meaning the Dissenters) provided they would allow him the like 
sum. He added some hints signifying he knew his own abilities 
and something relating to a quarrel he had had with his mother 
& so concludes. M' Hallet happened to take his meaning right, 
and replied to him very smartly considering the man. He told 
him that tho' he & others had a very good opinion of his abilities 
and parts that yet he thought a little more modesty would do him 
no harm. That he could by no means think of gratifying him as 
to his demand, such incomes being seldom to be come at amongst 
Dissenters, that he hoped if he did not think it worth his while to 
remain with them, they might however make a shift without him 
as they had done before & that in short whatever opinion he had 
of himself he was not of consequence enough to be bought so 
dear. This answer, there being no preferments among dissenters 
equal to his merits & having not that respect paid him which he 
expected determined him at once to leave them and accordingly he 
accepted the place of second master in M'^ Eeynolds' school where 
he continued some years and in obscurity enough. At length he got 
to be master of the grammar school at Biddeford when he kept 
boarders many years and got a good livelihood. It was about the 
year 1720 he was chosen master of the Grammar School founded 
at Bideford in his native county by M" Sarah Stucley a maiden 
lady of fortune & the daughter of the celebrated Independent 
Lewis Stucley Chaplain to Oliver Cromwell. At this time Bide- 
ford was a very flourishing mercantile port with a large trade to 
America Newfoundland and the Mediterranean. The Corporation 
consisted for the most part of Dissenters so that the master of the 
school was then generally of that persuasion. M"^ Mudge after- 
wards conformed to the established Church & was ordained at 
Exeter Cathedral by Bishop Weston and on the death of the 
learned & ingenious W"^ Stephens in 1736 he was elected by the 
Corporation of Plymouth to the Vicarage of S* Andrews in that 
Town. It should be observed that the school of Bideford 
flourished much more under the superintendence of M^ Mudge 
than it has ever done since and among other scholars produced 


there may be mentioned D' John Shebbare who was pensioned 
at the commencement of the present reign at the same time with 
Johnson which occasioned the pun * that the King had bestowed 
his favours on a he-hear and a she-hear,^ Here it was that he 
thought of taking orders which he at last effected by the assistance 
of his Wife's old master M' John Atkins who by his acquaintance 
with Lord Chancellor King procured for him the Vicarage of 
Ibbotsham which was in the Chancellors gift. He then applied 
to D' Weston Bishop of Exeter for orders who at first seemed 
scruplous of granting them to one who had had no University 
education but when he came to examine him and found what 
a master he was of the learned languages, he was perfectly satisfied 
and not only gave him orders but showed him a very particular 
respect to the great indignation of many of the clergy who had 
not merit to deserve the like. 

" While he was in this situation there happened a vacancy in the 
Vicarage of S* Andrews at Plymouth. Several candidates sat up 
<fe made parties & M^ Mudge was never thought of, till one of 
the candidates hoping thereby to weaken his antagonist perswaded 
him likewise to set up which on consulting with his friends he 
did. He immediately got a very strong party contrary to the 
expectation of the candidate who advised him to set up and it was 
thought necessary for all who opposed him to join together & at 
last the whole dispute lay between him & one D' Burnett. He 
had many & great recommendations to support his character but 
I think none greater than what his then friend M^ William Atkin 
of Exeter sent to me which I carefully communicated to such as 
made a good use of it & which was of great service to him in 
reality tho' never taken any notice of or acknowledged. By his 
preaching he out did everybody that went before him & he soon 
got the affections of the people as well as a good interest among 
the electors. And at length after a long struggle & by an 
unexpected blunder of John Wadden the Mayor he was declared 
duly elected and had his presentation accordingly. He was now 
settled in a reputable & advantageous living & to add some- 
what to his character the Bishop made him a prebend of Exeter 
which entitled him to a scarf & enabled him once in a year to 
make himself known at the Cathedral, and so far has good luck 
attended him for he now lives suitable to his taste <& has been 
able to do more for his sons than once he could ever hope for. 
His character is so wel-known in the places where he has lived 
that I need say but little about it. He was without dispute what 
ve call a genius & had it been his fortune ever to have been 
known at the Temple the Eolls or at Boyle's lectures he would 
certainly have passed for a great man. 

"How far his own scheme of Christianity would have passed 
^pou the world I know not for it was very metaphysical & fit 
0% for the perusal of deep abstracted minds. 



'^He always tho^ or pretended to think that all other schemes 
were defective which I suppose might be the reason why in the 
first place he was a thorough Diest [sic]. He once talked it over 
with D' Clark who I was told had little to say against it though I 
never heard that he ever said any thing for it. He had a good 
measure of contempt for all our great men both Divines and 
Philosophers, he allowed them indeed to be honest but then he 8^ 
they saw but a little way. 

" I have often endeavoured to account for it, how it came to 
pass that he who was bred Dissenter & could so far over-come the 
prejudices of his education as to become a Deist should of a 
sudden fall in so heartily with the high notions principles & 
articles of Faith in the Church of England for tho' I don't believe 
he was ever reconciled in his heart to Church persecution, yet in 
his zeal in adorning of Churches & vindicating every doctrine & 
practice that has been invented for maintaining or increasing the 
power wealth & dignity of the clergy & became nothing short of 
any that were ever bred at Oxford or had been pupils to old Laud 
himself & this was one part of his scheme but not the only strange 
part of it & upon very serious deliberation I have been often 
inclined to believe that he was never honest at bottom in this 
extraordinary scheme and that he used all his art to amuse & 
puzzle mankind, the better to conceal or disguise his true senti- 
ments & principles which must be of a very different nature. I 
am the more confirmed in this because I know his conduct in 
private life was very contrary to the great truths which he affected 
to talk so much about. His final neglect of all study and abomin- 
able laziness to which of late years he became strangely addicted. 
His ingratitude to his old friends whose favours & persons he 
forgot his natural pride and haughtiness which showed on many 
occasions & his ambition of being powerful and rich in the Church 
are all very glaring proofs of this. He was a lover of pleasure 
& entertainments & though he spent many hours in much 
indolence in them he was very careful to maintain the extreme 
dignity of his function. He always showed great uneasiness at 
anything which reflected on the body of the clergy & treated 
every notion which reflected on heirarchy with great sneers & 
contempt. He was naturally generous & charitable, yet he could 
not sometimes help showing much of the priests' covetousness for 
he seemed vastly tenacious of his dues & sometimes be too much 
concerned about the quality of a pair of gloves & look a little too 
meanly after his fee.^ He conversed with few & were generally 
such as paid him best & lived elegantly. 

^ The following printed notice, isstced apparently by the Guardians of the 
Poor, is pasted into the volume here, 

"This is to give Notice 
"That a black cloth to be laid over CoflSns at Funerals is provided by the 
Guardians, for the Use of all the Poor of this Town : and such other persons 


" He had an odd way in conversation of showing his neglect of 
the person he had least opinion of, hy directing his discourse to 
another & sometimes hy turning his hack. 

"He was an exceedingly tender & generous father to all 
his children when grown up. He was very fond of being dis- 
tinguished in public by the great men & for that reason would 
make the most of himself on such occasions. He never cared for 
any correspondence with his old natural friends in Exeter & was 
observed to be very fond of any intimacy with their opponents of 
the High Church. He has been very severely censured for this — 
however to make some amends for it he sent fifty pound to the 
Dissenting Fund to indemnify them for any expenses they had 
been formerly at in their education. Some said that he paid this 
because he scorned to be beholden to them and called it pride, others 
thought it was by way of acknowledgment & called it gratitude. 

"He differed from most persons in one thing for he never 
affected to be meddling in party matters or to have any concerns 
that way but always kept within his own sphere decently & quietly. 
Upon the whole his acquired learning & great natural parts do 
very fairly entitle him to the character of an extraordinary man — 
and though the sermons & translations of the Psalms which he 
printed gained him little or no reputation in the learned world 
yet they are standing proofs of his learning & abilities. 

"He never made a new sermon but on a great emergency, he 
continually preached his old ones over & over & over again & even 
that seemed to him drudgery for his custom was to preach about 
once a month and though he was elected vicar chiefly for his 
preaching which was generally acceptable to his audience he 
notwithstanding suffered his indolence to disappoint them by 
employing a curate though he was blessed with health & strength 
sufficient to go through his work. 

"In an account of M' Mudge written by D"^ Watkins he says 
that after M' Mudge's settlement at Plymouth he published an 
admirable volume of sermons in octavo, an essay for a new version 
of the Psalms which is a master-piece of sacred criticism in one 
volume quarto & a siugle sermon preached at the visitation of 
D' George Lavington Bishop of Exeter. This last discourse is an 

as think proper to use it without Fee or reward of the Clerk at the Work 

** JVbfe. AU Mourning whatsoever sent to the Vicar Clerk & Sexton is a 
free gift and therefore the Vicar hath no right to demand Eighteen pence in 
Money instead of Gloves, and extort the same as he hath sometime past done, 
by sending the Gloves back (to the great prejudice of Truth) and refusing to 
walk before the Corpse without money, which many persons have from the 
melanchoUy Circumstances they have at that time been in submitted to, 
without wondering, or perhaps knowing that his walking before the corpse is 
of no use to the deceased : and that he is obliged by Law as well as his Duty, 
to meet the corpse at the Church Gate and Bury it at all seasonable Hours 
that the Friends or relations think fit and his legal fee for so doing is always 
charged in the Sexton's Bill, let them give what mourning they will." 

G 2 


tmcommonly well reasoned discussion of the argnments in favom 
of an establishment and the writer of this (D' Watkins) who 
n<)V(5r saw btit one copy gave it some years ago with the volume 
of M^ Mudge's sermons to the late sound judge of books Bishop 
Korsley who expressed a desire to keep them accompanied by a 
strong approbation of their merits." 

Then follows the character of Dr. Mudge from the London 
Chronicle, April 29, 1709, by Dr. Johnson, and the following 
note, written on a separate sheet of quarto paper, by, I think, 
Hainucil Northcote, junr., and pasted into the volume : 

" I have not read over either of these characters" (Dr. Johnson's 
before given cfe Mr. Candy's which follows) " for a long while, but 
** (ini now much surprised to observe the great poverty of M' G.'s 
** Miimll tribute as ho calls it at ye set out. How vulgar it eeems 
** lifter Johnson, to hear about M' M. possessing ye best qualities 
**of the Head Sz Heart & that the Testimonies of God were his 
** delight ^ his councellors, & of his being polish^ and humaniz^ 
** by the retirements of the closet which is rather curious and then 
** follows a i>oor dribbling comparison. Besides D^ Johnson says 
** nothing ot ^V M.'s having been a Haberdasher of small wares 
*S^* that ho made the most of all his little articles, or of his 
** having no unamiahh austerity; surely this is very common 
*Mnuttrr ^^ I alunUd say nothing about it if it were not admired 
** ovou now. When it was preach^ I remember it made everybody 
** ory i^ I Iwlieve I cry*d too, but I knew it would produce a 
**o\vntn\ry t^tfoot now, I mean on myself for the generaHty are 
'*»o bigtHtod to him that he may aviol himself ever so much of 
*' tho i)\\prv)VtHl metluxi of feeding horses & put any quantity of 
** ohop^HHi utrrtw wiUi his oats. You will better judge of this if 
** v\ui w^^d ♦lohu^n\*s character first" 

" IN^rt of a *ivrm^>n preached at S* Andrew's Church Plymouth 
bv tho l\<^v** M* Oandy soon after the Death of the Kev. 
\h Mud^*t^ .^T y^sar^ Vic*r of that Church April 9**» 1769. 

" A\\\l how I cAUUv^ T>^i$t tho Inclination I feel to pay a small 
ItiUwt^ tv^ the Wf^uuvty v^f y\n\r Uto m>st worthy pastor. It is 
\w\svi*\Ui* th<> *ul\i<vl I hav>» Nwn tx^eaung (let me die the Death 
vvf the \\v,<ht^n\* vi^^^ ^vH^U (jidl of bringing him to your min^ 
x''^' \ \U>\\bl Wv^l y\n\ t:ue($t5«\l with wbal in^^ntion I choee it, 

*" W \\\tiu>kli(' v^ x;u^^^J*rr>^l Fti<r.dship with which I vrss 
Ivxn^XxHWVn^ K ihi* xx\nV^ cwvU^iit ra*s: v^ which indeed (for soxxie 
>>Nfc\Nt \>**1^ W uv*n\c vW.c *r:>f^ h*i>^x:i<^ ol ey lifc : This togetl*^ 
>^U)\ iW ^^^iAl^^^\ I h*>iv K>r,x to hisu ir: ;a paUjc capacity seems ^ 
\Vd \^^s"^v x\u^ v/^^^w» >\^yv ^Al'vt- ;>.,5* ixlKxut :o ncv^lkct his virtue^- 

^^ Uv* X xVAXxfcxtvNt >fcj^ xuvi^^^i ^?:r^5*wd :r£> amiable »Jt lespectaU® 
V\\ aMX ^>^KM\ xvf l>5* S>=jfc| >;,^x;>«i oi i^ Hiifci ,fe Hearty bis under- 
**^x^U>^ V>M^1ViX^'v\ x^^!^^^ >^ xV<(£^««^3«£i$£T\fk WIS enlaiged & 


disciplined by study & contemplation. Well versed in every 
necessary branch of learning & nicely skilled in the original 
languages of the sacred writings, he lent himself almost wholly to 
the task he was so well iitted to undertake & to which the 
obligations of his profession very happily led him. The testimonies 
of God were indeed his delight & his Councellers & in the latter 
years of his life were scarce ever out of his Hands, hence his pro- 
found knowledge in the doctrines as well as the duties of religion : 
which in these matters made his authority almost decisive. The 
public already enjoy some fruit of his learned labours in the 
elucidation of the Holy Scriptures & it were much to be lamented 
by all that wish well to the interest of piety & good learning if 
any production of so much genius were lost to the world. 

"The retirements of the closet sometimes unfriendly to the 
growth of social virtue & oft to spread a rust over men of recluse 
lives served only to polish & humanize this most excellent man & 
more completely quality him for the offices & enjoyments of 
Society. He did not wrap himself up in a vain self-sufficiency 
but was industrious to impart every discovery of truth and make 
others as wise as himself not dealing out his knowledge drop by 
drop with the niggardliness & jealousy of a little mind but as an 
abundant fountain pouriog it forth with a generous profusion 
where he saw a capacity of receiving it & with an energy that 
made it always sink deep into the mind. Then in private life he 
omitted no convenient opportunity of showing the loveliness & 
necessity of religion & virtue with a warmth of a zealous votary 
to both. As a public preacher he enforced those great truths 
which he so perfectly understood with an animated manly & most 
unaffected eloquence. Equally removed from bigotry & insipid 
indifference he was steady in his own principles & indulgent to 
other men's learning without arrogance a critic without asperity, 
a genius without pride of parts, no wonder that his conversation 
was universally coveted as a certain source of instruction & enter- 
tainment. Whoever felt uneasy in his presence 1 Who was ever 
oppressed by his superiority of genius or learning 1 Who remembers 
an illiberal contradiction to have fallen from him or a mortifying 
expression that might cause a blush in the face of guilt or modesty? 
His candour and indulgence were indeed as great as his talents & he 
made the most of every little attainment, magnified every trifling 
grace, rejoiced in every hopeful promise, & if there was any virtue 
or praise in persons of whatever age or degree of understanding or 
abilities it was nourished by his liberal commendations, the truth 
is he courted no addition to his own & therefore was never inclined 
to detract from the merit of other men. 

"His virtue & wisdom however eminent had none of that 
unamiable austerity which has so often brought discredit upon 
^th: he knew too well the difficulty of being wise & good to 
felase allowance to the weakness and infirmity of mankind. 


" Thus influenced by the most ingenious and liberal sentiments 
& watchful over himself to detect the insinuation of every 
unamiable habit, years came upon him without their vices, & his 
very advanced age was adorned with all the cheerfulness, the 
candour, & the liberality of youth. His growing infirmities that 
seemed to lead apace to that sorrow which naturally belongs to his 
time of life never betrayed him into petulance nor divested him 
for a moment of that complacency which he had learnt in the 
school of Religion. For convinced that the Universe & every 
single part of the universe is under the immediate care of a Beiog 
of perfect Wisdom and of perfect Goodness, and that the great 
scheme of providence is so ordered as to include it all possible 
good to every individual of the creation, he did not suffer this 
grand opinion of his to rust in a useless & ineffectual speculatioii, 
but made it his rule of life. He was not only convinced that he 
ought to be satisfied at every dispensation of providence but he 
was satisfied : and the fruit of hia persuasion was visible in the 
admirable serenity of his mind, neither anxious for life nor afraid 
of death he had long given himself up to the supreme Dispenser 
of all events having subdued the reluctances of corrupt nature 
which dictates an indecent competition between our Wills & the 
Will of God. 

'*By a sudden death it pleased God to spare him indeed the 
(tain of further trial, but at the same time I doubt not he lost the 
glory of being exemplary in the last stage of life as he had been 
in the progress of it It was I believe his wish to die, & he 
indetnl might be allowed to wish it, for such was the tenor of his 
life that no death could be sudden to him [a view of religion, sic]. 
If the constant improvement of his talents, the sincerest love of 
God and zeal for his glory, the firmest persuasion of the truth of 
the Go$(^l, and an exemplary though unostentatious practice of 
the duties of it, v^' the warmest and most comprehensive charity, 
cmn qualify a man for the enjoyment of Heaven, he is, where he 
firmly trusted he sliould be, in the bosom of his Bedeemer. We 
may well l^ allowed to mourn his loss «S: it were strange indeed if 
wo divi not ! for wheio again shall we find so much learning 
tempox^i again with so much wisdom and adorned & softened 
with $o many graces of social virtues f But it is for ourselves wo 
must weep *Jc not fi>r him for he is in everlasting Peace, J. G. 

** Avlvertirement of iuteuvled publication in two vols 8vo of a 
new ea^lar^^\l and eleg^it FAlitivni of the late Eev. Z. Mudges 
Senuvxtts cvxutaiuiiig b<*sivUv< *:v t-TsVdVc'i^ ainne^ mentioned hy 
1^ *K>hu$vu\ but uv^w very ;5caice several valuable Discoubces 
never be^^^J^^ puMi;!^u\l wl -x" 

I vVU^^vWr that with thi?i tuonunr of Zachiiriah Mud<ie. Fox's 
writing: ouvt^iv The tv^t of tho menunr? and the collections 
in iho vvxluiuo Atx> bv J^uue^ NovUKVto. 



"In addition to other artists of Devonshire perhaps it would 
not be unamusing to notice Thomas Rennell. 

"Who was born of a good family long settled in this county 
near Ghudleigh in the year 1718. After remaining some time at 
the Grammar School of Exeter he was put apprentice to Hudson 
the portrait painter in London, long before Sir Joshua came to 
Hudson. How long he remained in that situation we are not told 
but at his return into Devonshire he settled at Exeter with a wife 
and family. In process of time he removed to Plymouth where he 
resided many years and drew several portraits which were much 
admired in that neighbourhood & gained the painter the patron- 
age of the Duke and Duchess of Kingston who endeavoured to 
draw him from his obscurity by a promise of their house and 
interest in London. But this splendid offer was lost on an indolent 
mind and from Plymouth then went to settle at Dartmouth where 
he lived in great poverty several years. He has been known to lie 
in bed for a week together with no other sustenance than a cake 
& water. His art had only its turn with other amusements, and 
if a picture was completed in twelve months it might be con- 
sidered very expeditious No sooner was he in possession of a few 
pounds than any strange object that presented itself was instantly 
bought, though by so doing the necessaries of food & clothing 
were to be sacrificed. About two years before his death he 
experienced a comfortable asylum in the family of J. Seale Esq'® 
9f Dartmouth, and the manner of his end evinced his serenity if 
not stoicism. Being asked whether his pains were not intense he 
replied No, that they were such feelings as he could not describe 
having never felt any thing of the like kind before; then he 
wished his friends a good-night, turned his head aside, and expired 

"The knowledge of Mr, Eennell was universal for there was 
hidlj a science that did not come within the sphere of his com- 
prehension. As a painter he is said to have possessed some merit 
particularly in the drapery of his portraits. He occasionally 
attempted landscape but nothing can be more wretched than these 
attempts. His paintings are not numerous & to be found chiefly 
in the neighbourhood of Dartmouth. He was very fond of 
Chemistry to which he devoted a considerable portion of his time 
^' Most of his colours which he prepared himself went through 
that operation and he is said to have discovered the art of fixing 
those which are the most fading, but this I do not believe. Of 
Diusic he was passionately fond and though he was not an excellent 
performer on any instrument he composed some pieces which 
display genius. He also invented & constructed an instrument 
containing sixty strings, struck with a bow, moved by the foot. 


& moderated by keys. Some of his poetical pieces have been 
printed but most of his papers were destroyed. 

'^Extracts of a letter which gives some particulars of this 
singular person's manners and character. 

'' Last week I had a four days jaunt in the South Hams with a 

friend & paid a visit to W. M and his wife who had several 

times invited me to their house and being but two miles from 
Dartmouth we went there. I had some little curiosity to see that 
place and more to see what figure Eenneli & his works made there. 
We went instantly on our arrival at Dartmouth to his lodgings and 
were directed by the woman of the house to a little garden-house 
at some distance from the lodgings where she said he always 
painted and kept his colours but in our way to this place we met 
him looking more stiff if possible than ever, and so tarnished that 
you would hardly have known him. His hands & face were 
tanned by the sun & his coat miserably faded & threadbare. He 
would not go back with us to his garden-house ashamed I suppose 
to have his works seen or perhaps he had nothing there to show ; 
and so pretended business to the opposite end of the town 
However my friend who invited him to dine with us at his house 
at half past two o'clock (it was at this time a quarter past ten in 
the morning) He hesitated & at last said that he would if he 
could. Immediately on our parting with him I ran over to my 

companion E and said what I supposed he had to do to fit 

himself out and amongst the rest that his shirt must be washed 
and dried at the fire, and from what we heard of his manner of 
living a good dinner must be a rarity with him for it is commonly 
said in Dartmouth that he feeds on blackberries in the season & 
other things of the kind But I believe no one would let him 
come to the fire with his wet shirt so that he was obliged to wait 
the tedious effects of the sun upon it for he came so late to W M's 
house that the dinner had been carried off an hour & a half for he 
seemed to be disappointed on learning this and said that he would 
go out & dine & return again notwithstanding their entreaties to 
have a dinner carried into another room for him. Now there is 
nothing but a wretched village, where he skulked about an hour 
or more, & then returned pretending to have met with a piece of 
beef, but the rattling of his bowels soon gave the lie to this 
pretence. W M having a print of Inglefield's Distress in the 
house was desired to show it to Kennel before he went away. 
But not till he had had some porter & tea & bread & butter he 
looked at it a few minutes & then said he liked the kind of 
engraving very well, but made no critique on the design. Rennell 
talked with vast caution, and told the old story of his having 
written an Analysis of Colours with some observations on the 
causes of their mutability but which he should not publish as 
there was too much conceit among the painters to read it. This 


put me in mind of Mr Carry's taking title pages which caused 
treatises to be written to them. He wore the same threadbare 
coat with a finnish waistcoat, but his shoes stockings & breeches 
and shirt by age and bad management cut a miserable appearance 
& together with his coate pointed out the poverty which his 
indolence had brought upon him. He does read but it is of things 
which he has no business with and altogether I thought him a 
most disagreable object." 

There is only one print done from his work, a very good 
mezzotint by Lester, from a portrait of the famous Dr. John 
Huxham, M.D., Plymouth, painted by Eennell from the life. 


" This most excellent man was born at Bideford in the County 
of Devonshire and was the son of the Eev. Zachariah Mudge, Vicar 
of St. Andrews in Plymouth. He was bred a surgeon under one 
Woollcombe a Surgeon & apothecary in the town of Plymouth 
Dock. This profession he continued for the best part of his life in 
Plymouth with the greatest success that so limited a situation 
could afford, but had he been in the great theatre of the Metropolis 
he most undoubtedly would have surpassed every competition, for 
the greatness of his natural capacity together with the extent of 
his acquired knowledge and the exquisite beauty of his disposition 
& manners must have rendered him invincible wherever he was 
once known, all which were too much lost in the narrow sphere in 
which he was consigned to move. 

"His progress in life was somewhat impeded by an early & 
somewhat imprudent match which he made with a young woman 
with whom he iell enamoured at his entrance into life & who soon 
produced him a numerous family of children, and she having no 
fortune & he but little practice, the first part of his life was spent 
rather in poverty though she was a careful prudent industrious 
woman I think her maiden name was Mary Buttell. She died in 
child-birth of her eighth child who died with her. The rest were 
all living at her death but one who died sometime before her. The 
violence of his aifection at her death was so great that it brought 
him near to death in the short space of half a year, when he was 
obliged to take a journey to London in hopes of recovering his 
health & spirits & which had the desired efifect, for on his return 
he soon married his housekeeper to the utter astonishment and 
disapprobation of all his most intimate friends, and all this within 
the twelve months of his first wife's death. This second wife was 
handsome but said to be very artful. She had been the cook-maid 
to M" Horneck of Plymouth, but being considered as a person of 
considerable capacity was recommended to him as a proper person 
for a housekeeper & superintendant of his young & helpless 


family, but she so ingratiated herself with him that he soon became 
enamoured of her. She turned out to be of a most unhappy 
disposition & led him a most unhappy life the short time she Hved, 
which was but a few years, when she died of a consumption. She 
left him the addition of two more children to his family, a boy & a 
girl. After this he remained for some short time a widower & 
then married a person whom he met at a christening whom from 
his own imagination & goodness of heart he thought he saw filled 
with innumerable perfections & accordingly soon after married 
without thinkiug it necessary to make much enquiry about her. 
By her he had five other children all of which with their mother 
outlived him as did the two by the second wife but all those by 
the first wife died before him though many of them at years of 
maturity two of the daughters having been married one to the 
Rev. James Young of Puslinch the other to M' Eosdew a surgeon 

6 apothecary. 

^^ About seven years before his death he was made a Member o£ 
the Eoyal Society. He also took out a diploma from the College 
of Physicians of Edinburgh, & practiced as a physician in Plymoutl^ 
with considerable success. At last being worn down with age & 
infirmities he quitted this life for that better which he so mvLclo 

"He had belonged for more than fifty years to a club in Plymoufct 
called the Otter Club, because its institution was from a set of youix^ 
men who used to meet in the morning for the purpose of sea bathing 
and once a fortnight at a tavern for each others society where the^ 
supped. D' Mudge was one of its founder?. The society ws^^ 
composed of twelve members each of which had a silver mecLfifc 
which they wore at their breasts at the evenings of meeting. ^ 
short time before D' Mudge's death he writ this letter to M' Samae 
Northcote Jun'^ and with it he sent his medal, it was brought ^^ 

7 o*clock in the morning. 

" * To M' Northcote, with a medcU, 

"'My dear Friend, 

" * Will you have the goodness to return my medal to ffa 
Club with my best wishes for its happiness & permanence. 

" * There is a time of life when sensual pleasures grow vapid < 
cease to please, — that period I am arrived at : but juvenile or:»-^ 
entangle themselves round the heart and are the last to quit th 
hold among these this necessary sacrifice of my medal to 
necessity I moke with the greatest reluctance. I have worn it 
half a century near my heart ! 

"*John Mudge- 
" *l^tween two & three in the 
morning of October 1** 
1792 after a sleepless 


"The foUowiDg particulars were taken from the letter of his 

friend M' Samuel Northcote Jun'. 

" On Monday I saw D' Mudge but found him much reduced and 

his minds in that weak state that he wept twice while I talked 

with him, not only the tears flowed but his face was wrung like a 


"The death of D^ Mudge happened on the 26 of March 1793 
about 3 o'clock in the morning. This event was rather sudden as 
lie had walked out in the morning as far as George Street and sat 
near two hours at Rosdews, but he got cold there & complained 
soon after of gout : however he got better the Monday & took a 
moderate dose of Matthews' pills, but towards the next morning 
the servant maid who sat up with him perceiving him uncommonly 
pale & disordered called up the servant Eobert who called 
Eosdew & his mistress & he presently died away, I am glad to 
think without paiu. The news of his death came very unex- 
pectedly to me & very much aflected my mind, as the idea of 
D' Mudge was connected with a long train of circumstances. Such 
strokes as these make the world dwindle to nothing in one's mind 
for awhile. D^ Mudge was buried Monday morning when I 
attended the funeral & found myself greatly affected. A poor 
servant woman who had lived a long time with the family & who 
also attended sent forth bitter cries at the grave & poor Eobert 
quivered with anguish. All the Rosdews attended. He was 
interred at S* Andrews Church at Plymouth where a marble 
monument made by Banks the sculptor is erected to his memory 
and on which is the epitaph written by himself as under. 

"His pall bearers were Lord Eliot M' Elford M^ Samuel 
Northcote Jun' M' Leach M' Dunsterville M^ Bastard of Kitley & 
M"^ Heywood of Maristow. 

"The following lines were written by D' Mudge himself not 
very long before his death : — 

" * Janaa Vitae Sepulchrum 
Hie juzta sitae sunt Exuviae Johannis Mudge 
Medicinss Doctoris 
Nee non Societatis Regise Socii : 
Ipse illse 
Spe carta in Christo Salvatore resurgendi 
rie, placideque animam Deo reddidit 
Die [xxii Martis] anno salvatoris 

"This was inserted in one of the London morning papers at the 

tmie: — 

"'Died at Plymouth on the 26 of March 1793 after having 
"6611 for many years subject to severe and repeated attacks of the 
gout which he bore with the greatest fortitude John Mudge m.d. 
^•R.8. who for his skill in the science of mechanics was no less 
^^inent than that of medecine, of which his improvement in the 


£.■ ^i 


formation of reflecting telescopes, his excellent medical treatises 
long & extensive practice bear ample testimony : but to his private 
virtues, his social talents, the quickness & penetration of his 
judgment, the warmth of his friendship, & the goodness of his 
heart, those who had the happiness of knowing him best can speak 
best, and long will they have reason to lament his loss.' 

" These verses were written by M' Andrew Sanders of Plymouth 
and were published in one of the London papers : — 

** * Reader if vice or folly mark thy life 
If guilty passions rage with baneful strife 
If aught malignant in thy mind be found 
Let not thy step profane this hallowed ground 
But if benevolence thy bosom warm 
If genius fire thee or if science charm 
If virtue to" thy soul were ever dear 
On Mudge's ashes drop the kindred tear.' 

" *0n Tuesday morning March 26*^ 1793 died in the 72"* year 
of his age D' Mudge an eminent physician of Plymouth, as 
universally lamented as he had lived beloved and esteemed. X^ 
this excellent man were combined the best qualities of the head 
and the heart. His admirable genius which signalized him not i^ 
the various departments of his own profession only but in many 
other walks both of art and science, was tempered with the most 
engaging benevolence & condesension, and his medical practice w*^ 
combined with so unaffected a sympathy with the miseries he w^^ 
called to relieve that his patients felt that he was their friend ^ 
well as physician. In domestic scenes his affectionate attention^ 
endeared him to his family at the same time that the vigour ^ 
brilliancy of his conversation rendered him a very instructive ^ 
delightful companion. His cup of life was but too largely dasb-^^ 
with the bitterness of pain & sorrow yet through the natai^* 
cheerfulness of his temper and the affecting sense he entertained ^ 
the truths and duties of religion he had the happy talent ^ 
allieviated his own burdens and those of his sympathizing friei3.<3 
by extracting & enjoying whatever portion of good he foa.^^* 
mingled with the evils of life. This sunshine of the breast ne^V^ 
forsook him and would no doubt have shed a lustre on his X^^ 
moments had been called to the task and patience of resignafeif^ 
by a lingering and laborious change, but he was spared this txri^ 
by a sudden and easy passage from this life to that better st>^'* 
which is perfectly congenial to the piety & the philanthrophy iytx^ 
distinguished him.' 

"The above character was written by the Eev John Gaxi<ij 
vicar of S* Andrew at Plymouth, and was published in the n&^^^ 


Elegy in a newspaper : 


* * * With skill to cure or soften human ills 
And temper o'er the malady that kills, 
With worth to dignify what science graced 
With knowledge, learning, polished wit, and taste, 
We saw thee blessed and while we grieved admired 
What heaven bestowed and studious toil acquired 
Daily enriched thy ample mind was fraught 
With brilliance fire & energy of thought 
Thy heart which felt each soft affections power 
Seemed formed by nature in her happiest hour 
Thy talents showed what blessings neaven can give 
Thy manners charmed & taught us how to live 
The tears which nature and affection shed 
O'er the lost friend the tribute of the dead 
For thee oh frequent falls no common woe 
Bade the full stream of heart-felt sorrow flow : 
All who the gift of thy affection shared 
Enjoyed thy friendship favour or regard 
Who prized thy talent or thy worth revered 
By wnom respected and by whom endeared 
All wept thy lost with grief & pain severe 
Great as thy worth and as their love sincere 
While sad reflection all the past review 
And scenes now closed in retrospect renew 
Afl'ection sees thee all thyself appear 
So great, so good, so honoured & so dear, 
And midst the sketches memory's power displays 
Which gild the picture with its brightest rays 
Some deepened traits which meet the eye disclose 
That even thou hast tasted human woes 
That health which followed where thy skill was tried 
Was to thyself oh ! long and oft denied 
That all the ties which mind and heart entwine 
And which with added strength encircle thine 
Were in severe succession burst in twain 
Sad fruitful source of misery & pain 
E'en midst those sorrows & those scenes of grief 
Where the full aching heart finds no relief 
Those powers which minds like thine alone can know 
Soften thy pangs & dignified thy woe 
And in that hour whose sad event we weep 
Where tired nature sunk to peaceful sleep 
Thy soul its proud prominence displayed 
Turned from its native heaven too long delayed 
And e'en on earth from human dross refined 
With scarce one struggle left the world behind 
Shook ofl" mortality & winged its flight 
To realms celestial, & the seats of light' 

' It may be said of D' Mudge that he had no circumstances in 
' life to make him happy. His children most of them died 
Ij^^g and before him, and his wives tormented him by ill-humours. 
^ the happiness he could gain was the pleasure he enjoyed in 
titribntiDg to make others happy which was to him the source of 
^ greatest happiness." 


" Letters. 

" Addressed to Mr. James Northcote 

" at Sir Joshua Eeynolds 
" London. 

"Plymoll*^of Septl772. 
" Dear Friend^ 

"A very severe fit of the gout from which I am not yet 
recovered will only allow me at present to thank you very 
heartily for your obliging present of the picture which is ex- 
ceedingly well done & I shall highly value : and to request 
the favour of you to procure for M' Charles Fox (my neighboui 
James Fox's nephew) who will call upon you soon a sight of 
Sir Joshua's pictures. I would have written Sir Joshua himself 
but as I know he is soon to be with us was not sure whether 
a letter would find him in town. All your family are well, and 
I am ever my dear Sir your most faithful friend 

"John Mudge. 
" M" Mudge sends you her best wishes." 

" Addressed to Mr. Northcote 

" at Sir Joshua Reynolds 
" Leicester Fields 
" London. 
" Backemore Jan^ 29**^ 1775. 
" My dear Friend, 

" I daresay you have concluded by my long silence that 
you should hear no more from me and if so must have formed 
conclusions not very favourable to my gratitude or even friendship. 
I hope however you will give me credit when I assure you that 
it has not arisen from want of either, for I have in truth stood 
self condemned ever since the last obliging present you made me 
of the excellent copy of my friend M' Smith's picture — so very 
good a one that if you had pleased you might have kept the 
original and palmd otf the copy upon me without the least risque 
of detection from me, for except the advantage the former has 
from the mellowness of time, which is only discoverable when the 
two are by the side of each other, I protest I should not have 
known yours from the original. The same cause or causes which 
have delay'd my very hearty thanks to you for it have hitherto 
delayed my sending it to the family which I shall however do 
now very sood. 

" My mind has for a great while passed been so much oppress'd 
by the melancholy incident in my own family and at the same 
time so embarrassed, particularly of late by business that I really 
have scarcely had resolution to do anything but what necessity 
has forced upon me. I hope therefore you will be so good to 
accept this as an apology for this aparent neglect and to believe 


me when I assure you that I ever had and shall ever cherish the 
most cordial Friendship and affection for you. I write this from 
M' Pitts in Cornwall, on whose lady I am attending. You will 
he so good to give my compliments to Sir Joshua and tell him 
that I believe he has forgot his prommise which I have with 
great impatience expected the scraping of C^ Hugolino : he was 
so good as to say he would give me one of the first impressions 
as soon as they came to his hands, do be so good as to put him 
in mind of it. 

" I hope you see my dear Tom frequently, I wish he may be 
as close a coppyist of his virtues as you have been with regard to 
my friend which I do not despair of as I am happy in believiDg 
him well disposed to it. My time and paper are at an end, so 
that I shall only add that I am ever my Dear Friend 

" Yours most faithfully 

" John Mudge." 

" Addressed to James Northcote Esq^ 

"Argyle Street. 

" London. 

" Dear Sir, 

"If I have not given myself too much credit with you, 
you will believe me when I assure you that I have for some time 
past suffer'd under self condemnation for not giving you my earlier 
thanks for your very kind letter but I have an excuse to offer that 
you cannot feel the force ofi nor vdll till twenty years have gone 
over your head, and then you will be sensible of the rigidity 
and stiffness of mind accompanying them. When I received your 
letter I had not read M' Burke's book. I have done so siuce, and 
read it with wonder and rapture. It is certainly full of principle 
and most admirably written, but I fear it is the beauty of the 
diction which principally pleases this waterish age. Then the 
manner & method is not the best, perhaps it is almost the 
worst. The French could have chosen to establish their new 
constitution I am inclined to believe when the crisis is com- 
plete (which is however at a vast distance) and the Fever of the 
Mind is subsided it will settle into a better state than could have 
been procured by attempts to amend the old one. 

" There is a strong analogy between the Political World and the 
Animal eeconomy : Physicians have their distant and proximate 
causes, both whicn are essential to the production of Disease or 
that bustle in the constitution which is necessary to the re-instate- 
ment of Health in the Animal : and those are so far corelates to 
each other that the cause can no more subsist without the effect 
than the effect can without the cause. Now the alteration in the 
mode of thinking which has been gradually growing in the French 
nation for above an age past renders them intoUerant of their late 
government: nor is it possible to re-instate it unless the general 

f _, ^ 


mind and feelings were to return to the state they were formerly 
in. Brutus was much mistaken when he thought by the assas- 
sination of Csesar he could recover the original greatoess of the 
Common Wealth, the Eomans had by degrees lost their virtae, 
& they were incapable of any Government but a despotic one. 
So much for politicks. You mention a distant intention of trying 
the effects of the Bath waters. I think they would by their 
exhilirating effects be exceedingly useful to you. M" Mudge and 
my family joyn in kindest remembrances to yourself and Miss 
Northcote and I am always my dear Sir 

" Yours most affectionately 
" Pray present my kindest " John Mudge." 

" remembrances to Sir Joshua 
"Plym« March 26**^1791." 

" My dear Friend 

" Will you have the goodness to return my medal to the 
Club with my most affectionate wishes for its Happiness, and 
Permanence 1 

"There is a time of life when sensual pleasures grow vapid, 
and cease to please. That period I am arrived at, but juvenal 
ones entangle themselves around the heart and are the last to quit 
their hold : among these this necessary sacrifice of my Medal to 
fatal necessity I make with the greatest reluctance. I have yroto- 
it full half a Century near my Heart ! 

" Between two and three John Mudge," 

in the morning, of Octob^ 1«* 1792, 
after a sleepless night." 

"Plym^May 8 1790 

" D'^ Mudge's Compl*^ to M"^ Northcote & would beg the favotir 
of him to call on the Librarian of the Eoyal Society for tb© 
Numbers of the Transactions which are due to him." 

This last and the letter of John Mudge returning tb© 
medal are pasted together; then follows, written on fon^ 
sides of a sheet of note paper : — 

"You desir'd me to mention any particulars about my fjath.^^- 
I don^t know exactly what particulars you mean but those whicb 
are naturally most forward in my mind at present are those reJatinK 
to his illness and his death. After the last paralitick stroko I 
believe he never went into the shop any more tho' he talked evoiy 
day that he would have a fire made there the next day and go *^ 
work as he had a quadrant which he must do, but whenever b® 
got up from his chair & attempted to stagger out Jenny an<J ^ 
prevented him telling him it was too cold to-day for him and t>li»* 
he sho* stay till to-morrow and then he answered Well if yo^ 
think so I am easily persuaded for I must confess I am very loath 



ait the fire and so we kept on till the third evening before his 
h when he said about 5 o'clock that he must go up to the pan 
then he was become so weak that he laboured excessively to 
ip the stairs pulling up by the inside rope with one hand and 
ting on the other, and panting and groaning as he went up 
stopping every 2 or three stairs to get breath, at last when he 
got up all the stairs but one he cried out eagerly what this is 
top stair! well thank God, and after this he never spoke of 
ig down again but finding himself very weak that he wished 
to be taken up till the evening. The night following he rung 
me twice first to put up his rupture which had gotten much 
m he said had become very painful. I reduced it for him & 

I him that I was glad he had called me. About two hours after 
rang again and when I entered the room he said Good God ! 

I I must be obliged to make your life miserable, but I told him 
t calling me up by night would never make me miserable 
ecially when there was such reason for it This time he com- 
ined of much pain but the rupture was not down again only 
truss bore hard upon his back especially as he was obliged to 
upon it continually. After it was day he rung again and then 
' angry that Jenny never came but I told him that Jenny had 
time to put on her cloaths. He had this time let his pot fall 

broken it and this was the only night he ever rung the bell 

from the time it was first 

Be suffered a good deal of pain by gravel and other disorders 

seem'd apprehensive for some weeks before his death of his 
coaching end and when I have put him into bed (a month 
>re his death) I have seen him on his first lying down lift up 
^yes with much fervor and as if quite inattentive to all around. 
We had much trouble to get him to change his linen and 
tx [bottom of first page] I came one day to put up his rupture 
id *Why your shirt quite stinks Sir' He answered quickly 

aye I shall soon stink worse myself and he often cried out 

sudden * Oh ! my God what shall I do T 
And when we help'd him upstairs the last time he said, 
3re I see that it will very soon be over with me now my 
Lgth is quite gone.' About this time he afforded a melancholy 
< His cheeks were fallen reduced to that weak by repeated 
lytic stroks that his legs could no longer support even the 
ue of dressing was more than equal to his little remains of 
his cheeks were fallen in so that his cheek bones projected 
h and at the same time terribly pale his eyes which used to 
ar so were now become dull and the lidds so clotted 

L rheum that altogether you would hardly have been able to 
lect the appearance with what you once remembered him. I 
assure you that it was terrible to see and I may say terrible 
lave seen. He w^ latterly often cry out (as if hemm'd up 
re there was no escape) * Oh ! My God ! what can I do T " 



On the remaining fourth part of the sheet is as follows:— 

" You some time since desired me to write you any particulars 
about my father which I will now do whilst many little things are 
still fresh in my mind or else as these are not things to cherish in 
ones mind I shall forget them. 

"I have heard my father speak of the circumstances of this 
robbery. He said that the rogues were so intimidated by the 
furious attack of this man who frightened them out of the house 
did not usually lodge in the house. 

''I have heard my father relate the circumstances of this 
Bobbery. I remember to have heard him say that the man who 
frightened them out of the house did not usually lodge there hnt 
happened to sleep there that night by accident & upon theii 
entering his room in search for the plate he sprang out of bed 
snatching up an old rusty sword which happened to be at band 
he rushed unexpectedly & with so much fury upon them that they 
ran down-stairs in a panich and ran out at y® front door of the 
house which he instantly bolted and then (cetera desurUy 

I imagine this fragment relates to the last illness and 
death of Samuel Northcote the elder, the father of the 
painter, probably written by his son Samuel, and found 
among his papers and preserved by James Northcote, his 
brother. It is evidently part of a dmft, and is written on a 
note addressed to Samuel Northcote, "M" Ellison requests 
M' Northcote to be so obliging to send her watch by the 
bearer. Tothill, Thursday Morning,'* and addressed on the 
outside, "M' Northcote." Across one of the pages is "To 
write ? " 

"Plymouth 30 March 1794 

" Dear Brother, 

" That I may forget nothing which I have to say to you I 
shall answer your letter in the order you have placed ye things. 

** I am glad you are so soon going to send away the Box w** I 
shall be glad to see the contents of and particularly the magazine 
you speak of. 

"In your case I should be very glad to see the effects of 
eminence for such it may be considered by you as you are by no 
means the contriver of such compliments yourself. But it is not 
an uncommon practice in those cases to put the Cart before the 
Horse in attempting to. make the effect produce the cause. I 
should suppose that you could not oblige the magazine-man more 
than by giving him the particulars of the story of the supposed 
apparition at the white-ale club in this town, and M^ Lyne Bretts 
verses on the sea would suit this purpose as they are much better 
than any poets of the present day can write. But I suppose that 
this objection may start in your mind to both these things that 


they have been known hereabouts to have been stock stories for 
many years to our family and therefore may show some connection 
between the Editor of the account of yourself and you. I know 
you returned me M' Fox's characters and also the account of the 
town of Plymouth, but not the paper which I copied out of the 
family Bible M^ George Cleather borr^ of Tom not long since for 
the purpose, but it is a matter of no consequence, and as to 
Barlows book by Hollar I did not mean to have it returned to me 
unless you find it to be of no use to you, but there is in it a print 
of which I know you have a duplicate, I mean that of the Eagle 
and Serpent and if you would send me that I would thank you. 
If 'the box be not already sent away I w^ desire Polly ^ to put the 
colour^ cotton into it and to let me know what it cost, and if you 
think proper the varnish for. M^^ Lewis* picture may be sent by 
the same opportunity, M" Yonge took the opportunity of my 
dining at her House to pay me the ^ guinea for the gown, and 
begged that I would give her comp^ and many thanks to my sister 
for her kindness, in ye evening I walked with J Yonge to 
Puslinch. Billy Veale^ told me that D^ Huxham must be older 
than I mentioned to you. He said that he must be about 76. 

"You enquire about D^ Mudge's monument. I do not much 

like the thing itself and the place where they have put it, less. 

In the first place it seems ill proportioned, for the truck at ye 

bottom is large & heavy w^ great clumsy roundings at ye corners 

and the Gothick arch w° is over the figure is too contracted. The 

proportions were certainly much better in the sketch you sent me. 

Then the place they have chosen for it, is the comer immediately 

inside the /East door on the left hand, where they have fixed it 

resting upon another monument which you may remember to be 

there with a figure fronting you with the Hands in the action of 

praying. It is placed very high and cannot conveniently be seen 

from any situation unless in one of the high pews under D^ 

Huxham's exchutcheon and when it becomes darkened by time it 

will become jumbled together with the old monument upon which 

it rests and which already operates in this way in a black list or 

l)order w^ goes round monuments as a frame in the manner I did 

to that you sent down and which Polly can explain. M^ Gandy 

and Dick Eosdew who are quite cronies put it up. 

"But what is perhaps worse than all they have altered the 
inscription, and which M^ Gandy told M^ Rosdew was trash. D^ 
Madge no doubt by the Ipse illoe intended to make as strong a 
distinction as he could between the exuvice (as the word is) and 
the part which was to rise again through hope in Christ, and if you 
observe those words they made a distinct line of themselves. But 
^^ Gandy has thrown them quite out and instead has put the 
ifelative qui — so that by improvement in the words and in the 

^ Mary Northcote, who lived with her brother James in London. 
* Apothecary of Plymouth. 

H 2 


arraDgement they have made quite another thing of it. — Here you 
have another instance of M^ Gandy's delicacy for supposing the 
epitaph as D*" Mudge left it to be ever so incorrect yet it was high 
presumption in those wretches to call it trash Ss to alter it without 
consulting James Yonge and the family and so I would most 
certainly tell them when they came to me to pay my part of the 
expense and which I would refuse to pay a farthing of. This is 
the epitaph as D^ Mudge left it 

" * Janua vitae Sepulchram 
Hie juxta sitae sunt Exurise Johannis Mudge 
Mediciuae doctoris, nee non Societatis Regise Socii 

Ipse illse 
Spe certa in Christo Salvatore resurgendi. 
Pie, placidequi animam Deo reddidit 
Die anno Salyatoris.' 

And they have not mentioned his age which they ought. I have 
sent you the epitaph and I beg that you will ask M' Hoaie or 
M^ Boswell if it be really incorrect as I much wish to know this 
from better authority than I can get here. How far D^ Mudge 
would in such an instance have been from calling it trash and how 
slow to change it unless it had been obviously wrong. After his 
father's death he inspected the fitting up of the house for his 
brother Tom and when they came to new paint the fore parlour he 
observed the window seat, where his father used to sit and study, 
to have the old paint quite worn away to the board in that spot. 
He said * God ! it went to my heart to paint over the place.' The 
last time I was at M^ Whites happening to speak of his relation 
M*" Trosse and that you had met with his life M^ White told me 
that his father published that life much against his inclination hut 
Trosse ordered it should be done after his death. He showed me 
Trosse's Will made 23 of November 1711 when he was 81 years 
old. There is a great deal of saintship shown in this wUl in all 
the religious cant of the times, and he gives also in it the words of 
his epitaph which I here send you. 

Peccatorum maximus, 
Sanctorum minimus, 
Concionatorum indignissimus 

Georgius Trosse 
hujus Civitatis indigena et incola 
qui huic maligno tale dixit mundo 
tale die talis mensis 

Anno Domini 

setatis suae.' 

" I also copied out that part of the Will relative to y® Old M 
Mudge as follows Item, my study of Books I thus dispose of, all toy 
English books I give to my wife, all my other Bookes, Hebrew* 
Greek Latin & French I give to be divided between my Coz Joh^ 
Forse and Zachary Mudge to be equally divided between theitt 


3ut the said Zachary Madge to have the choice of each division, 
)ecause I suppose my Wife will give to her nephew many of her 
jinglish Books. 

" Dick Eosdew looks up to M^ Gandy with a respect little short 

>f adoration and in his own mind being an attorney has added 

lim as a sort of codicil to the Trinity. M" Luxmoor, M*^ Patt, 

las got a young son; George Tolcher dead, Old Rogers, Sexton, 

lead, and Eaworth dead (Pearse's cotemp') I am every now & 

ihen astonished to see how everything of this world is flying on. 

W^ you think it. That Eobin (M" Blights spindle shank^ boy that 

was) has ^ot a son a fore-mast man on boa^ a man of war, and 

poor M" DunstervilJe is grown quite an old woman but brisk at 

times, she is astonishingly alter'd since Polly saw her. I thank 

you for what you say about my coming up this summer. But 

Jemiy's ill state of health makes it impossible & has prevented 

me for some time from indulging myself with any such hopes. I 

find by Andrew Saunders that Pris has answered a letter w^ she 

liad from Polly and has informed her of their being about to set 

off for London. They yet hold their intention of setting out 

Tuesdy morning, and have very kindly ofifer^ to carry me up free 

of expense. Elford does not soon return to camp as he is employ^ 

here in the augmentation of the Militia. God bless you, and I 

remain your most aflectionate Brother 

"S. Northcote." 

Addressed on the outside of the folded sheet : — 

" To M' Northcote 

Argyll Street N^ 39 

Oxford Street 

London " 

"Bear Friend, 
"I intended to have wrote you last post to have returned you 
^y thanks for your kind attention to my dear Tom. I was then 
prevented but now do it most sincerely, for without a compliment 
I am very sure the countenance of so worthy a friend must have 
been a very great comfort to him, and I do not know that any 
thing would give me more real satisfaction than to see the 
J^^aintance subsisting between you cultivated into the warmest 

"I find you have a brace of pictures in the Exhibition, — a 
youtjg lady and an old man : the former I dare say will do you 
^^^it but the latter, as the original will be known to a number of 
spectators will I dare say do you infinite honour as the excellences 
j' drawing & manner will be united. I much want to know the 
^te of the west country landscape, for entr6 nous though I think it 
y®U eeough considering ; yet considering where it is gone, I wish 
^ had tarried at home, for if Sir Joshua gives it a place in the 
*'Xhibition I think it is the strongest proof of his partial attach- 


ment to the place of his birth that he can well give. Everybody 
knows how far application & industry will go with little genius, 
and the merit of this picture consists in showing how far the lattei 
will extend without the assistance of the former ; but few that 
view the picture at the exhibition will make these allowances. Is 
Gompte Hugolino finished, the scraping I mean? do let me know 
when you write. Be so good as to give my compliments to Sir 
Joshua & Miss Eeynolds — tell him Poggi goes on very well, and 
accept yourself the sincerest wishes of Dear Sir, 

" Your very faithfull 

" friend 
" Plym<> April 26 " Jno Mudge. 


" Tom told me when he wrote last that you was somewhat out 
of order. I hope by this time that your cold and feverish habit is 
worn off. I have not mentioned it above as he desired me not to 
do it. They are all very well. 

"Addressed to M"^ Northcote.*' 

" Dear Sb, 

" I have intended several posts past to assure you of my best 
wishes & at the same time to thank you for both your letters but 
by some means or other I have been constanly prevented. I was 
rather uneasy when I received your last to find that by a mis- 
apprehension of M^ Elford you had been informed that I was 
displeased with your silence : I know you will give me credit when 
I assure you that it was a mistake. I own I wished much to hear 
from you before your brother came down & to know what kind of 
prospect was placed before you, but since I received your first 
letter I entirely depended for any further information on your 
occasional correspondence with your own house. I am mucb 
pleased to find that your father seems prepared for, and perfectly 
reconciled to, any scheme in the painting way, whether yo^ 
encouragement should turn out sufficient to induce you to settle i^ 
London, or otherwise to tarry so long as pecuniary consideratioD^ 
will permit you so as to lay in such a fund of knowledge and ma^® 
those acquirements which will at least turn out advantageous 
supposing you to return into the country. If upon the whole y^^ 
should find that there is no prospect of settling in London and J^ 
should wish to stay some considerable time longer : I must ins'S' 
on the promise you gave me that you will not suffer the scantiu-^,^^ 
of your finances to disconcert your schemes, but that you ^^ 
candidly give me a hint and I will with great pleasure send you ^ 
remittance immediately. As I know you are interested in everj 
thing which concerns my happiness I am sure it will give y^^ 
pleasure to hear that I am emerging from the most oppressive ^^^ 
unhappy state of spirits I ever experienced tho' God knows I ba^^ 


felt severe and awful dispensations of Providence. I hope my 
Wife's illness will have a happy termination : for though she is yet 
far from well and intends to go to Mr. Morley's country house for 
her perfect recovery tomorrow The disorder of her breast puts on 
a milder and less frightful appearance and she recovers her Flesh 
and appetite so that I hope I do not deceive myself in expecting a 
perfect re-establishment of her health. The endorsed lett' will 
inform you that all your family are well & I do not recollect 
anything further to add, but my thanks for the trouble you took 
to procure my glasses (which were exactly the thing) and my 
assurance that you have the most cordial wishes of your sincere 

" Your sincere friend & 

" Hble Ser* 

" J^^o Mudge. 
" P.S. When you see S"^ Joshua 
my respectful compliments 
to him 
"Plymo July 19*1^1771" 

"Batterseal7 Oct' 1818 
" My dear Sir, 

"I wish much to procure your assistance if you can give 
it to put a young artist of great promise into the way of improving 
his talents with a view to a favourable settlement in the world. 
The young man in question is son to M' Johnson who keeps the 
old Down Inn between Bath & Wells. My late relative and 
friend M' Rosdew took a great interest in the family I send you 
by my son who will give you this letter some specimens of the 
young man's drawings which are not copies but have been taken 
hy him from the real objects. It would seem as if architectural 
drawing was more particularly his forte and his friends have an 
idea that it might be possible to get him with some artist of 
distinguished merit who for the benefit of the skill and assiduity 
of young Johnson would give him board & lodging and instruction 
for two or three years as might be agreed between them. The 
young man is only sixteen years of age but his appearance and 
steadiness of character would lead you to believe him ten years 

" If any recommendation of yours would be of service to young 
Johnson you would oblige me very much by giving it, and it 
Would be bestowed upon a character that I think a very 
Dieritorious one 

" Believe me, my Dear Sir 

" Yours very faithfully 

" Tho« Mudge. 
" Addressed on the outside 
"James Northcote, Esq'^® " 

^. J"-' _ ^ ^ ■ 


"Battersea Friday 17 Dec' 1813. 
" My dear Sir, 

'^I did not send for your book at the time mentioned as 
I wished to tell you something in answer to what I wrote about 
John Mudge's picture late the property of Sir Eichard Fletcher — 
I learn from M' Eosdew that it is to be sold by auction with two 
or three other pictures (one of yours of Tom Mudge) for the 
benefit of his Eichard^s family & at M' Eosdew*s request I have 
applied to Eobins of Warwick Street whom I am acquainted with 
about selling them and by this post I mean to write my friend 
Eosdew to send them to Town for the purpose. Before any thing 
is done as to the time and place of sale I will endeavour to see 
you & we will talk further upon this business. If your book is 
now with you and you can spare it you will oblige me by sending 
it by the bearer 

" Dear Sir 

"Yours very faithfully, 

" Tho« Mudge. 

"As you wished to have my lines written on the High Eocks 
Tunbridge Wells, I send them to you on the other side 

" Their works of man their feeble powers display, 
Which mark their weakness & their quick decay, 
But this great work of Nature proudly shows 
The Power Supreme whence all its greatness flows, 
Whose high behests Creations wonders framed 
And thus in mighty Deeds His Name proclaimed. 

"For your amusement I add my epigram on BruneFs Block 
invention — 

"A Symbol oft a Block is made 
To show a brainless empty Head 
But here a Block with little pains, 
Displays a head thats full of brains. 
" Addressed 

" James Northcote Esq 

" Argyle St. 

" At the top of Great Marlborough St." 

"Battersea 28 September 1815 
" My dear Friend, 

" You may possibly think I ought to be ashamed of myself 
for not having noticed your very kind note long since, but the 
truth is I meant to call upon you & if I could have done it the 
necessity of writing would have been superseded. Your reasons 
for not painting my dear fellow (who twines himself about my 
heart in a manner you can but faintly conceive) are such very good 
ones that I cannot make the least objection to them. I can only 


hat there are circumstances which stand in the way of the 
bion of the feelings of a fond and as some people might he 
to say, foolish father. I send you at the foot of my 
y lines upon the death of poor Hodge and as I last evening 
e of the blank part of your note to scribble off a few more 
it 1 mean to give to my god-mother on the fifth of next 
m her attaining her 84*^ Birthday I send you these also, 
ir united kind regards to yourself and your Sister Believe 
iear Sir, " Most truly yours 

" Tho» Mudge 

the death of Major Hodge of the 7*^ Hussars one of the 
o heroes. 

** In Nature's bloom in Nature's pride 

The Hero fought, the Hero died, 

Devoted to his countrie's cause 

A grateful Nation sighs applause 

While every friend with tearful eyes 

Drops oer the mournful sacrifice. T. M. 

es on the Birthday of M'^ Sprigg on attaining the age of 84. 

" The Sands of Life thus roll away 
And bring again that Natal Day 
On which we meet to celebrate 
The entrance on this Mortal State, 
Of one whose Virtue's all benign 
With bright unvarying lustre shine 
And give a foretaste here below 
Of joys which Angels only know. T. M. 

iressed on the outside 
James Northcote Esq'^ 
"Argyle St., 

Great Marlboro' St." 

"Battersea 11 July 1816 
dear Sir, 

*As you have led me to hope that we should have the 
I to see you at Battersea in the summer will you and your 
vour us with your company and take a family dinner with 
'e o'clock on Sunday next. 

" My dear Sir, ever yours 

"Tho« Mudge." 


s gentleman was born I think at Bideford in Devonshire, 
i the elder brother of D'' John Mudge md of Plymouth 
bh of them sons of the Rev Zachariah Mudge Vicar of 
Irews Plymouth and Prebend of Exeter. M'^ Thomas 
was bred to the employment of a Watchmaker having 
)prenticed to the famous M' Graham the Watch-maker." 



"This gentleman was the nephew of M" George Brett whose 
life has been before given and consequently the grandson of 
M' Samuel Brett who has been mentioned in the preceding 
memoirs. His mother's maiden name was Lyne and sister to an 
eminent ship-builder of Plymouth and his Christian name was 
Lyne after the family of his mother. I think I have heard be 
was an only child and that his father was a mercer in Plymouth 
in which place Lyne Brett was born in about the year 1713. 
He had a tolerable education but by his own industrious studies 
joined to an excellent capacity he had acquired a great stock of 
knowledge of nature and of books. He was bred up a dissenter 
from the Church of England according to the professed tenets of 
all his family. His studious turn of mind added to a tender and 
delicate constitution of body most probably shortened his days. 
He had some pretentions to poetry as may be seen by the 
following specimens of his attempts in that way. His manners 
were simple, honest, pious, just, with the highest and the most 
pure sense of honour. His most intimate friend and the one he 
most valued was M^ Samuel Northcote sen'^ of Plymouth to whom 
at his death he left a hundred pounds together with a good part of 
his library. He died during the lifetime of his mother of a con- 
sumption on the 12**^ day of January 1741 and at the early age 
of twenty eight years and lies buried in S* Andrew's Church at 
Plymouth. He together with his friend Northcote sen^ were 
founders of the Otter Club at Plymouth being both of them 
very fond of Sea-bathing and from the frequent meeting for this 
diversion it was that the Club originated. M"^ Lyne Brett passed 
the whole of his short life at Plymouth except that he once out of 
curiosity took a journey to the great metropolis of the kingdom 
London and while there he took the opportunity of paying a visit 
to that illustrious learned and pious preacher the Rev. D^ James 
Foster of whom that great poet Pope has these lines 

** * Let modest Foster if he will excel 
Ten metropolitans in preaching well.' 

"And while Lyne Brett was in Foster's parlour he observed 
lying in the window seat some of Shakespeares and other plays 
on which he said to him then I perceive Sir you do not scruple to 
bestow some of your kisure time on the perusal of works of the 
lighter kind. No indeed sir replied the good man I do not for 
this is the only means I have of knowing the world. 

" * ON THE SEA. 

* * * Great God though every work of thine 
Proclaims its Author all Divine, 
Yet in the Sea I plainly see 
The noblest attributes of Thee, 

1 This was written on the Hot*. 


When all is bright when all serene 

When no rude winds disturb the Main 

The shining prospect seems to prove 

The mildness of the God I love. 

Bnt when the raging billows roar, 

And foam & dash against the shore 

Then in the tempest does appear 

The vengeance of the God I fear. 

Me thinks the wide extended Sea 

Resembles Thy immensity 

And Lord like Thee though vast profound 

Unfathomable joy is found 

Like Thee the sea its blessing grants 

Though always giving never wants 

Is ever full and still the same 

And nations only change its name.' 

" * ELEGY 

" *0n the death of Miss Judith Smith who died the 27^ of May 1739 
iece to W^ Benjamin Smithurst. 

" 'The Virtues came 
Sorted in gentle fellowship to crown her, 
As if they meant to mend each other's work 
— She was that only blessing 
My soul was set upon and I have lost her.' 

"RowB, Jane Grey. 

** * In all the pride of May now Spring appears 
A gay and smiling face all nature wears 
Each waving Wood returning verdure crowns, 
And every hill and every dale adorns 
In new-blown flowers the painted meadowes bloom 
Each bush breaths music and each herb perfume 
Soft flow the streams, the winds but softly blow 
'T is bright above and all serene below, 
But ah ! to me in vain the spring return 
I worse than winter's shades creation mourns 
Tasteless of every charm I shun the grove 
No more from hill to hill delighted rove 
I leave the flowery vale & verdant glade 
To mourn amid the mansions of the dead 
For oh ! my Delia in her beauty's bloom 
Torn from arms lies buried in this tomb. 
And here ye gentle youths and tender maids 
Beneath the sacred arches awful shades 
Here come and if 't is possible that ye 
Have ever equal loved, now mourn like me. 
Come ye distressed with me in sorrow join 
Fast fast must flow your tears to flow like mine 
But was my tears awhile forbear to flow 
Though tears and silence grief sincerest show. 
Cease while the ambitious muse attempts to paint 
What earth hast lost to give to Heaven a saint 
Delia was all the good and wise admire 
What women ought to be or men desire 
Fair was her form accomplished was her mind 
Blest with good sense & with a taste refined 
Her wit though great yet never gave offence 
Her Piety was free from vain pretence 


Above her sex's levity & pride 

Virtue her guard & reason was her guide 

Such — Oh ! 'tis death to say it, — was the fair 

The dear dear object of my earliest care 

Young though I were, her charms my bosom fired 

And long I've loved what all have long admired 

By slow degrees the strongest passion grows 

Twas friendship first & then the kindled flame 

Encreasing took a more endearing name 

Then tenderest love possessed my tender heart 

A love as void of interest as of art 

A love which few can feel but none express 

A love in nothing wrong but in excess 

So strong, so free from every base alloy 

Time could not alter nor could death destroy 

Since such my love, and such the lovely Maid 

Who can my love or who my grief upbraid ? 

Others who for a painted outside sigh 

Dote on they know not what they know not why 

Or sordid souls insensible of love 

Whom lust of lucre or ambition move 

May part with ease ; but, Oh ! tis hard to part 

With one so justly loved so rooted in the heart. 

Should Heaven with sickness vex this mortal frame 

Leave me exposed to want exposed to shame 

Ev'n by reason's aid I might endure 

Or hope might ease the pains it could not cure 

But when sad fate the charming fair in whom 

Lived all my hopes of happiness to come, 

Resigned her life, then with her parting breath 

Fled all my hopes of happiness on earth 

And now thus wretched beyond all relief 

Beyond expression, nay beyond belief 

What shall I do ?— I '11 fly far far from sight 

Of all mankind — to silence and to night — 

For what is day that shows not Delia's face ? 

And now she 's dead Oh ! who hath power to please ? 

Yes I will seek some lonely moss grown cave 

Silent as death and dark as Delia's grave 

In that sad place 111 sit & ceaseless mourn 

While undistinguished days & nights return 

Till worn with grief and dying with despair 

I mount to heaven to meet my Delia there 

There where the pained find ease the weary rest 

There where e'en wretches like myself are blest 

And in those bright celestial courts above 

I shall be best for Duty there is Love. 

Then come that wished for ever happy day 

When every sorrow shall be sent away 

Ye hours, ye minutes swiftly swiftly fly 

Come come ye angels waft me to the sky 

Receive dear saint tho' to the skies removed 

This last sad tribute of a muse once loved 

Oh ! did I ever think that I should live 

This last sad tribute of my love to give 

Thou wert the subject of my earlier song 

Another dear saint shall last employ my tongue 

Yet though my verse no more my sorrow show 

My tears in silence shall not cease to flow. Finis. ' 





" * To thee dear Joe these lines I send 
Not as a poet but a friend 
Free and unstudied they are writ 
To show my love and not my wit 
Though to do that perhaps I 'd better 
Write in plain honest prose my letter, 
Because in verse, I can't tell why 
E'en truth looks something like a lye, 
But tis to make you laugh in rhyme 
I tell you how I spend my time. 
I rise, and if the weather 's fair, 
Away to Hoe to take the air 
The Hoe ! Oh tell me where youVe been 
Have you a fairer prospect seen ? 
Does not its charm before your eyes 

' Now in imagination rise 

And was it but kind Phoebus will 

To give me Pope's or Denham's skill, 

Thy beauties Hoe, should be my theme 

In lasting verse I 'd paint each seen 

With Cooper's Hill I'd join thy name 

Like Windsor's shades should be thy fame. 

But I forgot, I were to tell you 

Not what I can't, but what I can do. 

Upon the Hoe I musing walk 

And if in company I talk 

There saunter up & down & tarry 

Till I, that is my legs, are weary 

When I return I drink my tea 

Then write a song or read a play 

Or do some business but you know 

It is not much of that I do. 

The morning past and dinner done 

At Sams^ I spend the afternoon 

And while he works we two discourse 

Of you, Bulls, earthquakes, motion, force, 

Of gun-powder, and civil wars. 

Volcanoes, riddles, coxcombs, stars, 

Of parsons, pendulums, and tides. 

And twenty other things besides. 

Or if I chance to go up street 

Perhaps I may the doctor^ meet 

But he you '1 say 's a man all spoiled 

And overrun with wife and child 

He now can't talk to ye worth a farthing 

Unless tis of his child or garden 

Of coughs, pinks, colics, poppies and 

Of breeding, teeth, and mixing sand. 

But if my mother please to visit 

At home & by myself I sit 

Or in the shop I stand and there I 

Take notice of the folks that go by 

As you my friend were wont to do 

For one dear sight of you know who 

1 (?) Samuel Northcote, Watchmaker. 2 (?) Dr. John Mudge. 


Or else I cross the street and chat 

Of snuff, dress, sweethearts k all that, 

When evening comes I take my cane 

And go to Key or Hoe again. 

To Key, methinks I hear you say, 

What business have you now to Key ? 

I han 't the business that I had 

Thank God I am not now so mad, 

But still to Key sometimes I go 

To see which way the wind doth blow 

And thats an errand full as good 

As when I there false Molly woo'd 

And went to see if I could, find 

Which way love pleased to blow her mind. 

Then I come home to meet our friends 

Near the Pope's Head at M** Bends 

And there I read or else I parley 

With Tolcher, Elford, Pike, or Kerley. 

And there I hear whats said or done 

By almost every one in town 

Who has succeeded, or miscarried 

Whos got a place or who is married 

Or who of late hath got a windfall 

Or of the building of the Guildhall 

Of the last blunder Baker made. 

Of who is sick or who is dead. 

Thus till my mother thinks tis proper 

Then I 'm by Molly called to supper. 

My supper eat I go upstairs 

To study or to say my prayers 

Read Lock or Crousa's useful page 

Or Milton's flights or Shakespeare's rage. 

Or if I 'm merrily inclined 

Fontaine or Swift diverts my mind. 

And having filled my time & head 

Before eleven I go to bed — 

But if, as commonly, I dream 

'Tis ten to one but you 're my theme. 

Thus as Dan Prior doth aver 

I lead a kind of as it were. 

But sooil I hope to bid adieu 
To this dull life and come to you 
Then— But if I begin to tell 
Of that which pleases me so well 
I shall not know where to leave off 
Nor ever think I 've said enough ; 
So for the present I will end 
As usual with I am 

Your friend.'" 

Then follow : 

" On the Sea. By Line Brett. 

"An epistle to Henry Tolcher Esq of Plymouth by Lme Brei*^' 
" A Song by Lyne Brett. 

"A prologue by Lyne Brett to a tragedy written by hitxxS6 
called the Merchant of Plymouth. 

" The Merchant of Plymouth, A Tragedy by Lyne Brett. 



" Impression of Silver Medal worn by the members of the Otter 
Club on the evenings of their meeting to sup at the Pope's Head 
Tavern at Plymouth, Twelve in number. 

" A Song for the Otter Club. 

" Bill of the Supper celebrating the existence of the Otter Club 

half a century. « t>h i-« 

^ " K** Curgenwen 




Post chaises. 

«c 1790 Plymouth. 

reb. 16 

"Tea and Coffee for 22 



For Cakes 



Supper for 22 @ 3/ 

'. 3 


Porter and Cyder 












Sugar & Lemons 


Wax Lights 






Servants Supper &c . 







12 at 17V- each . 10 - 

9 r 

1 6 

For Serv*« . ( 

5 6 

" On the back of the bill 
meeting was to celebrate the 
the Club It also states that 

" Lyne Brett. 
Henry Tolcher. 
Samuel Northcote. 
Jonas Foot. 
George Leach. 
Lancelot Elford (Rev. 
Samuel Gandy. 
Philip Cockey. 
Nicholas Gennys. 
William Brent (Rev.) 
Edward Archer. 

is written, as above stated, that this 
50*^ anniversary of the founding of 
the original Members were 

John Mudge whose name does 

not appear in ye Club book 

till 25 Jan. 174f all the 

others so early as 1740. 

The Members present at the 

) celebration were 

D"" John Mudge. 
Charles Yonge. 
Samuel Northcote Jun' 
George Leach Jun' 
William Elford 
The writer stops here." 


" My dear Friend 

"You know before this time that I am a very bad corre- 
spondent, but your last very kind letter gave me some distant hope 
that I should have the pleasure of another from yon and then I 
should have been able to answer the two in one for although 
nobody has more pleasure in receiving letters than myself I cannot 
say that it is an equal pleasure to write the answers to them 
Another thing which prevented my writing sooner. I have also 
had most of my leizure time taken up by the revisal of Sir 
Joshua's Life & making considerable additions to it. These aie 
just about to be published which has much employed my mind 
and will require my attention some time still in looking after the 
printers. However I have now the pleasure to return you my 
sincere thanks for the friendly interest you have taken in procuring 
for me the freedom of the borough of Plymouth which was 
regularly announced to me by the Mayor in a very polite letter 
which [was] highly complimentary and yet appeared to deliver his 
own sentiments which were exceedingly gratifying to me. 

" Any time at your leizure a letter from you would give me very 
great pleasure as I am now cut off from all intelligence and am 
perfectly ignorant of all the affairs or the operations of Plymouth. 
We have had the pleasure of seeing M' Howard of Tamerton who 
has given me all the news which he had any knowledge of but as 
he does not live in the town lives in the country he was not 
acquainted with the affairs of Plymouth. You have suffered a 
considerable loss to your society in the death of M^ Saunders 
which will not soon be supplied. 

"I hope M^^ Dunsterville is better in her health. Please to 
remember our kindest respects to her from my sister and myself. 
As to my own health I keep tolerably well with due care but in 
the beginning of the summer I was dangerously ill for a long 
time. Wishing you and all your family health 

" Cet des!' 

" This is the rough draft of a letter from James Northcote to 

What follows appears to be the first attempt by Jam^^ 
Northcote to write a Life of Sir Joshua Reynolds. Tb^^^ 
are many errors and mistakes, but there is a good deal wbi^^ 
has not appeared, as far as I know, in any memoir of tb^ 


" This Illustrious and most acomplishd Artist was bom at "t*^® 
Town of Plympton in Devonshire on the Sixteenth of July l7 ^*^ 
on a Thursday about half an hour after nine o'clock in "t*^® 
morning — and as the most trifling particulars relating to so great * 


ir may at least to some curious persons be of value I can 
them that his godfather's at his baptism were his Uncle 
who gave him his own name and a M^ Joie but his uncle 
ig present at the ceremony was represented on the occasion 
• -Aidvin. his godmother was his aunt Reynolds of Exeter 
b being present was represented by a M" Barly. 
ave been informed that he was originally intended by his 
bo have been bred to the profession of a surgeon, and 
Lgly made some steps in the study of anatomy though it 
t appear by his works that he had gained much of that 
— He used to say that had he been bred in that profession 
Id have endeavoured to have attained to the summit of it 
'e ended his career in being the first physician of his time, 
ihis as an argument to prove that it is more generally the 
f eminence in mankinds than any particular propensity to 
ticular art or science that makes them great in it as he 
lot allow that there is any particular power possessed to 
man rise to greater eminence in one profession more than 
or what we vulgarly call genius in any particular work or 
ut that the whole is natural judgment matured by study & 
bion and that your early choice is directed by some (often) 
ved accident. 

) father of Sir Joshua was a clergyman and minister of the 
I Plymton the income of which is very small being only a 
r curacy. He was also Master of the Grammar-School 
bich is well endowed — however his income was very small 
de for a wife and six children all of whom out of eleven 
the age of maturity to wit Two Sons and four daughters 
aughter named after his wife Theophila died an infant by 
irelessly let fall out of a window. I think Sir Joshua was 
- child. 

M^ Reynolds was a man of learning but most remarkable 
extraordinary simplicity of his manners and innocence of 
It is said that he was so unable to conduct the school that 
b was reduced to only one single scholar. He was so absent 
hat I was informed by a Mend of mine to whom he paid a 
the country that when he came to get from off his horse his 
»erceived that he had but one gambado to his saddle and 
ed it to him — when the old M^ Reynolds said with much 
by * Indeed, so it is, well I am sure I had them both when 
t from home, I certainly must have dropped one of them 
«ray without perceiving it,' which was the truth as it was 
ds found on the road. He was also somewhat remarkable 
taciturnity. The following anecdote is related of him. 
fe's name was Theophila. To avoid words & questions 
he would choose to drink tea or coffee he told her * When 
'he you must make tea when I say Theoffy then make 



" The sons manner had all the simplicity of the father, but yet 
he was a man of the world & most highly accomplished and so 
amiable & modest in his carriage that he made friends to all who 
knew him. As he had early shown some little inclination to the 
art of painting one M' Cranch of Plympton a friend of his 
fathers advised him to send his son to London to be under the 
most eminent painter of that time which was Hudson the face 
painter (a native of Devon also) and this was accordingly done 
and the day young Eeynolds came to London to be with Hudson 
was on October the fourteenth 1741 when he was about the age 
of eighteen. He only continued two years with Hudson in which 
time he made such a progress that a picture of his doing having 
by accident been seen in Hudson's show-room was universally 
preferred to that master's works on which account Hudson grew 
jealous of him and they parted. He then went down into the 
West Country to try his fortune — him & his two sisters took a 
house at the Plymouth Dock, the sisters kept a milliners shop and 
he painted on the first floor. Here he painted a great number 
of portraits and although at that time he had had so little practice 
yet many of those portraits show evidently the dawning of great 
talents. At this time he became known to the Edgecombe family 
of Mount Edgecombe and all whose portraits he drew they warmly 
patronised him & strongly recommended him to the notice of the 
Honourable Augustus Keppel, afterwards Lord Keppel who took 
him with him up the Mediteranean where Keppel was then stationed 
as Commodore on board the Centurion man of war, and they set 
sail from Plymouth on May the eleventh 1749 and on May 24 they 
arrived at Lisbon as I have seen by some memorandums written 
by Eeynolds himself, in which also he says that on June the 9*^ at 
night he arrived at Gibraltar and on July the 20*^ they came to 
Algiers and on August the 23'*^ he says he began to live on shore 
which must have been at Port Mahon where he continued some 
little time & was employed much to his advantage by the interest 
of Kepple who prevailed on almost all the 'officers in the place to 
sit to him which much improved both his art and his purse. On 
quitting this place he went to Rome and from thence sent a letter 
to his first friend & patron Lord Edgecombe which I have seen in 
his own hand-writing and which I shall give from a copy verbatim 
as it serves to show several particulars which cannot be explained 
so well by any other means." 

Here follows the letter to Lord Mount Edgcombe, given m 
Leslie and Taylor's Life and Times of Sir Joshua Beynolds, 
vol. i. pp. 38, 39. 

" This letter was copied from a memorandum book of Reynolds 
own writing. It may be seen that it is unfinished and was the 
first sketch of his letter to Lord Edgcombe, and as it contains 


particulars of his voyage I thought it proper to insert it — 
iect as it is. 

le time he spent in Rome was employed with much judg- 
adustry and ohservation — indeed such as might he expected 
Dne of his talents and virtue He copied & sketched in 
itican such parts from hoth Eaphael and Michael Augelo as 
ught would be of most service to him in the pursuit of his 
id after remaining in Italy, I think about three years, he 
3d to England through France and at Fans met Sir William 
)ers the architect and his wife who were then on the way to 

He painted a portrait of Chamber's wife there, with a hat 
ich throws a shadow over the upper part of the face. She 

that time very handsome. The picture is a very fine one, 
s a mezzo-tinto from it. 

hen he came to England he landed at Plymouth, and at 
ime was not in good health. While at Plymouth he 
i two portraits one of which is that of D' John Mudge of 
uth from which there is a mezzo-tinto print. The other 
' a Miss Archer a child at the time — at the price of five 
3 each. But his friend Lord Edgecombe would not suffer 
> paint any more there thinking it improper to spend his 
sdnting in a country town, and as soon as he had established 
alth insisted on his going to London which accordingly 


) first took lodgings in S^ Martin's Lane where his good 
ind his amiable modesty gained him some powerful and for 
)rtunate connections in this early part of his life, which 
)r with the assistance of his own genius soon made him 

eminent as a portrait painter, and was the means of his 
equiring a large fortune by his art Even his first sitters 
f the first rank in the kingdom, the old Duke of Devonshire 
ihe second sitter who came to him after he came to London. 
)n left his lodging in S^ Martins Lane and took a house in 
►rt Street, where he continued seven years with the greatest 
I, and on his quitting Newport Street he bought a good 
in Leicester Square, to which he built a handsome gallery 

works and an elegant painting room, and in this house he 
aed to live till his death. When he went into his house in 
tier Square he set up his carriage, and his mode of living was 

bout this time a misfortune happened to him from his 
sunily, for one Johnson an ironmonger who had married 
I his sisters had a great ambition to become a merchant, 
aving no money to begin with he told a fine tale to 
rother- in-law Reynolds, and who in hopes of reaping 
advantage from the employment of his money in trade let 
9n have all he had then got, to the sum of eight, some say 
Lousand, pounds which this fellow gambled away, and soon 

I 2 


became a bankrupt, and Eeynolds lost the whole, and not only 
this, but Johnson endeavoured to prosecute him as an usurer as 
having lent him money on exorbitant interest. This conduct so 
much exasperated Reynolds that he never after would take any 
notice of his sister Johnson or her family of six children, except 
that he suffered them to come to his house when they were in 
London but never showed much cordiality towards them till 
bis death, when he left to one of them who had been fortunate 
in the East Indies and had a good character, his watch by his 

" At the institution of the Royal Academy of London Reynolds 
was made the first president by the unanimous consent of all the 
artists and also on the occasion accepted of knighthood from the 
hands of George the Third, and no man ever added more dignity 
to that title — a title so much prostituted that at this time few 
Gentlemen will condescend to accept of it, but had it been always 
thus bestowed it would be the highest honour, instead as it now is 
little better than a jest. However he accepted of it and as it 
served to particularize his name from that of other painters of his 
time it probably turned to his advantage with the vulgar for 
although a man of such high & splendid abilities he could not feel 
himself above sometimes aiding himself by those small arts which 
dazzle the eyes of the ignorant. 

" Sir Joshua about the middle part of his life was chosen a 
freeman of the borough of Plympton and afterwards Alderman 
and Mayor, and so attached was he to his native country that 
he declared this gave him more pleasure than any other hononr 
of his life. On this occasion he presented to the Corporation 
his portrait painted by himself which is placed up in the Town 

" He was now made a member of the Royal Society of London 
and also of the Antiquarian Society, and likewise a member of 
the Imperial Academy at Florence to whicl^ place he also sent his 
portrait painted by himself to be placed in the gallery of illustrious 
painters which are all by their own hands. 

" His employment was so frequent that it became a great fatigue 
to him which made him raise his price from twenty guineas which 
he had hitherto had in London for the head size to twenty five, 
but this making little or no alteration in the number of his 
employers he again raised it to thirty five in order to have leizur© 
to finish his pictures more to his mind than the continual hurry oi 
business would permit him. This rise in price had some little 
effect however, his business now came in such a degree as made "••^ 
agreeable to himself and he was able to pay more attention to e&<^^ 
picture than he had been able to give to them before, and he h^»-" 
much employment although the price was so great for paint^^ 
make the price of their portraits after this rate, that a half leni 
portrait is twice the price of the head size and the whole leni 


is four times the price of the head which makes it come high in 
this proportion. He always had an infinite amusement in his art 
which made him continually improving in it even to the very end 
of his Hfe. 

" He, like a man of a great mind, always cultivated the intimacy 
& friendship of all the learned, and all the great of his time, and 
often assisted those who were in dijQ&culties both with his advice 
and his purse. I shall not here enumerate his extensive acquaint- 
ance & connections as those things may be found in accounts of 
him which are more copious. I only wish to give those particulars 
which I know to be true and which may not be found in other 
accounts of him, but I may in this place give some little sketch of 
character both as a man and as an artist. He was a man of general 
information with a candour in which he knew how to cloath his 
opinions, a manner of behaviour the most amiable possible. His 
disposition was also courtly & a desire to pay all due respect 
to persons in superior stations & he certainly contrived to move 
in a sphere of Society in which no other painter was seen 
to accompany him and amongst those he was known only as 
an artist of superior talents and as a man of the most mild & 
pleasing demeanour and they who never saw him in any other 
position were justified in supporting the eulogiums which it was 
the fashion among the elegant literati both male & female to 
pass upon him. 

"The opinion he has given of Raphael may with justice be 

applied to himself that his materials were generally borrowed but 

the noble structure was his own No one ever appropriated the 

ideas of others to his own purpose with more skill than Sir 

Joshua. He possessed the alchemy of painting by converting as 

it were whatever he touched into gold, from a wooden print at the 

top of a half-penny ballad he would form a very beautiful picture. 

The works of Farmegeano in particular have proved an exhaustless 

mine to him, and afforded much of that grace which so eminently 

distinguishes his fenlale portraits, in short there is no one painter 

tliat ever went before him but he has with an exquisite taste & 

selection gained some advantage from. 

" The compositions of his portraits are unquestionably excellent 

those of his history defective which often consist of borrowed 

parts not often suited to each other. As in the general practice 

he had little or no occasion for anatomical knowledge he never 

applied himself to the acquisition of it, when however some 

attention to this branch of science was necessary to his historical 

subjects it was his custom to have recourse to prints from which 

he borrowed as his judgment or fancy directed him, and though 

they were both of a superior cast yet the possible arrangement 

^pon such principles could never produce that entire whole which 

constitutes the merit of a perfect composition for similar reasons 

he is equally deficient in design. 


" In light & shade in colouring and expression he stands without 
a rival. His lights display the drawing he knows and the shades 
conceal his defects. Whither we consider the power the hrilliancy 
or the form of his lights the transparency and depths of his 
shadows with the just quantities of each and the harmony richness 
& full effect of the whole I am most willing to declare that in my 
opinion he has not only far transended every modern master hut 
that his excellencies in these captivating parts of painting vie with 
the works of the great models he has emulated. To the grandeur 
the truth & sympliciy of Titian he has united the chasteness and 
delicacy of Van Dyke. With the daring strength of Kemhrant 
delighted with the picturesque heauties of Rubens he was the 
first that attempted a bright & gay back-ground & defying the dull 
& ignorant rules of his master he at a very early period of his life 
emancipated his life from the shackles with which it had been 
incumbered in the school of Hudson. Indeed from the time he 
left I have reason to believe he very rarely if ever copied a single 
picture of any master : imitate them all he certainly did and his 
versitility in this respect is equalled only by the susceptibility of 
his feeling, the quickness of his comprehension & the ardonr which 
prompted his efforts. 

" His principal aim however was colour & effect which he always 
varied as the subject required, and that right judgment which 
accompanied him in the business of obscuring with shadow those 
parts he could not draw assisted him in adopting such pictures for 
imitation as were congenial to the character he was about to repre- 
sent. This practice is evident in almost every production of his 
pencil, but it should be at the same time observed that though a 
servile imitator of forms he never adopted more than the general 
character of colour. For forms are only to be acquired by con- 
tinual practice & Sir Joshua had never taken the trouble to 
acquire them : while the power of colouring may be obtained by 
the more tranquil operations of reason & observation : and it is a 
principal common to the art & of course known to every artist that 
the mass of colour which predominates in a picture is as it were a 
key for evei*y other part of it. Hence it appears that whatever 
deficiencies there may be in the design of this great master no 
painter of any period better understood the principles of colouring 
and that he has carried that branch of his art to a very high 
degree of perfection. 

" As for his portraits those of dignified characters have a certain 
air of grandeur and those of women and children possess a grace 
beauty & symplicity which have seldom been equalled & never 
surpassed : and though sometimes in his attempt to give character 
where it did not exist he has lost likeness the deficiencies of the 
portrait were often compensated by the beauty of the picture. 

"As a critic. I speak of professionell criticsm he was frequently 
mistaken and some times prejudiced. But his lectures possess 


great merit. His observations on the old masters are equally just 
& ingenious. Some branches of his theory are treated with 
judgment and ability, Nevertheless Sir Joshua has been known 
to purchase copies instead of originals, and to deviate in his own 
pictures from those instructions of his academic chair which were 
to guide the students of the present period. 

" With respect to his contemporary artistes he was ever cautious 
while they were living both of praise & censure. Like the 
Egyptians of old he waited till death had consigned a brother 
painter to the tomb before he ventured to try his living merits. 
Sir Joshua certainly procured for the professors of the arts a conse- 
quence and a reception which they did not possess but with very 
few exceptions before the period when he first rose to eminence. 
It is very certain that at the establishment of the Eoyal Academy 
he was the most fit if not the only person properly qualified, every 
circumstance considered, to be the president of it and from his 
professional rank, his large fortune the circle of society in which he 
moved and the manner in which he lived as well as the personal 
consequence attached to the presidents chair he naturally and 
properly possessed a certain leading influence in the counsels of the 
Royal Academy. 

" Some parts of his character can best be described by negatives. 
He was diametrically the reverse to what we call a coxcomb or an 
egotist he certainly did not over rate one single excellence which 
he possesst nor as far as one can see did he even rate them so high 
as every other person who saw them did and to this underrating of 
himself it may be allowed there is some excuse for that fear and 
jealousy which he certainly felt toward all those whose merits he 
thought put his own superiority in danger and which fear he 
artfully endeavoured to hide by lavishly bestowing patronage and 
assistance to those whom he was sure could never interfere with 
himsel£ So that he might by this means appear to the world as 
a patron of the Arts without the risk of injury being done to 
himself by it. 

" But the drawback principally on his character was a degree of 
selfishness and a want of that firm & manly courage honor 
courage which is so necessary to the highest degrees of rectitude. 

" He had many scholars who lived in his house for years. But 
it will be a subject of wonder to find that you have never heard 
of their names, but in this list — for whatever the true reason may 
be that none of them should succeed or be known in the art I 
will not pretend to say but it seems from experience that he was 
not the master to produce good scholars, as most of them could 
never get a decent livelihood but have lived in poverty and died 
in debt, miserable to themselves and a disgrace to the Art, but 
perhaps the reason may be that many painters must be bred to 
find one who will succeed. Those who have been his pupils 
under his roof are: 


" Jusepi Marci (whom he brought a boy from Rome) 
William Barron 
Beach Parry 
Charles Gill 
Thomas Clark 
W°^ Doughty 
W™ Score 

J. Northcote (in deed escaped starving & was able 
to get a livelihood) 

"Sir Joshua had an elder brother who was bred an ironmonger 
and lived at Exeter, but who failed in business and he allowed 
him fifty pounds a year during his life, — and three sisters who 
outlived him, the eldest sister was married to one Palmer an 
attorney of Torrington in Devonshire and to her two daughters it 
was that he left principally his fortune the eldest of whom was 
married to the Earl of Inchiqueen The next sister who was 
older than himself was married to Johnson as I have before 
observed — and Frances Reynolds his youngest sister who was 
younger than himself died unmarried. To her left one hundred 
per year for her life and after it went to Lady Inchiquin Ids 
niece. This Frances Reynolds painted for her amusement in oil 
and has done many portraits with great likeness & taste. 

" Sir Joshua Reynolds died on Thursday night the twenty third 
of February 1792, in the sixty-ninth year of his age, and lies 
buried in the Cathedral of S* Pauls next to the body of Vi^ 
Newton late Bishop of Bristol and close by the tomb of Sir 
Christopher Wren the architect of that Church. Some time 
before Sir Joshua's death he lost his eyesight but that which 
occasioned his death was a preter-natural enlargement of the liver, 
which weighed eleven pounds, when commonly it only weighs 
about five pounds. 

"Sir Joshua Reynolds used to say when he was very young 
that if he did not prove to be the best painter of his time at the 
age of thirty years he never should be, but this he certainly was. 
Soon after he set out in his career in London he set up a most 
superb carriage on the panels of which were painted the four 
seasons by Catton. The wheels were ornamented with carved 
work and gilding & the whole appearance was strongly savouring 
of quackery. His liveries also for his servants were laced with 
silver. On his own part he had no time to show himself about 
in his fine carriage but was always insisting on his sister Frances, 
who lived with him, should go about the streets in it and so 
display it which she being a very shy woman was much averse 
to as it always attracted the gaze of the populace on its appearance 
and made her quite ashamed. These particulars I had from her 


own mouth. This anecdote serves to show that he understood 
the use of quackery on the weak world, he knew it would be 
quickly enquired whose grand chariot this was and that when 
told it was the famous painter's, it would give an impression of 
his great success and by that means produce the effect desired.^ 

*'The acuteness of his wit is seen in the following anecdote. 
When Sir Joshua drew the portrait of Fox Lord Holland and the 
picture was finished Lord Holland asked what his price was for 
it & when Sir Joshua informed him he exclaimed with much 
surprise at its greatness, Saying * You get your money very quick 
it did not take you much time, — how long was you about it?' 
When Sir Joshua replied — 'All my life.' 

" Dear Sir Joshua, 

" This letter will be delivered to you by Miss Montgomery 

who intends to sit to you with her two sisters to compose a picture 

of which I am to have the honour of being the possessor. I wish 

to have their portraits together at full length representing some 

emblematical or historical subject the idea of which and the 

attitudes which will best suit their forms cannot be so well 

imagined as by one who has so eminently distinguished himself 

by his genius and poetic invention. Give me leave to mention 

to you notwithstanding I am well assured you want no incitement 

to make your works complete that besides the advantage you will 

have in the superiority of the beauty and elegance of these subjects 

which no doubt will of themselves convey a degree of instruction 

you will I hope find that these young ladies from their high 

opinion of your powers will not spare their time in order to render 

this picture in every particular a most superior production. I shall 

also add the honour you will acquire in conveying to posterity the 

resemblances of three sisters so distinguished for different species 

of beauty, and what I flatter myself will not be the smallest reason 

for particular attention to this work the great obligation you will 

confer on one in making it perfect. I am with great esteem 

" Dear Sir Joshua 

" Your very sincere friend 

" & humble servant 

"Luke Gardiner. 
"Dublin May 27*^ 1773."2 

"The eminent John Philip Kemble the tragedian having 
^tten a poem paid a visit to Sir Joshua to whom he had 
uitended to dedicate it and read it to him. When Sir Joshua 
intending most probably to give him the highest praise on his 
professional powers conceiving it would be the most gratifying 

"This splendid chariot was a discarded ramped up carriage of a late 
Sheriff, as M' Shee informed me." 

See Leslie and Taylor's Life of Sir Joshua Reynolds, vol. ii. p. 5. 


to M' Kemble said with much simplicity, *I can scarcely pass 
my judgment on the poem, you have read it so extraordinarily 
well that perhaps any poetry so read would appear fine.' 
M' Kemble put the poem into his pocket soon took his leave and 
was not so well pleased as to dedicate his work to Sir Joshua 
after this cold reception of it. 

"I remember that I over-heard a conversation which passed 
in Sir Joshuas show room between Edmund Burke & D*^ Goldsmith, 
when Burke expressed himself in such disrespectful terms of the 
King that Goldsmith interrupted him saying, I cannot remain in 
the room with you if you speak in such a manner of his Majesty. 
This happened about the year 1773. 

"Miss Keynolds, Sir Joshuas sister, once in discourse with 
me concerning the character of her brother thus expressed her- 
self : — * I am surprised how it is that world should conceive the 
opinion of the wonderful mildness and sweetness of my brother's 
disposition when on my own part I can see him only as a gloomy 

" But this was by much too harsh a sentence as he had no 
one quality of a tyrant in him. It was rather a total indifference 
in him to every object but tbat which would be of service to 
him in his art. He seemed neither to love or to hate any person 
or thing but as it might happen to be connected with his main 
pursuit of art. 

"Another time in conversation with Miss Keynolds she said 
that once she sat in the stage box at the play-house and that she 
felt herself very much ashamed to be seen sitting in a place so 
much above her rank in society. I answered that in my opinion 
it was a very proper place for her and very consistent with the 
rank her brother held in the world. When with some tartness 
she replied ' My brother ! he can give me no rank, if I have any 
right it is from my father who was a gentleman, a clergyman, b^* 
my brother is only a painter and the world considers painters 
players and dancing masters and fiddlers all upon a par.' 

"She ought not to have said this for what would she have been 
had it not been for her brother ] — a milliner & daughter of a p<^^^ 
curate who was nearly a beggar. 

" M' Copley the painter on his return from Switzerland wh®^^ 
he had been on a visit at the Royal Academy was speaking ^ 
Sir Joshua of what he had seen which was curious and am*^^ 
other matters said he had been in company with Werter's Charlo^*^* 
When Sir Joshua did not comprehend him and it being explaii^®"' 
Sir Joshua said I am ashamed to say I have never read the sto^* 
When I spoke saying that I thought the contrary and that he 
ought to be ashamed if he had read it, as it was a novel and on^y 
fit reading for young girls. He tartly answered that I was wrougf 


for that it was his place to have read that which every person else 
had read. 

" Sir Joshua painted a very fine and characteristic whole length 
portrait of Admiral Boscowen The head was inclined much 
towards the left shoulder according to a habit or muscular con- 
traction to which the Admiral was subject and it gave a striking 
resemblance to the portrait. But when the picture was seen by 
Lord Falmouth brother to the admiral who came for that purpose 
to Sir Joshuas house he fiew into the most outrageous passion 
accusing Sir Joshua of having intended to satirize his brother, by 
making him appear as if he had been just cut down from a jibbet 
and that he well deserved to be caned for it and he really flourished 
his cane over Sir Joshuas head. This species of brutality as may 
naturally be supposed astonished and disconcerted Sir Joshua at 
the moment who could not determine how he had best to act on 
the occasion. He quitted the room to consider the matter over in 
his mind : at first he thought of sending a challenge to this beastly 
lord but on deliberation he thought it best to pass it over as the 
only means of stifling the disgusting transaction & putting it from 
the busy gossiping world who would have made a jest of them both. 

" Sir Joshua's elder & only brother was an indolent & appeared 
to be a weak old man which occasioned his becoming a bankrupt 
in the end. He was an ironmonger [see p. 128] and kept a shop of 
that sort in the city of Exeter. He chiefly employed his time or 
rather I may say wasted it in the straightening the old rusty nails 
which he bought of those beggars who picked them out of canals 
& dung hills. The young M' Palmer's sons of his eldest sister 
used to spend the holidays at his house in the time they were 
school boys and from them I had this account. The old man's 
shop contained very little, a small show-glass with a few rusty old 
penknives stood at the window. In the middle of the shop was an 
old chair & on this he sat in the hopes of customers. These mis- 
cheivous boys frequently put a lump of pitch or bee's wax on the 
chair on which the old man would sit down without perceiving it. 
Thus when by chance a customer «ame to buy it was with great 
diflBculty the old man could rise from his seat or get quit of his 
chair being stuck fast to its bottom. 

"When Sir Joshua one morning was quietly employed in his 
studies he was much annoyed with the visit of the man with a 
Fire Engine who demanded £5 as the first engine which arrived at 
his house supposed to be on fire. At first it was difficult to account 
for this mistake, but the true fact was this in cleaning out a galley 
pot with turpentine spirit he had flung some of it into the fire 
which with a sudden blaze appeared at the top of his painting 
room chimney. This room was detached from the house and had 
a very low chimney, by which means a very small flame would 
soon appear at its top & he was obliged to pay the sum demanded 
by the law. 


" After the funeral of D' Johnson which was solemnized in the 
fore-noon Sir Joshua who had attended invited a party to dinner 
which Ealph Kennedy when he related the circumstance to me 
observed that it appeared to be a great want of feeling in Sir 

" Miss Black was a lady who taught painting and drawing to 
ladies of quality and Sir Joshua used to observe of Miss Black's 
scholars that their first performances were better than their last" 

Here follows a copy of the letter from Sir J. Eeynolds 
to Mr. Pocock, printed in Leslie and Taylor's Life^ voL ii 
pp. 298-9. 

"Sir Joshua once asked me why Opie did not take more care and 
labour in finishing his pictures. I answered it was because he 
aimed at producing a great breadth of light and shadow which 
he feared to break by making too many small parts. When he 
explained Oh ! my God ! breadth is very easily obtained if that 
would gain it by making one half of the face black & the other 
half white. 

" There are now in one room in Buckingham House a hideous 
collection of portraits of the present Queens family painted by some 
wretched painter in her native country and sent over to England 
and when they came out of the custom house they were imme- 
diately brought to Sir Joshua for his inspection before they were 
carried to the Palace. The sight of them produced a great deal of 
laughter and many jokes were cracked on them and it was con- 
cluded that they were totally unfit to be placed in a Eoyal Palace. 
When Sir Joshua said very coolly, * Ah ! they are as well as the 
best for where they are going.' This speech was repeated to the 
Eoyal family after. 

" A certain French author speaking of Sir Joshua's work says of 
him : That he surprised nature in action and that action the most 

" I remember that M'^ Shee the portrait painter informed ^^^ 
that one morning when he called on Sir Joshua he found hioa a 
work on a picture I think it was that of * Hope musing of LoV® 
When Sir Joshua said to him I am now trying to do that whi^^l^ 
have never yet been able to do which is to paint the picture wb-^^ 
is in my mind. 

"Sir Joshua asked his pupils if they ever went to Cbui'^^ 
adding You should go to Whitehall Chapel where you will ^^ 
the fine ceiling painted by Eubens. This he thought, I supp^^ 
would be killing two birds with one stone — improving themse^"^^ 
in religion & painting at the same time. 


''Sir Joshua knew how to address the mind and did it with 
nore success than other men because he had a better tally to 
iheirs in his own. 

''Miss Eeynolds once said to me that she thought that mere 
portrait painting was not the fit employment for a man. That 
o be employed in painting ribbons, gauze caps and such effeminate 
natters was being occupied like a man milliner. 

" At the time I was with Sir Joshua one day at dinner with 
limself Miss Eeynolds his sister, Miss Offy Palmer his niece and 
Miss Cornelia Knight it was soon after I came to London & I had 
i strong Devonshire dialect. This diverted Sir Joshua although 
be had not a little of it himself and Miss Offy was also fresh from 
Devon as was easy to be perceived. When Sir Joshua appealed to 
Miss Knight between Miss Offy and myself to determine which of 
us spoke the broadest Devonshire accent when Miss Knight gave 
it as her opinion that it was me. 

"One day at dinner time Sir Joshua brought into the room 
in his hand a portrait of Eubens when Miss Eeynolds with some 
eagerness demanded if it was an original by Eubens. Sir Joshua 
asked why she should doubt it adding I suppose you thought that 
a real Eubens would not come into the house with so little noise. 

"Sir Joshua was of opinion that if his time for painting a 
person's portrait was limited to a short space it tended to produce 
such a degree of exertion in him as was attended with as good 
an effect to the picture as he would have given it had his time 
been unlimited. 

"I think it was in the year 1785 that Sir Joshua painted that 
remarkable fine portrait of M' Jos** Sharp the Conveyancer from 
which there is a fine mezzotint taken by G. H. Hooper. This 
picture is particularly excellent and to be admired for its being 
a simple and accurate representation of the individual person with 
* degree of truth that has never been surpassed by any painter that 
Bver existed. A friend of Sir Joshuas was remarking to him those 
peculiar excellencies which gave the picture such high value. 
^hen Sir Joshua modestly answered that it was no merit to 
"ita. to do it as it was the exact attitude in which the old man 
8*t before him and as he sat very still & quiet there was no 
^ore difficulty in the performance of the representation than in 
spying from a Ham or any object of still life. 

''Before I was a member of the Eoyal Academy Sir Joshua 
appeared to be very solicitous for me to be one and very often 


asked me to put down my name saying, I wish you would for I 
suppose the man in Hanover Square will never put his down, 
I could not at first think who he sdluded to as I knew of no 
painter who lived in Hanover Square. At last I recollected and 
replied, I suppose you mean Romney in Cavendish Square. He 
replied Yes, I mean him. 

" He said why dont you put down your name it is thought an 
honour to he of the Academy. I said I do not think that an 
honour which you have hestowed upon such painters as Rigaud. 
He lifted up his hands and eyes. I said I only desire to he a good 
painter if that is in my power and heing in the Academy will not 
do that for me for I may say like D'^ Johnson I desire no honours 
which man may give or take away. He answered that it would 
be a provision in case of distress in old age and no one can tell 
what plite the chances of life may throw him into before he dies. 

" M' Mauritius Lowe gained the first gold medal ever given by 
the Royal Academy for an historical picture and of course was to 
be sent to Italy by that body to finish his studies at Rome for 
three years with an allowance of £50 per annum and £50 for his 
journey there. But M"^ Lowe was much disatisfied with the 
smallness of the sum allotted & gave himself some high airs on 
the occasion. When Sir Joshua mildly expostulated with him 
saying that it had been sufficient for himself as he had found by 
experience when M' Lowe rather pertly answered that it was 
possible for a man to exist upon guts and garbage. 

" Sir Joshua Reynolds when going on a visit to Sir Abraham 
Hume at his country seat at Wormlybury was much struck by the 
notable propriety of an inscription on a sign on the road which 
was placed over the entrance of a farrier's shop on which was 

" * Horses shod agreeable to Nature 
And according to Art.' 

"Before I became a member of the Royal Academy I once 
complained to Sir Joshua that my pictures at the Exhibitions 
where placed in very disadvantageous situations & that I app^®" 
bended that the Royal Academy as guardians of the rising artists 
ought to take care of their works and show them to the ^y^^} 
advantage when he answered that I was quite mistaken for th»t> ^^ 
was solely the exhibition of the Royal Academy and therefore "^^ 
members were the first to be served when the other painters tJO^^^ 
take their chance. 

" Sir Joshua was invited by Lord Gawder Grenville to din"'^®' 
and as it was the first time and a new acquaintance Sir Jost^"^* 
was desirous of being particularly agreeable & pleasing aacL ^ 
the conversation at dinner Reynolds said that one of the txxct^'' 
enviable blessings which the great had always in their power ^^^ 
that of being able to call round them whenever they chose ^^^ 
those persons of the greatest intellects in the kingdom. 


speech however well intended was surely not of the 
3, when we are with the great there must be no insinua- 

there is any thing existing greater than themselves in 
whatever. It must be remembered that their talents and 
I is exactly equal to their title & their fortune and that 
surpassed by none but by those who have a higher title 
wealth : those of course are wiser than themselves. 

jl^eorge Beaumont used my speaking of the merits and 
of Sir Thomas Lawrence the portrait painter. Sir 
remark on him was this * He does ' says he ' that easily 
lers find very difficult and if he does not take great care 
1 mislead him all through his life.' 

dinner party at Sir Joshua Reynolds soon after his 
from the chair of the Royal Academy were M' Elford, 
s Sir William, also Opie myself & several others were 

Sir Joshua produced and read a letter which he had 
ived from M^ Gibbon the famous historian then at 
J in which he says 'I hear you have had a difference 
ir Academe cians — fools that they are to quarrel with 
jident for such is the tyranny of character that the world 
Br be brought to think that your enemies can be in 

Smelt once in conversation with Sir Joshua Reynolds 
n how it was possible viewing so many beauties so often 
ig and yet did not fall in love. * Because* answered 
la ' I am like the grave digger in Hamlet, grown Callous.' 

n the picture of the Murder of King Edward V and his 
he Duke of York by order of Richard of Gloucester in 
jr, a picture painted for Boyd ell's edition of Shakespeare, 
cote, when the picture was finished Northcote went with 
B Sir Joshua's opinion upon it as it seemed one of those 
calculated to please Sir Joshua as he painted children 
ly well. Sir Joshua & his niece Miss Palmer were at 

when the picture was brought into the room. Sir 
)oked at the picture with a kind of indifference and then 
id 'Very well, very well drawn.' This was certainly a 
pliment as the picture from the nature of its composition 
little drawing as the two children were wrapped in the 
es and the assassins were clad up in iron armour. 

this was all he said a little to the mortification of 
e who hoped to have received some little compliment on 
ght. Some years after Northcote met Miss Palmer in 


company and she enquired of him who now possessed that 
excellent picture of his painting which Sir Joshua her uncle so 
much admired. Northcote replied he did not know what picture 
she could mean as he did not know that her uncle Sir Joshua 
had ever admired any picture of his painting, when she replied 
it must be entire affectation in him to pretend not to know that 
she meant the picture of the murder of the children in the Tower 
for I am sure said she my uncle talked of nothing else but about 
that picture for the whole day after he had seen it. 

" M' Opie told me that a friend of his a clergyman had declared 
he had delivered from the pulpit as a Sermon one of Sir Joshua's 
discourses with no other alterations in it than such as were 
absolutely necessary to render it applicable to Morals instead of 
to the Arts. 

" Sir Joshua once very unintentionally much mortified a lady 
who sat to him for her portrait & when she offered to sit to him. 
for her hands also which she apprehended to be very fine he 
answered that he would not give her that trouble being un- 
necessary, as he commonly painted his hands from his servants. 

'* Another time a gentleman who sat to him complained that 
he had not sufficiently finished his ruffles nor made out the pattern 
of the lace distinctly when he answered rather smartly *That is 
my manner, that is my manner.' 

" M" Butler whose maiden name was Carwadine had been an 
eminent miniature painter in her time. This lady came one day 
to Sir Joshua saying * You perhaps may remember sir that I have 
a portrait by Yan Dyke, it is the head of a painter, you som© 
time past admired this picture and then told me that you would 
paint me the picture of any person I should desire if I would giv® 
you this picture in return for it.' Sir Joshua in answer said tbat 
at the time he made the offer to her his price was much less and 
that he did not know that he should now make the same oS^h 
but added if you will send the picture I will look at it. ^" 
Butler accordingly sent the picture to him. He washed ^^® 
picture with sponge & water. He then sent his servant to ber 
with a draft on his banker for thirty five guineas which was ^^ 
that time his price for a head saying on the note that in ®?' 
deavouring to clean the picture he had much hurt it by ^|? 
cleaning it and therefore had sent her the price which she se©^^®^ 
to demand for it. When M" Butler returned the money by *t 
servant saying that she did not want the money it was a por*^^ 
by his hand that she desu'ed, but that if he did not choose to "<^ 
it she could not help it. He then sent her word that he '^^ 
willing to comply with her request & she accordingly broti^"* 


ster to sit to him. This lady kept a seminary for the 
ion of young ladies. 

r Joshua was ever trying experiments I have known him 
heads entirely in water colours or what we call [pastel.] on a 
'aw cloth and perpetually moistening it at the back of the 
ss with a sponge dipped in water this in order to work the 
s & make them unite properly with each other and when 
)d he would secure the colours by a body of varnish over it 
3 known instances of his having painted in this manner and 
seen the picture totally changed in the space of one day 
Hch as to be good for nothing by the following morning. 

t the time when M'^ West bought his house in Newman 
; & built a fine gallery & painting room in which he laid out 
e money he had got I recollect that Nathaniel Dance, after- 
I Sir Nathaniel Holland, then a painter came one morning to 
oshua and speaking of West he said he thought it very 
ident in West to lay out all his money in making this show 
^er convenient it might be to him But Sir Joshua would 
^ree with him in that opinion but said he thought West was 
in the right and that he himself had done the same and had 
)at all the first money which he got in building the place 
1 he then possessed and made use of and had found it answer 
iing to his utmost expectations. 

'he highest compliment that was ever paid to Sir Joshua or 
orks was by a gentleman not a Connoisieur in Art who when 
vf the late Exhibition of his works in a mass said that it had 
I his opinion of mankind and made them appear better than 
d ever before thought or seen them. 

liss Keynolds asked her brother's servant Ealph if there were 
;entlemen with him in the painting room because she wanted 
Bak to him. Kalph innocently answered No : there are only 
painters with him. 

Lt the time Miss Eeynolds was in Paris with Miss Flint Ealph 
l^oshua's servant used to ask every morning what he would 
}6 to have for dinner He would answer a leg of mutton, 
h would answer but we had a leg of mutton yesterday Then 
Mulder of mutton answered Sir Joshua and in this manner 
had nothing else alterately but leg of mutton & shoulder of 
^n nearly the whole time Miss Eeynolds was absent, as these 
the only hot joints he could remember & was totally 
Seient to his feeding and eating. 



'' A criminal was condemned to death at the Old Bailey as a 
robher. This man had formerly lived as coach-man to M^ Thrale 
at the time Sir Joshua was a frequent visitor at the house At the 
time this man was to suffer the penalty of the law M^ Boswell had 
persuaded Sir Joshua to accompany him on the scaffold at Newgate 
to see the execution of this man which he complied with and when 
the unfortunate man came upon the platform he recognized Sir 
Joshua & made him a graceful, bow. Sir Joshua was severely 
reprimanded on this occasion by the daily news papers and accused 
of want of proper feeling. They said it might have been expected 
from M' Boswell but the graceful the elegant Sir Joshua Eeynolds 
to be found at such sights was wonderful. But surely an artist 
may well be excused on such occasions — one whose business it is 
to study the human character in all its varied expressions of 
countenance & action Instead of its being an idle curiosity it is 
almost his duty however terrible it may be to his feelings as he 
then surveys a person in the most awful circumstances possible 
such as is not to be found in any other place. 

" I heard Sir Joshua say that when he saw the first painting 
by M' West just then arrived into this country that he thought 
he promised to be the greatest colourist in Europe but that his 
expectations were not by any means answered in the end. 

"In the year 1775 (1) Sir Joshua was godfather to a new-bom 
daughter of his servant Ealph Kirkley at which time M' Gill & 
myself went to the christening. M"^ Charles Gill was the proxy 
for Sir Joshua. 

"I once complained to Sir Joshua that Fuseli although very 
witty was also very satirical, and gave his censures with great 
severity on myself & all others,, when Sir Joshua said to me tha* 
the best way was to have little or nothing to say to such charactel® 
and if possible never even to see them as they gave one uneasiness- 

"When I showed my print of the HasweU East India M 
engraved by Gildrey with an endeavour to induce him to len 
Gildrey the picture he had painted just then *The Infant Hercul^ 
to engrave from it seemed to put Sir Joshua in a very ill humou: 
he said that my prints were very voluminous & large; th 
he did not like the manner in which it was engraved, th 
the print looked sandy, & that in respect of the design of tl 
picture in modern dresses they all looked as if they were drun-^ 
I excused myself by saying that the subject of the picture w^ ^ 
not one of my choice & that in respect of the size of the prL-^* 
that was determined by the engraver & publisher with whomu 
could have little or no influence. 


"When the Vicar's tax gatherer came to demand the Easter 
dues of Sir Joshua he hastily said to the servant, ' What do they 
come to me for, when I never go to Church 1 * 

" Nothing seemed so trivial to him but that he was enabled to 
gather some useful information or add something to his knowledge 
of nature. I remember that he remarked to me that when the 
Duchess of Ancaster came to him with her young child to have its 
portrait painted when she took off the child's outer garments to fit 
it for the purpose of being pourtrayed Sir Joshua observed that as 
she took out its pins from its dress she flung them carelessly on 
the floor which struck him as a circumstance indicative of high 
station and an action which would not have been practised by 
persons of inferior rank who are necessitated to husband & 
preserve the most trifling matters. 

"Concerning the aflair of his resigning the Presidency of the 
Eoyal Academy I shall here insert the copies of the letters which 
he sent to M' Bonomi on that occasion which letters I saw in his 
own handwriting with some other matters. 
" To M' Bonhomme {It was so spelt) 

" Sir Joshua Keynolds presents his compliments to M' Bonhomme 
and is very sorry that his engagements have prevented him from 
calling on him since his misfortune. He hopes to hear from him- 
self that he has nearly recovered. The business of this note is 
prmcipally to desire that he would once more become a candidate 
to be an associate of the Academy when he hopes to be able to 
convince the Academicians of the propriety & even of the 
necessity of making him an associate and consequently an 
Academicioan. If he has not yet subscribed his name begs he 
would do it immediately as the time of subscribing is nearly 
"July 2. 1789" 

" To k' Bonomi. 

" Leicester Fields. 

"Feb. 11-1790 
"Dear Sir, 

"I am sorry for the ill success we have met with in our 
business and that I have been the cause of giving you so much 
trouble needlessly. I can only say I did not think it possible 
for any Society even though composed of the dregs of the people 
to have made such a combination against merit but what can sts^d 
gainst perseverance 1 I suppose you may have been apprised that 
this infamous cabal was begun when you was first proposed as a 
Candidate and has been increasing ever since. 

" However I may flatter myself in my vain moments that my 
leaving the Academy at this time may be some detriment to it I 
^not persuade my self any longer to remain with such beings and 
'^▼o therefore this morning ordered my name to be erased from 
tne list of Academicians. 

K 2 


^'I should be glad to have at my house for a few days those 
two drawings or one of them when it is convenient for you to spare 
it as a full vindication to my friends of the merit which I recom- 

" Yours sincerely 

"J. Eeynolds. 

" We find that after some difficulty he was reconciled and was 
again the President and from the papers of M' Bonomi I got the 
following accounts of the cast of the Famese Hercules. 

" Eoyal Academy 

" Eesolved that the President be empowered to make an agree- 
ment for the cast of the Famese Hercules — the whole expense (to 
the placing it in the Academy) not exceeding seventy five guineas. 

" Sir Joshua Eeynolds comp** to Mr Bonomi, The above reso- 
lution was made by the Council last night he may proceed 
therefore in this business as soon as it is convenient for him to 
do so. 

"Aug. 20. 1790 

" To Mr Bonomi. 

" Sent by me Joseph Bonomi an order to M' Carlo Albacini at 
Eome 24 of August 1790 to consign the last of the Famesian 
Hercules to M' Jenkings there who will pay him the seventy fiv© 
zequins for it and Mr Jenkins is to send it to London directed to 
the Eoyal Academy as agreed with Sir Joshua Eeynolds. 
" The Cast of the Famesian Hercules 
Paid at Eome 75 zecehini which at 44 pauls per 

pound being pauls 1612J makes . . . 36 13 
Freight from Leghorn to London .29 0\ 

Expenses paid by M' Stewart the f 

Captain of the Endeavour from Eome | 52 ^ 

to Leghorn . . . . 23 OJ 

Duty & other expenses at the Custom House &c . 

" Given an exact copy of this to Sir William Chambers the B 
of August 1791 and received the full of this account the same day- 

" To Joseph Bonomi Esq 

" Titchfield St: 
" Dear Sir, 

'* I have thoroughly considered your sketch of the Obelisk ^^^ 
find on measuring the whole exactly that it contains 1015 fo®* ^ 
inches which with the labour upon that quantity will amount to 
217£ 13 shillings. I am very sorry to find that you must through 
haste have mentioned a sum so inadequate to the real value as the 


lethod of cbarging measure & value would much enhance 
;e. I take the liberty of recommending to you the addition 
ches to the diam'^ at bottom as I think it will not affect the 
ion but on the contrary (when viewed at a distance) and 
i great strength to the work. To convince you that I feel 
obliged to you on all occasions & that I shall have equal 
B with yourself in contributing to the satisfaction of the 
n erecting a memorial to such merit should the price I have 
mentioned exceed the intention of your friend I will 
y execute it of the best materials & workmanship for 150^8 
1 you have told him : only you will be pleased to explain 
io not include the men's travelling expenses and carriage of 
berials. I should wish to see an impression of the arms and 
3fore I begin to model the Cast. This I suppose you can 
•btain. " I am Sir 

" Your much obl*^ humble servant 

" Richard Westmacott. 
•unt St: 
24 Jan: 1791 
' Son will thank you for a ticket to the lecture for to- 

]. 1 had forgot to mention that a very good foundation will 
)ssary & should be done at least a month before we set the 

"Jan: 26. 1791 
iered to M' Westmacott to begin the obelisk as you 
d for £150 which is to be finished and erected by the first 
i May. 

M' Bonomi 

"Feb: It 1791 
ar Sir, 

" You will think me very capricious but it is not my fault. 

eke who came to town last night has desired me not to 

in the business of the obelisk — at least for the present. 

lis reasons are I do not know. When I see you next you 

me know what expenses have been incurred. 

"Yours sincerely, 
"J Reynolds. 

of February 1791 Contradicted for the present the obelisk 
ifVestmacott who said that what was already done will not 
aded with any expenses by order of Sir Joshua Reynolds." 

Q follows Courtenay's account of the dinners at Sir 
I Reynolds*. See Leslie and Taylor's Idfey vol. i. 


" The whole length portrait which Sir Joshua painted of the 
great Duke of Cumberland son of George II was intended to have 
been sent to Germany, but when the picture came to be rolled up 
in order to pack it in the least space it was found that the colouis 
cracked & fell off from the canvaiBs insomuch that it could not be 
sent and a copy carefully made was sent in its stead. The original 
now is in the palace of the Prince Eegent. 

" Turner a picture liner and repairer had a portrait of Sir Joshua 
in order to fix it upon a new canvass. He accordingly covered 
the surface of the picture as their manner is with a thick covering 
of paper pasted on it to preserve it from injury in the process of 
his new lining of it when after he had secured it on its new 
canvass at the back of the picture he began to strip off the paper 
covering which was on the surface of the picture, but to his utter 
astonishment an entire picture separated itself from the canvass & 
left another which was under it as perfect, so that there were two 
entire pictures of the same subject & design and he preserved 
them both. It was the portrait of a M** Cooke mother to Admiral 
Bowyers Wife. 

^' So great was Sir Joshuas admiration of Claude Lorraine that I 
heard him say that it was much more probable that we should see 
another Eaffaill than another Claude Lorraine. 

" When I was a pupil at Sir Joshuas, one day at dinner with- 
him & three of his nephews to wit two Palmers & one of tk© 
Johnsons Sir Joshua took out of his pocket several tickets for th^ 
play which he had taken for some player's benefit when he gav^ 
one to each of the Palmers and told them they might go to th^ 
play but never offered one to young Johnson although one remainec3 
in his hand & the which he returned again into his pocket. StiL-^ 
remembering the wrong which had been done him by Johnson'^ 

"About the same time one morning Ralph Kirkley informed 
me that a gentleman had just waited upon Sir Joshua to ask h^ 
pardon for some offence which he had given him the precedii 
evening in company." 

"Memoir of William Gandy by James Northcote as given 
both the 4*0 & 8^« editions of his, Northcote's, Life of Reynolds. 

"Inserted here is a letter of Samuel W. Gandy to Ja 
Northcote with reference to the repair of a little night cl 
belonging to his Gandy 'is mother dated 10 Sept: 1808. 



At the end of Gandy's Memoir follows : — 

"The copy of a letter written hy M" Northcote at Plymouth 
to M^ Gandy at Exon. 

" Plymo' Feby 1. 1716, 
" Sir, 

" This is to advise you that I received your both letters of 

the 13*** of December and also of the 21** of January in the 

former of which I observe your design and readiness to have the 

money that was to be paid for M' Joseph Inglet*s picture to be 

applied to my use and your second letter the confirmation of the 

same intention which I thank your readiness herein accordingly 

having communicated your intention to M' Wilcocks and he also 

makitig my request in that affair known to M' Inglet he did 

according to my desire acquaint you with it and desired to detain 

it in his hands for me for which I am mightily obliged to him and 

he being now here and intending to return I suppose to-morrow I 

shall send by him a receipt for receiving of your four guineas from 

you and as to what accounts and disbursements have been from 

time to time laid out. I shall endeavour to give you and shall 

expect the like from you. I should have answered your letters in 

due time but not being well and knowing M"^ Wilcocks was going 

to Exon I thought it might not be absolutely necessary which I 

hope will excuse As for M"^ Wilcocks endeavouring to get an 

acquaintance with the gent° of the regiment to procure their 

businfess for you he being wholly a stranger to them all was not 

fond of such an affair Your list I shall send you when you shall 

please to order for it & as to your books M^ Wilcocks hath Algernon 

Sydneys & is ready to send it you on your order M"^ Revell hath 

the others to whom you lent them and will upon your direction 

send them to you I believe if you desire to doe the faces of the 

gent^ of this regiment it would be your best way to be here on the 

spot yourself but I know you are best fit to judge thereof Thus 

-^^piug you will not be disatisfied in any thing above mentioned I 

Qbscribe your friend &c Mary Northcote. 

** If you have not disposed of Capi Goddards picture pray send 

^^e by the post. 

'* "To James Northcote, Esq" 

'" Sir, 

" In your memoir of William Gandy you say that you never 
"^^ vr when how or where he died or was buried but most probably 
' Exeter as that City was chiefly the place of his residence. 

* * Having accidentally met with the register of the burial of M^ 
"^^ndy and having no doubt of its relating to the subject of your 
^^Hioir I take the liberty of sending you the information. 
^ ** As you conjectured it appears that he died in the City of 
^^eter for in the register of the Parish of S* Pauls in that city is 


an entry of his bniial made in rather a singular manner it being 
the only one in the register for two or three years preceding ot 
following the date and written on a leaf of the Register alone as 
follows — 

" * William Gandy, painter, was buried July the 14*^ 1729 ' 
^^ There are many other entries in the book of the same name 
& there is a person of the name still living in the parish. In iihe 
church is a tablet with an inscription of a charitable donation "by 
M' Henry Gandy for the benefit of the poor of the parish. 

" Yours &c &c 
" Exeter Oct: 27. 1822. " R L. 

"Gaspar Smitz a Dutch painter who came to England soon 
after the Eestoration and who from painting a great number of 
Magdalens was called Magdalen Smith. He went to Irel&xici 
where he painted many small portraits in oil and had high prices. 
His fruit and flowers were much admired : he had several scholars 
particularly Manbert and one Gandy of Exeter. Nothwithstandiu^ 
his success he died poor in 1707. 

" Walpole's Anecdotes of Painting vol. iii. p. 247. 

" My dear Northcote, 

" Every day I have intended calling on you with the enclosed 
but have been prevented by business at the Herald's College for I 
am at present Eegister &c during M' Youngs absence at Paris. 

" Paget and Co are not bankers, they give a draft for a draft on 
their bankers in Lombard St. 

" With kindest regards to Niss N & yourself I am most truly 
yours, "J Hawker 

als Pedlar." 

In the possession of Mr. Thomas Jeston White, of No. 59, 
Bryanston Street, London, W., is a small manuscript volume 
containing transcripts of parts of Fox's writings. It was 
formerly in the possession of the late Stephen Tucker, 
Somerset Herald, Eouge Croix. 

It commences with "A short account of the conduct of 
some Dissenting Ministers," &c. See Seventh Eeport. 

Then follow the Characters of Mr. Nathaniel Harding, 
Dr. John Huxham, Mr. Benjamin Smithurst, Mr. George 
Brett. Then those of Mr. Jacob Sandercock, Mr. John 
Sowter, Mr. Isaac Gilling, Mr. John Enty, Mr. James Peirce, 
Mark Ball, Esq., and Mr. Zachariah Mudge, the volume 
concluding with the note by John Fox on the death of his 
wife. See Seventh Eeport. 


(Bead at Kingsbridge, July, 1897.) 

The Committee of the Devon Association for the exploration 
of Dartmoor are glad to be able to give an account, in this 
their Fourth Eeport, of a considerable advance made in the 
knowledge of the prehistoric antiquities on Dartmoor, and of 
good work having been done during the past twelve months. 
The works undertaken since the last report was presented 
have been: 

1. The planning of Stall Moor stone row, and the re-erec- 

tion of some of the fallen stones belonging to it. 

2. The planning of the settlement and the stone circle on 

Langstone Moor, Petertavy Common. 

3. The planning of the circle on White Moor, near Cosdon. 

4. The excavation of an enclosure on Blackslade Down. 

5. The examination and planning of an enclosure at 

Smallacombe Eocks. 

6. The examination of some hut circles on Halshanger 


7. The excavation of a cairn and exploration of an un- 

touched kistvaen on Chagford Common. 

I. Stall or Staldon Moor. (CXIX. N.W.) 

The stone row on Stall Moor is an important example, 
notable in especial for the large size of the component stones, 
as compared with the usual size of the menhirs of Dartmoor 
stone rows. To a great extent, no doubt, the size of the 
stones was in all cases regulated by the nature and 
dimensions of the moor-stone blocks available in the neigh- 
bourhood; thus on Stall Moor, where the available blocks 
are all of large size, the row derives an added apparent 
importance from this fact. 


This stone row is single throughout its length, and at 
no place is there any evidence of the doubling of the 
blocks, which would be necessary to form the so-called 

As will be stated below, there is evidence of a composite 
character in this row, which on examination appears to 
resolve itself into two associated rows placed approximately 
end to end. 

The total length of the associated rows as now remaining 
is 1640 feet, and the direction from end to end is ap- 
proximately north and south magnetic. The plan should, 
however, be referred to for more detailed information on this 

The total number of stones at present to be found in 
the rows is sixty-eight, of which three have not been re- 

The spacing is very irregular at places, ranging bott^ 
69 feet apart, centre to centre, to 8 feet 9 inches and 5 feet 
3 inches approximately. It would appear that although th.^ 
original spacing may not have varied to such an extreme 
degree as above stated, as stones may have been removed, 
from where are now gaps, yet at no time can any gre**' 
regularity have existed. 

Commencing at the northern end of the associated rows* 
we find the largest stones and the most regular spacing- 
After a series of fourteen stones, one of which has beeJCi 
left fallen, as its pit-hole was not discovered, and the gener^ 
direction of which is 5** west of south, we come to a circle 
which closes the row, and has apparently consisted of elevex^ 
stones, one of which has, however, been considerably dis- 
placed, and is not shown on plan. The irregularity of tlx< 
circle renders it somewhat difficult to state its origins- 
diameter, but an approximate value of 16 feet would probably 
be fairly accurate. This circle was merely one enclosing * 
ruined cairn. The burial could not be found. 

With this first row are associated two cairns, the one 'tx 
the westward of the row being 26 feet in diameter, arxc 
having the possible remains of an enclosing circle o 
stones. The centre of this cairn is 226 feet distant froxB 
the line. On the eastern side, and at a distance to tte 
centre of 136 feet 4 inches from the line, is another cairn, 
without any trace of an enclosing circle, and 37 feet m 

From the western side of the circle ending the northern 
row, and tangential to it, starts the second stone row, at tirst 


in a direction approximately parallel, but afterwards trending 
distinctly to the westward. This line of stones trends in 
the direction of a cairn, and there are indications that it 
led to and ended at it; but all this portion of the row 
has been pillaged for the formation of a wall to a plan- 

On the slope of the hill to the west is a fairly perfect but 
small kistvaen. The coverer has been carried off, probably 
for employment in the construction of the wall. 

IL The settlement on the slope above the Walkham, 
opposite Greenaball, has been carefully surveyed and 
planned by Mr. F. Bligh Bond and the Eev. J. K. 

It stretches over a considerable space, and comprises five 
distinct enclosures or pounds ; but there are traces of other 
enclosures. There are something like forty -three huts. 
Several of these, and these the smallest, are constructed in 
the enclosure walls, very much after the manner of those 
on Shapley Common. It may be remembered that Some of 
the huts were explored under adverse circumstances — bad 
weather and inexperienced workmen, continually changing — 
in 1894, and that an account of them was given in the 
report of 1895. A good many more huts then demanded 
exammation. It is the intention of the Committee, all being 
favourable, to proceed with the further exploration of this 
very interesting settlement in the spring of 1898, and the 
plan will be published along with the description of the 
continued excavations there. 

The circle on Langstone Moor, or Petertavy Common, is 
one of the finest on Dartmoor. It stands on the col between 
the bogs in which rises the Petertavy brook and the valley 
of the Walkham, opposite Mis Tor. 

The plan of this circle, together with some cairns near it, 
viU be given next year. 

HI. White Moor Circle. (LXXVII. S.W.) 
. The circle on White Moor, a portion of Cosdon, is very 
inferior in size and dignity to that on Langstone Moor, but 
^hen it has been sadly mutilated ; one stone has been entirely 
removed. Three are only represented by their heads, that 
^ere struck off by the quarrymen and left as useless, who 
^ried away the stones themselves to serve as gate-posts in 
fte newtake walls of South Zeal Common. 


As mentioned in a previous report, there exists a singula 
gap in the continuation of this circle, and no pit-hole coul< 
be found to indicate that a stone had been removed. A lin 
drawn between the upright standing on the left of this ga 
and the highest stone immediately opposite, and south b 
south-east, strikes the menhir, the White Moor Stone, distar 
some 500 feet. 

A great deal of speculation has been ventured on relativ 
to the orientation of the rude stone monuments of tt 
Neolithic and Bronze Age, and your Committee, whiL 
noting facts, in no way desire to appear to in any wa 
sanction these theories. Their object is to collect and 1 
register facts. There will be time enough to draw coi 
elusions after there has been a sufficient number of fac 
registered; but theorising before-hand is altogether und< 
sirable in their opinion. 

The number of stones that originally formed the circ 
was nineteen; of these eighteen remain, one is complete' 
gone, but the pit in which it stood remains, as well as tl 
"spalls" where it was chipped into shape by the masoE 
Three others, as already mentioned, are represented only I 
the heads, which had been struck off by a sharp blow. Tl 
diameter of this circle is from 65 feet 6 inches to 66 fe 
2 inches. It will be remembered that last year the fall( 
stones were set up by the Committee. On revisiting tl 
circle in May, 1897, it was found to be literally strewn wi 
felted hair, the cattle having used the stones as rubbin 
posts so as to relieve themselves of their winter coats. Hi 
not the stones been well planted, the cattle would have hi 
them all down again. 

IV. Blackslade Down. (CVIII. N.W.) 

The exploration of the hut circles in this locality w 
undertaken last August, with the kind co-operation of Mi 
Dymond, of Blackslade. ' .-v ^ . . .' '•.../ 

Operations were commenced at Tunhill Eocks, a fii 
collection of boulders overlooking the steep descent to tl 
valley of the East Webburn. 

By referring to sheet CVIII. N.W., it will be seen th 
a small enclosure is attached to the summit of these rocl- 
containing one hut circle. The dimensions of this smi 
"pound" are 82 feet east and west and 73 feet north ai 
south. The foundations of the wall, about 4 feet wide, a 
in a very ruined condition, and no entrance can now 
traced. A ruined wall starts from the south-eastern com 

Exploration Committbb, 


(Page 149.) 


and runs some distance in the same direction, until lost in 
the clumps of furze on the common. 

The hut circle is 23 feet in diameter, with remains of 
double walls, entrance south, all more or less ruined. The 
slope of the ground is towards the doorway, and, as usual, 
the lowest portion of the floor of the hut gave the best 

Near the south-west circumference was a large fallen stone 
which had evidently come from the wall, and on lifting this 
indications of pottery were observed, and ultimately sherds 
representing about one-third of a large cooking pot were 
recovered. The three largest fragments represented about 
one-quarter of the flat bottom, four inches of the rim of the 
vessel, extending to about the same in depth, and a portion 
of the wall of the pot with a raised band one inch wide and 
one-quarter of an inch in depth. The ornamentation consists 
of deep lines arranged so as to form an imperfect chevron 
pattern. (See Plate I.) The fragment representing the wall 
of the pot is three-quarters of an inch thick, and half an 
inch of this from the inside to the outside is much blackened 
ty cooking operations. This rude hand-made pot must 
have been very similar in all respects to the almost perfect 
specimen found at Kaddick Hill, and figured Plate X. in 
last report.^ 

Both the pots appear to have been made by artificers who 
^ much in common, for the paste, pattern, and ornamenta- 
tion are very similar. This similarity in specimens found 
80 far apart, and each situated so near what are now the 
eastern and western confines of the moor, is interesting, and 
iiidicates that these pot -makers and users were probably 
contemporaneous and identical people. The circle also 
yielded a fragment of flint, a fired " cooking " stone, wood- 
charcoal, and a small piece of grey slate. 

Not far north-west of the hut circle, and within the 
enclosure, there appeared to be the remains of a small 
huilding just showing above ground. This was carefully 
diig out, and disclosed walls of small stones dry-laid in 
courses, forming an erection the western wall of which was 
10 feet long, the eastern wall 9 feet 8 inches long, and the 
iiorth wall 6 feet long. The southern end appeared to curve 
some distance inwards, forming a rounded end; but here 
the wall was very indistinct, and seemed to form part of the 
entrance into the building. The floor of this erection was 

^ Trails, vol. xxviii. p. 191. 


15 to 18 inches below the surface at the north end, and 
yielded some fibrous charcoal, small sherds of reddish rotten 
pottery, and a few fragments of a thin well-made paste, 
which was quite black when found, but dried to a brown 
colour. The latter were probably portions of a small drinking 
vessel, and appeared to be much superior in make and 
materials to any of the pottery thus far found. 

A well-made flint scraper of half-moon shape (see Plate II., 
Fig. 1) and a few small fragments of flint, the latter showing 
traces of having been fired, were also found embedded in the 
floor of the building, which was formed as usual of " calm " 
trodden hard. This erection might have served as a small 
dwelling or shelter, or it might have been used simply as 
a cooking place. It is the nearest approach to a rectangular 
building associated with a hut circle which the Committee 
has yet explored. 

It is probably of the same period, for although the thin 
dark pottery found in the floor seems to indicate an 
advance in the potter's art, the reddish rotten fragments 
found with it represented portions of as rude a vessel as 
the remnants of the cooking pot found in the contiguous 
hut circle. 

The cooking pots were doubtless made in a heavier and 
rougher pattern, so as to stand the internal application of 
heated stones used in the cooking operations, whilst the 
smaller vessels were made with better and finer mixed paste, 
forming thinner and lighter walls. 

About 400 yards south-east of the Tunhill Eocks enclosure 
is a kistvaen lying longitudinally N.N.E. to S.S.W. The 
measurements are as follows: N.N.E. end stone 2 feet 4 inches 
long and 4 inches wide ; the corresponding stone at S.S.W. is 
2 feet 6 inches long and 6 inches wide; the E.S.E. side stone 
is 3 feet 7 inches long and 3 inches wide; whilst that at 
W.N.W. is 3 feet 4 inches long and 5 inches wide. The 
present depth is 2J feet. The cover-stone lies by the kist, 
which is situated in a ruined and pillaged cairn 40 feet in 

In 1871 the Messrs. Amery, of Druid, Ashburton, examined 
the soil in the bottom of this kist, and on sifting this found 
a piece of wood-charcoal, and a few small, thin fragments of 
pottery, buff coloured, paste extremely well mixed ; but the 
sherds were too small to identify, no ornamentation being 
visible. These very interesting fragments of authentic 
kistvaen pottery are in the possession of Mrs. Dymond, of 

Fourth Report. 

{Paget ISO, \Mt,l5S.) 


V. The group of hut circles in and around the enclosures 

marked on the Ordnance Survey as Foale's Arrishes was next 

examined; the old name is Torr Town or Torr Hill. It 

probably received its modern name from some squatter who 

seems to have hazarded its cultivation, for attempts appear to 

have been made to gather the surface stones in heaps, so that 

a scanty tillage might be pursued between. Croker, in his 

Guide to Eastern Escarpment of Dartmoor (1851), calls this 

place Torr Hill. He remarks: "Tor -hill, south of this 

trackway (from north side of Kippon Tor, and now difficult 

to find through overgrowth of furze and heather), has its 

eastern face almost partitioned into squares by the number 

of track-lines intersecting each other ; many of these squares 

contain circles, and there is a circular enclosure almost as 

large as Grimspound occupying one portion of the face of 

^he hill containing hut circles. Both the hut circles and 

®ficlosure are much dilapidated, and a fourth of the eastern 

cii'cumference of the latter has almost disappeared. The 

^^st side of the hill looking towards Widecombe has some 

^^i*cles of erect stones close set, in the progress of demolition 

^or mending the road." 

The road-menders have been busy since 1851, for no trace 
^f the enclosure " almost as large as Grimspound " can now 
^^ recognized, and it is to be feared that several of the hut 
circles have also been demolished. Two hut circles have 
disappeared since the Ordnance Survey of 1885, and road- 
benders were robbing the ancient track-lines at or about the 
^itne this exploration was in progress. 

Eepresentations have been made to the County and 

-t^istrict Councils on this and the destruction wrought on 

Slierberton Common, and it is to be hoped that these will 

tave the effect of restraining men who apparently grub up 

the nearest stones and break them up for road metalling, 

q^uite regardless as to whether they form portions of ancient 

tDonuments, or are mere surface stones lying as Nature placed 

them. All who value the ancient monuments strewn over 

the surface of Dartmoor and the commons adjacent thereto 

should keep a strict watch, especially on stone monuments 

situated near roads, and cases of spoliation, or attempts at 

same, should be promptly reported to the Hon. Secretary of 

the Dartmoor Preservation Association, Plymouth. The 

danger is far greater outside the limits of the Forest than 

within, for the Duchy authorities are anxious to preserve 

these interesting relics. Lords of manors would be rendering 

a great service if they would interest themselves in this 


matter, for much of the damage is done by men who are 
ignorant of the injury they are doing, and who are apparently 
not under the close supervision of the surveyors placed over 

Hut Circle No, 1. This stands within one of the squares 
formed by what Croker calls track-lines intersecting each 
other. It is in reality one of the square enclosures lying 
west of a track-line which starts from the high ground 
between Pil Tor and Top Tor, and proceeds in a S.E. 
direction until it is lost in the upper portion of Blackslade 

The accompanying plan (Plate III.) gives the details of 
this fine circle, which is in a fair state of preservation. It 
had evidently been previously opened in the centre — ^it is 
supposed by the late Mr. Kobert Dymond — but as far as 
can be ascertained, without result. 

The exploration commenced as usual at the entrance and 
followed the western circumference, the lowest portion of 
the circle; about one-third was laid bare, together with 
patches on the eastern and south-eastern sides. The latter 
gave no results; but the main excavation, which was 
unusually deep — 3 to 4 feet — yielded a potsherd similar to 
Eaddick Hill and Tunhill Eocks type, a flint flake which had 
evidently been used as a knife, and a fragment of the same 
material. There were also found a fragment of blackened 
pottery, probably part of the interior of a cooking pot, and 
some charcoal in the floor, but not so much as might be 
expected in so large a habitation. A curious feature in the 
hut was a small stone standing 6 inches above the floor 
just inside the western side of the entrance, and two more 
standing side by side 15 inches above the floor near the 
north-western circumference. These stones seemed to have 
been fixed so as to follow the sweep of the circle, and were 
firmly earth-fast. They were not observed between these 
points. They had a surface length of only 8 to 10 inches, 
and were thin slabs of granite let into the ground for some 
purpose unknown to the Committee. They were not suit- 
able for supporting planks of wood to form seats, nor could 
they be portions of a stone dais or platform, for they occur in 
the part of the hut showing the greatest signs of occupation. 

Outside the entrance on the western side was a heap of 
stones which seemed at one time to have formed part of the 
circle. This was removed, and disclosed a semilunar-shaped 
erection (see plan), which contained a cooking hole and 

Fourth Report. 

rOALES AKRISHES , /fCfT /V" / . 

^Sca.le.-JO ftet £o J inch 


Fhoh Hit Circle No. 2, Foale's Arbibhes. 
(Paje 183.) 

FiiOM IKt CiKCLB No. a, FoAF.E'a Aniti 


hearth, with much charcoal and some fragments of thin 

pottery. The whole of the floor was paved, forming a 

cooking place or kitchen outside the hut. Considering the 

size of the hut circle — from 80 to 31 feet in diameter, 

involving a large roof, which would be most difficult to 

teep weather-tight in the winter, whether thatched or made 

of skins — and the position of the main fire and cooking place, 

the Committee is of opinion that this hut circle probably 

represents a summer habitation; and if this surmise be 

3orrect, it is an interesting illustration of the great antiquity 

>f the summering of cattle on Dartmoor, for these huts and 

enclosures on the moor generally are the dwellings and 

haddocks of a primitive people, whose chief support was 

vidently obtained from their flocks and herds. Most of 

hese examined thus far, of much smaller dimensions, appear 

=> liave been permanent habitations; and this is the first 

i stance which suggests to the Committee, on exploration, 

^.fi't some of the very large hut circles may have been 

raided in during the summer season only. 

.£[vi Circle No, 2. In the same rectangular enclosure as 
^o. 1, and standing within a rudely circular paddock of its 
I, which measures 51 feet north to south, and 64 feet 
to west. The paddock wall is very much ruined, but 
^liere more perfect is 3J feet wide, and now stands about 
- "feet in height. 

The hut circle is 20 feet in diameter, with an imperfect 
antrTance facing the S.E. Just inside the south portion of 
the circle, and near the doorway, was found a cooking hole, 
IB inches by 12 inches and 10 inches deep, and in and 
about this the remains of a vessel of pottery, probably a 
cooking pot. These sherds consisted of two pieces of the 
n.inand some fragments of the wall or sides; other specimens 
appeared to be somewhat redder in colour, and appear to be 
part of another vessel. The largest sherd (see Plate IV.) is a 
portion of the rim down to the shoulder of the vessel, which 
18 ornamented by deep diagonal lines, impressed apparently 
^y a broad-edged piece of wood or stone. This same imple- 
nient seems to have been used in shaping the neck, for by 
holding the sherd in a suitable angle of light the perpen- 
dicular markings of the same breadth as the length of the 
inipressed diagonal lines are plainly visible. These markings 
aie not visible in the illustration. 

It will be noted, however, that on the right hand near the 
rini the artist has depicted two semicircular depressions. 
These are most interesting, for they are thumb marks made 



and the largest, No. 1, being no less than 30 feet. There 
were doubtless central supports for the roofs in the whole of 
them ; in some, the footstones on which the supports stood 
were found in situ embedded in the floors. The walls of the 
huts are generally massive, but ruined — 4 to 4 J feet thick ; 
they are mostly double walls with smaller stones and earth 
between. The height of wall of No. 1 inside S.W. portion 
of circumference from the floor must have been 5 feet at 
least, for this measurement is almost attained in its present 
ruined condition. 

VI. Halshanger Common. (CVIII. N.E.) 

On the invitation of Mrs. Woodley, of Halshanger, the 
Committee investigated a small group of hut circles lying 
close to the corner of the newtake wall separating Horridge 
and Halshanger Commons. 

Only two were examined. The first was 14 feet in diameter, 
and this yielded faint traces of charcoal from the floor, which 
was unusually deep down for so small a circle ; two broken 
rubber stones of grit; one flint flake, used as a knife or 
scraper ; a spall of the same material ; two or three pieces of 
grey slate; and portions of a disc of blue slate about 2 J 
inches in diameter, with edges ground down. There were 
very large stones in this circle ; one, fallen inwards, was too 
heavy to move without suitable levers, which were not 
at the time available. 

The second circle was a large one, 27 feet in diameter, with 
stones of considerable size. No charcoal was seen, but two 
or three fragments of very red pottery were found, one being 
the portion of the rim of a small vessel. As the Committee 
desired to commence the investigation of the hut circles at 
Smallacombe Kocks, permission for which was very readily 
accorded by the Eev. Prebendary Wolfe, the further in- 
vestigation of the hut circles on Halshanger Common was 
postponed, as well as some other examples on Mountsland 

Smallacombe Eocks. (C. S.E.) 

In the Ordnance map these are given as Grea Tor — an 
error of the surveyors. 

Smallacombe Eocks lie at the western limit of Hay Tor 
Down, a cluster of boulders forming a tor rising slightly 
above the summit of the down, and abruptly descending to 
the valley of the Becka Brook. This descent is strewn with 
boulders, some of immense size, producing as fine a "clatter" 

Frdm Hlt Circle No. 1, Smallacombb Rocks. 
{Pa-je 157.) 


of rocks as any on Dartmoor. Amongst these is a great 
logan stone, weighing by computation 38 tons — probably 
the largest boulder in Devon — which can be appreciably 
rocked by one person. 

The area in and about the tor has been enclosed by the 
erection of a wall, consisting mostly of vertical stones, and 
there are two hut circles (Nos. 1 and 4) placed on each side 
of the approach to this enclosure from the down. There are 
traces of walls connecting these two circles, but they are 
almost obliterated. 

Stone-cutters have been at work about this tor; some 
boulders have been broken up, and huge pieces have been 
wedged off others. One flat boulder on the south side of 
the main group of rocks has been toppled over upside-down. 
This has a well-defined rock bason now lying underneath, 
which will some day puzzle the curious to account for its 
extraordinary position. 

The poor quality of the stone saved this magnificent 
collection of rocks from destruction. Some damage has 
been done in years past, but the weathering of the granite 
is gradually effacing the evidence of man's handiwork. 

There are two more circles (Nos. 2 and 3) lying a little in 
advance of Nos. 1 and 4. 

The examination of the four circles commenced on August 
24th, 1896. 

Hut Circle No. 1. Diameter, N. and S. 26 feet, E. and 
W. 29 feet ; entrance faced S.S.E. The more perfect portion 
of the wall is 4 to 4| feet thick, built of large stones forming 
inner and outer faces, some vertical, and others laid on their 
flat in courses, with a filling between of small stones and 

The lowest point of the floor to the top of the highest 
part of the wall was 4 feet 3 inches. 

The hut is placed on a gentle slope, and digging commenced 
at the lowest end west of doorway. This yielded two nodules 
of flint and two flakes, together with numerous sher-ds, the 
remnant of a pot. 

Two of these sherds represent portions of the rim. (See 
Plate VI., which represents the most perfect piece.) The rim 
has a heavy cornice, with three grooves following below, and 
then a festoon-like ornament formed by pressing plaited cord 
or sinew on the clay when plastic. Below this again the 
same impression in lines, and here unfortunately our know- 
ledge of the form and ornamentation of this interesting pot 
ceases, for the other sherds are but portions of the wall, not 


sufficient to form anything like a restoration. The paste is of 
the usual kind, clay which has baked a reddish brown, mixed 
with quartz and powdered granite. From the curve produced 
by the two pieces of the rim the mouth diameter of this pot 
must have been close on 1 foot. No cooking place was 
found, and but little charcoal. This hut has been a good deal 
pulled about by the stone-cutters, for their spalls or chippings 
of granite were found underneath the turf, and close on the 
original floor of the hut. 

Hut Circle No, 2. Diameter 22 feet. One jamb of the 
doorway left, facing the south. This circle gave one piece of 
flint and a pebble of red grit. It had been much disturbed 
by stone-cutters. 

Hut Circle No. 3. Diameter 24 feet. Four feet from the 
east circumference of wall was an upright stone, fixed firmly 
and deeply in the " calm." It was 16 inches above the floor, 
10 inches in length, and 4 inches thick. It occupied the 
same relative position as the three stones found in hut circle 
No. 1, Foale's Arrishes. Only a little charcoal was seen, but 
several small sherds of pottery were recovered, one a part of 
the rim of a pot with zigzag impressions of a twisted cord or 
thong on the flat surface of the rim, and diagonal lines 
produced by the same means running down the neck. 

This circle had also been pulled about, and was in a 
ruinous condition. 

Hut Circle No. 4. Diameter 30 feet. Double wall 3 feet 
thick, packed between with earth and small stones. The 
ruined entrance faces the south. The surface of the circle 
sloped towards the north. The examination was commenced 
at the lowest portion, and a trench was dug, following the 
wall, and worked towards the west 22 feet long, 4 feet wide, 
and 2 feet deep. Charcoal was found strewn on the floor in 
one place thick enough to suggest the site of a fireplace. The 
other finds were part of a rubber of dense dark slaty stone, 
and a well-worked flint knife (see Plate II., Fig. 3), and a 
well-used flake of the same material. As this seemed to exhaust 
the northern portion of the circle, we opened west of entrance, 
and worked towards the previous trench, still following close 
to the wall. Here we found much charcoal, the remains 
apparently of another fireplace, and a considerable number 
of sherds, representing portions of two pots — one large and 
highly ornamented with a twisted cord or thong pattern, and 
the other a shallow, wide-mouthed vessel, without ornamenta- 
tion. The most important sherd of the larger vessel is repre- 
sented by Plate VII., and is the most elaborately ornamented 

Fourth Repoht. 

Fiiou HnT Ciuc'LE No. 4, Shallacoube Rocks. 
{Page ISa) 


of any we have yet found on Dartmoor. Like all the rest, it 
is hand-made, with paste of reddish brown, permeated by 
black carbonaceous matter. It was probably a cooking pot, 
with wide mouth of from 10 to 12 inches in diameter. 

As the summer work of the Committee was now termi- 
nating, the further exploration of this hut was suspended. 

Owing to the break-up of the fine weather, the planning was 
not completed, and has had to be deferred till next season. 

VII. Kistvaen, Chagford Common. (XCIX. N.E.) 
An unviolated kistvaen was discovered on Chagford Com- 
mon under a cairn not under 2 feet high, and so trodden out 
of shape by cattle that it was not recognised as certainly a 
cairn till pick and spade had been employed upon it. For an 
account of the results the Committee refer to the Report of 
the Barrow Committee. 


In conclusion, your Committee are desirous of calling 
special attention to the pottery, the forms and ornamentation 
of the vessels. 

The pottery of the hut circles of Dartmoor belongs to an 
early type, but not the earliest. It is all hand-made. Most 
of the vessels are very imperfectly burnt, and are of very 
coarse mixture of clay and quartz sand. The majority of 
the vessels have rounded bottoms, and were sunk in the 
floor; nevertheless, there have also been found some that 
had flat bottoms. Whereas some of the pottery is extremely 
coarse, other specimens are comparatively fine. In character, 
the paste is precisely that of the period which is most 
generally known as the Barrow pottery age, which is also 
that of late neolithic tools and weapons, and of the intro- 
duction of bronze. 

The vessels that had been used as cooking pots were all 
reddened externally, but were very black within at the 
bottom and over half way up, and the black disappeared 
towards the throat and mouth. This blackness was due to 
the carbonization of the animal matter that had been cooked 
inside the pots through the agency of hot stones put into 
them with the flesh that had to be cooked. 

With regard to the shapes of the vessels recovered, there 
seem to be three. 

1. A rude round or flat-bottomed vessel with lugs and a 
broad rim, like a cuff of a sleeve turned back. 

2. A shallow round-bottomed and wide-mouthed vessel. 

3. A well-shaped urn. This only found in the Chagford 
Common kistvaen. 


The decoration employed was either — 

1. Made by pressing a string against the clay before it was 

2. By marking the soft clay with a sharpened or rounded 
bit of stick, flint, or bone, either in lines or dots. 

3. Or by ornamenting it with the finger nails, so as to 
form a rude pattern. 

The nature of the decorations is constant. It consists of 
bands, lines, dots, and zigzags, and is precisely that every- 
where found in connection with megalithic monuments of 
the Neolithic and early Bronze Age. Not a trace has been 
found of the peculiar ornamentation introduced at the same 
time as iron, which is, indeed, found on bronze ornaments, 
but only on those of a late period. 

As so little appears to be known which beiars upon the 
composition of prehistoric pottery, the Committee has deter- 
mined to commence a scientific examination of typical sherds 
obtained during recent explorations, the leading ideas being 
to extract information as to whether the potters used the 
native clay of Dartmoor, and as to whether the sand and 
quartz present in the pottery was added in the working up 
of the clay, or was present in the clay as found, and used by 
the pot-makers in its natural condition. 

The first instalment of this investigation is here presented, 
and it is intended to continue it in the next report, for more 
chemical determinations and microscopical examinations must 
be made of sherds and Dartmoor clays before there will be 
sufficient data to draw conclusions. 

If satisfactory scientific evidence is forthcoming as a result 
of these experiments, considerable light will be thrown on 
a most interesting subject ; and as the Committee is unable 
to trace any similar investigation, details and figures will 
be given so that the interested reader may follow the par- 
ticulars, and see exactly how the resulting inferences are 
arrived at. 

If it can be shown that the inhabitants of the hut circles 
made their own cooking pots, the possible uses of the large 
number of grit pebbles, designated rubber stones in the 
reports, with faces worn down by attrition, may possibly be 
explained, for some of them may be the implements used by 
the ancient potters for working up the clay into a suitable 
condition for building up, moulding, or shaping the vessels. 

That this working up of the raw material, and even the 
levigation of the clay was understood, is amply demonstrated 


by the fact that the " slip," or covering, of fine creamy clay 
laid on both the exterior and interior of the vessels prior to 
baking is present on many of the potsherds, and it is also 
clear that this was laid on by a brush either made for the 
purpose, or some ready-made natural object, such for instance 
as a hare or rabbit's hind foot. 

Clay, which is chiefly formed by the decomposition of the 
feldspars, is of various grades and qualities. 

Kaolin or china clay, the purest unctuous clay. 

Potter's and pipe clay, plastic, free from iron; mostly 
unctuous ; usually containing some free silica. 

rire-brick clay possesses the same characteristics as the 
former, but contains more silica or sand. 

Terruginous or ordinary brick clay, containing iron in the 
state of oxide or carbonate, and consequently baking red. 
There are other forms of ferruginous clay, but these are at 
present of no interest for this report. 

Most of the hut-circle pottery is red or reddish in colour, 
so that we have to mostly deal with clay containing iron, and 
the percentage of this has been ascertained, and is expressed 
as oxide of iron FogOg. 

The samples tested have been dried at 212° F., and the quartz 
gravel or sand when present has been previously separated. 

Any deviation from this is specially mentioned. 

Experiment No. 1. Sherd forming portion of a cooking 
pot found in hut circle No. 9, Eaddick Hill (see Eeport 
Kg. 3)— 

Contained coarse fragments of gravel and sand 12 per cent. 
Clay (containing fine silica, not separated) . 88 „ 

100 per cent. 

The clay, plus fine silica, contained oxide of iron 11*84 
per cent. Colour of sherds brick-red, coated inside and out 
with a " slip " of fine clay. This vessel was similar in paste 
and ornamention to the whole cooking pot found in hut circle 
No. 3, Raddick Hill, and figured Plate X. Eeport No. 3. 
The only apparent difference in the two vessels is that the 
bottom of the latter was slightly rounded, whilst the former 
was flat. 

Microscopically examined, and selected particles tested by 
the aid of a blow-pipe and reagents, this sample gave the 
following results : 

A very few fragments of quartz, stained slightly red by 
the preseuce of iron. Other mineral constituents other than 



clay consisted, with exception of fragments, of a dark slate- 
coloured rock, with distinct traces of foliation. This rock 
proved to be an altered sedimentary rock (schist), probably 
derived from the borders of the moor. Such fragments 
occur in natural clay, and do not represent added gravel. 
No granitic material. 

Experiment No. 2. Examination of black carbonaceous 
matter on the inside of the body of the cooking pots, and 
permeating the walls to from half to three-quarters of their 
total thickness. 

A. Sample obtained from the interior of a potsherd, hut 
circle No. 8, Foale's Arrishes. 

B. Similar sample from hut circle No 1, Tunhill Eocks. 
These were treated with ether in the cold, filtered and 
evaporated down, and gave distinct oily globules of. rancid 
fat, which flared on ignition, emitting characteristic smell. 

Eemains of grease due to cooking operations held in the 
pores of the pottery. 

Experiment No. 3. Sherd from hut circle No. 1, Smalla- 
combe Eocks 

Contained total gravel and fine silica 44*60 per cent. 
Clay . ... 55-40 „ 

100-00 per cent. 

The clay contained oxide of iron 8*88 per cent. Colour 
dull red, coated outside with " slip " of fine clay. Interior not 
so treated ; this was light brown. 

This pottery is better baked, tougher, and not nearly so 
friable as sherd examined in No. 1 experiment 

Microscopical and Blow-pipe Examination. — A very few 
fragments of quartz, forming an inconsiderable percentage 
of the total sand and gravel. 

The remainder of the gravel constituents showed an 
imperfectly-developed crystalline structure, and proved to 
be pyroxene (probably Augite), derived apparently from an 
altered sedimentary rock. Such gravel is found in clays on 
the borders of Dartmoor, and represents in this case original 
ingredient of the clay mass. 

No trace of added gravel. 

No trace of granitic matter. 

Experiment No. 4. Sherd from hut circle No. 1, Tunhill 
Eocks, of same type as sherd in No. 1 experiment (described 
for convenience in further examples as Eaddick type — coarse. 


thick paste used in the manufacture of cooking pots) — 
contained on the inside much black carbonaceous matter 
due to cooking operations. It was found impossible to satis- 
factorily separate the clay of this sherd from the gravel and 
fine sand. Very hard fragments of well-burnt clay resisted 
all efforts, but the imperfectly-treated clay contained oxide 
of iron, 488 per cent. 

Microscopical and Blow-pipe Examination. — Only a very 
few fragments of isolated quartz. The remaining gravel 
consisted of fragments of quartz-tourmaline rock, apparently 
schistose. Again such materials as occur in the clay-beds 
near Dartmoor. No added gravel. No granitic material. 

Experiment No. 5. Sherd from hut circle No. 4, Smalla- 
combe Eocks. Eaddick type, but not so rude ; portion of a 
shallow vessel, probably not a cooking pot ; not ornamented. 
Fine silica, difficult to separate. Clay contained oxide of 
iron, 5-92 per cent. 

Microscopical and Blow-pipe Examination. — Eounded, 
irregular-shaped particles, black when moist, slate-coloured 
when dried. In oxidising flame became white throughout. 
Silicate of alumina reactions. White, hard-baked clay stained 
by carbonaceous matter. 

One fragment of red clay with specks of white. 

No quartz or rock fragments. 

Apparently a relatively " fat clay." 

The white clay need not necessarily be derived directly 
from china clay deposits on the moor. Its origin may either 
have been from china clay deposits or from some of the clays 
of the lower lands; instances of such, which contain no 
appreciable iron oxide, are known. 

Accepting the percentages of oxide of iron as guides 
indicative of variations in ferruginous clay, it is clear that 
as far as the chemical examinations are concerned the pot- 
sherds experimented on are formed of clay which has been 
derived from different deposits taken from localities distant 
from each other. For instance, compare No. 1, which is from 
Eaddick Hill, near Princetown, with No. 5, from Smallacombe 
Bocks, near Hay Tor. The oxide of iron contained in the 
former is just double that contained in the latter. 

In order that proper comparisons may be made, the Com- 
mittee is collecting samples of crude Dartmoor clay, especially 
from the districts in which the examined pottery has been 
found, and it is hoped that this may result in some light 
being thrown on the matter. 


At present only two samples have been received, and both 
of these are from Archerton and Eow Tor Marsh, near Post 
Bridge, localities which have not yielded much pottery, nor 
do these samples bear directly on the potsherds examined. 
The following results were obtained on their examination: 

Experiment No. 6. Crude clay from Archerton Newtake. 
Eough sample, not very unctuous. 

Total gravel, quartz, and fine sand . 40 per cent 
Clay . . . . 60 „ 

100 per cent. 

Clay contained oxide of iron, 2*52 per cent. 

Microscopical and Blow-pipe Examination. — The greate"*^ 
part of the gravel and sand from this clay consists of qvLBXt^^ 
grains of varying size. 

There are a few isolated grains of tourmaline, and sorm- ^ 
grains compounded of quartz and tourmaline. 

A very few flecks of mica also occur. 

Traces of felspathic matter. 

Purely granitic constituents. 

Experiment No. 7. Crude clay from Eow Tor Marsfcr: 
Much more unctuous than No. 6. Gave same proportions c — 
gravel, quartz, fine sand, and clay as No. 6. 

The clay contained oxide of iron, 2*66 per cent., practicalL- 
the same amount as 6. Both these crude clays were foun 
almost in the same newtake. They differ only in degre^^ 
of unctuousness. The similarity in percentages of oxide c:^ 
iron bears out the efiBcacy of regarding this constituei^ 
of ferruginous clay as a means of determining locality, 
potsherds contain clay which gives a certain range 
percentages of oxide of iron, and the crude clay of t 
neighbourhood corresponds, and provided the miaromrpicc^ 

examination of the gravel bears this out, it may be fair) J 

inferred that the pots were made of local clay. 

Microscopical and Blow -pipe Examination. — PreciseL^ 
similar to No. 6. 

Neither of these clays, so the chemical examination say " 
would be suitable for making the pottery examined thus fai^ 
but general deductions must be deferred until opportuniti 
as previously stated, present themselves for further expei 
ments both with more sherds and samples of clay fro 
various localities. 

This it is to be hoped may be presented in the next repo: 


It will be seen that in the whole of the above cases the 
sand and gravel recovered from the potsherds is such as is 
normally found in the clays bordering on Dartmoor. The 
constituents which would be found in any china clay deposit 
on the moor itself are in every case absent. 

As regards the sherds so far examined and reported on, it 
may therefore be safely stated that the clays were probably 
obtained in the neighbourhood of the moor, but not within 
the granitic area. 

There are no traces of gravel and sand added by the potter, 
the natural clay containing sufficient of these constituents. 

An instance of the use of china clay in prehistoric potting 
having become known in the course of excavations at Legis 
Tor, and the present experiments having a strictly limited 
range, the Committee regard general deductions as impossible 
afc the present stage of the inquiry. 

-Along with this report the Committee are glad to be able 
to give the plan of the Legis Tor Settlement, the plan of the 
circles on Cosdon, and that of the fine stone row on Stall 

S. Baring-Gould. 


J. Brooking Eowe. 

J. Duke Pode. 

E. Hansford Worth. 


(Read at Kingsbridge, July, 1897.) 

All those who were members of this Association in 18^ 
will have received copies of the circulars issued by 

About 1000 of these were sent out on and after the 1 
of last May, with the result that twenty amateur phc 
graphers promised to co-operate, and it is probable that tJ 
will send in this year about six hundred sets of photograp 

Considering the short time that has elapsed, the Commit 
feel that the results are encouraging, but they wish to u 
members of this Association to assist the work, not mer 
by bringing the subject to the notice of their friends vi 
photograph, but by becoming photographers themselves. 

Under the auspices of the British Association, a Geologi 
Photographic Survey of Great Britain and Ireland has b' 
in very successful progress for several years, the results be 
published in permanent process ; perhaps exchanges may 
made of those relating to Devonshire. 

Also a movement is now being made for the purpose 
storing and preserving photographs of objects in Gi 
Britain and Ireland in the British Museum. 

There are numerous exhibits of great interest in 
British Museum connected with Devonshire which mi 
be photographed by those Devonians residing in Lorn 
who desire to help in the Survey. 

J. S. Amery. C. E. EOBINSON, Hon. Sec 

E. BuRNARD. Mrs. Frances B. Troupi 

S. Grose. E. Hansford Worth. 


(Read at Kingsbridge, July, 1897.) 

I HAVE attempted in this paper to show how much the 
Ornithology of the county is indebted to this immediate 
district for the records of many rare and interesting species 
of birds, and how the interest in this particular branch of 
Natural History may be distinctly traced to the influence of 
Col. Montagu, that father of British Ornithology, who lived 
and died here in the early days of the century. 

Col. Montagu was born in the year 1755 at Lackham 
House in North Wiltshire, and was one of a family of 
thirteen ; he entered the Army, and served in the American 
Wars ; he married at the early age of eighteen, and had four 
sons and two daughters ; two sons were killed in action, and 
another died a prisoner of war in France. In 1797 Montagu, 
who had resigned his commission, came to reside at the 
Knowle, Kingsbridge, and devoted his whole attention to 
Natural History ; not only birds, but beasts and fishes also 
— the books and papers that he wrote, and which are too 
leDgthy to quote here, numbering a score or more, besides 
numberless records of rare species. No doubt the love of 
collecting was inherited by Montagu, for we learn the 
family house at Lackham was stored with a rich collection of 
curiosities, that a long day might have been well employed 
in inspecting old chests filled with the costumes and jewelry 
of different centuries, many such articles of each generation 
for some hundreds of years having been carefully stored up 
by the family. All these and the extensive estates also were 
dispersed by order of the Court of Chancery, on account of 
litigation between the Colonel and his eldest son ; this, and 

168 A century's work on ornithology 

the loss of his youngest and favourite son at the battle of 
Albuera, did much to embitter the last days of Montagu's 
life. In June, 1815, the Colonel had the misfortune to tread 
upon a rusty nail, lockjaw supervened, and he died on the 
20th of the same month. His old and attached friend, the 
Eev. K. Vaughan, of Aveton Gifford, who was at his bedside 
during his last illness, having asked him where he would 
wish to be buried, his characteristic reply was, " Where the 
tree falls, there let it lie." 

I regret being unable to state definitely where Montagu 
was buried, because I feel sure every bird lover would wish 
to visit the shrine of so distinguished an ornithologist. It 
is asserted by some that he was buried in the parish church, 
but that when the church was restored, some five-and-thirty 
years ago, the coffin, with all the rest in the church, was 
despoiled of its leaden shell, and all trace of the vault 
obliterated; certainly I can find no stone, neither is there 
any entry in the register of burials. Others, again, state 
he was buried in the grounds at Knowle ; and it is curious 
that in a genealogical tree I have of the family it states 
that Montagu was buried at the Knowle, whilst the paiish 
is given with all the rest of the family, ancestors or 
descendants. Again, very recently I have interviewed an 
old man, Mr. Henry Veale, of Chillington, ninety-six years 
of age, who worked for the Colonel. He could not teU me 
where he was buried, but his vivid memory recalled many 
a pleasing incident which will be found recorded in thes 
pages of last Saturday's Field. 

Mr. Nicholas Luscombe, a solicitor practising in the town, 
was a friend of Montagu's, and is often mentioned by the 
latter as bringing him uncommon species. He doubtless 
learnt bird-stuffing from the Colonel; and his son, Mr- 
Nicholas Luscombe, junr., took up the pursuit, and, as com- 
panion to Mr. Henry NichoUs, imparted the art of taxidermy 
as it was then known to him, when the latter was abou— 
sixteen years of age. I might, by the way, state here th 
taxidermy was a very different affair then from what it is no 
In those days it was customary only to remove those so 
parts which were easily accessible, replacing the whole « 
the skeleton, and filling up with a liberal supply of bur 
alum and cotton. Some birds thus treated by Mr. Nicho' 
are still in a good state of preservation, and, of course, 
the Montagu Collection in the Natural History Muse 
South Kensington, are still in evidence. 

The dearth of records between the years 1815 (^the yea 


Montagu's decease) and 1840, when they multiply again, 

plainly shows how Mr. Luscombe and his son missed their 

opportunity ; for we find in decade after decade, in many 

instances year after year, certain species worthy of notice 

not recorded, and which assuredly must have occurred. 

About 1840 a reviving influence is apparent, which I am 

informed by Mr. Nicholls was due to the greater interest 

taken in Natural History by four persons whose names will 

be ever associated with the Ornithology of the district. I refer 

to Mr. Charles Prideaux, Eev. K. Vaughan, Eev, Courtenay 

Bolteel, senr., and my father, all of whom have left behind 

them some evidence of their interest in Ornithology. In 

^865 Mr. E. P. NichoUs returned from the United States, 

and from that time forward to now both he and his brother 

^aj be associated with records so abundantly found in the 

Various ornithological journals of the day. 

Having now briefly shown to whom we are chiefly in- 
debted for the valuable mass of material we have to work 
upon, let us enter a little into detail as to how the district 
has assisted the Ornithology of the county. 

I'or the sake of brevity and convenience I have taken 
^^G subject in decades. 

In the first decade — 1800 to 1810 — we find recorded 
^J^iiTrences of the Garden Warbler, Dartford Warbler, 
^ii"l Bunting, Hoopoe, Montagu's Harrier, Hobby, Osprey, 
^^eat White Heron, Buflf-backed Heron, Spoonbill, Glossy 
^"^is^ Bemacle Geese, Smew, Little Bustard, Dotterel, Eufif 
C^iinamer plumage). 

Tie Garden Warblers noticed were quite accidental 

^^^itx)rs, as we lie to the westward of the line of their annual 

"^^^Sration ; just as in the same way, quite recently, Nightin- 

S^les (there were many noticed in the hedge with a number 

^^ Hedstarts) occurred at Thurlestone. The Dartford Warblers 

"^clently bred in considerable numbers in the early part 

the century, but then the area of unbroken land was far 

S'C'^ater than it is now, and furze brakes abounded ; we only 

^^o the bird on migration now in the autumn. An early 

^l^servation of Colonel Montagu's was to point out, in 1800, 

V*^^ Cirl Bunting as a British bird. It is a common species 

^y^ the warmer parts of the Continent, but had not before 

^^eu noticed as indigenous to this country. He found it 

^xeeding at Tacket Wood, where also, sixty-five years later, 

^ took a nest. It is a fairly common resident in the neigh- 

^o\irhood. The Great White Heron, said to have been seen 

^y the Eev. K, Vaughan, must be accepted with reserve, 


170 A century's work on ornithology 

The Bufif-backed Heron which was shot in 1808 at South 
Allington is one of the only two obtained in Great Britain. 

The Ash-coloured Harrier, or Montagu's Harrier, as it is 
now called, the Colonel was the first to point out as distinct 
from the Hen Harrier, from specimens obtained in the 

The Osprey was often to be observed fishing on the Avon 
or on the estuary in those days, and Montagu's description 
of their habits is very interesting. 

In the next two decades — from 1810 to 1830 — I can only 
find four records, namely, those of the Osprey, Eufif, Glossy 
Ibis, and Purple Heron. This latter specimen, which was 
shot on the Avon, is a remarkably fine specimen, and was 
used by Thomas Bewick to illustrate that species in his 
work on British birds. 

From 1830 to 1840 we find occurrences of the Crossbill, 
Eose-coloured Pastor, White-tailed Eagle, Honey Buzzard, 
Osprey, White Stork, Avocet, Phalaropes, Hobby. 

Here we begin to get Mr. H. NichoU's records. The 
Eose - coloured Pastor was shot at Aveton Gifford ; the 
White-tailed Eagle my father found a man bringing into 
the town over his shoulder in a sack from Halwell Wood, 
where he had shot it; the Honey Buzzard was obtained in 
Woodleigh Woods ; the White Storks were seen on Slapton 
Ley. In June, 1837, the flock of Crossbills were seen by 
Mr. NichoUs feeding on the fir cones at Combe Eoyal, whilst 
in the autumn of 1831 numbers of Phalarope were driveu 
on our coasts by the severe gales. 

In the next decade — 1840 to 1850 — and onwards the 
records gather in interest, and we find occurring : the 
Waxwing, Eose-coloured Pastor, Hoopoe, black variety of 
Montagu's Harrier, Little Bittern, Night Heron, Spoonbill, 
a Quail year (1846), Little Bustard, a Phalarope year (1845), 
Spotted Eedshank, great flight of Arctic Terns, Eichardson's 
Skua, Great Crested Grebe (full plumage). 

The Waxwing was shot at Blackawton in January, 1850. 
In very severe winters these birds are driven by want of 
food from the north-east part of Continental Europe and 
strike our east coast, but comparatively few filter through to 
Devon or Cornwall. The black variety of Montagu's 
Harrier lay for three weeks on the cliffs, where it had been 
flung by the farmer who shot it, before Mr. NichoUs got it. 
The shocking slaughter of four pairs of Night Herons in the 
Erme Valley in the spring of 1849 has only to be mentioned 
to be condemned ; but excuses may be offered, as the habits 


of rare birds were imperfectly known and little understood 
at the time. In May, 1842, thousands of Arctic Terns were 
caught by the easterly gales and driven into the estuary, 
where scores were knocked down with sticks and stones by 
the boys between the quays and brought to Mr. NichoUs, 
In 1846 Quails nested near the town, and were abundant the 
following autumn. 

In the next decade — 1850 to 1860 — are recorded: the 
Sufous Warbler, Hawfinch, Brambling, Eose-coloured Pastor, 
Crested Lark, Bee Eater, Osprey, Hobby, Little Bittern, 
Bemacle Goose, Whoopers, Little Crake, Glaucous Gull. 

This is the first record of a Eufous Warbler occurring in 
Great Britain; it was shot near the Start. The Hawfinch 
bred in the grounds at Woolston. In the Arctic winter of 
1852-1853 the district swarmed with Bramblings, and in the 
same winter several Whooper Swans were shot on the 
estuary. The Bee Eater was shot near Ilton Castle; and a 
pair of Crested Larks, which species is common along the 
shores of the Mediterranean, were observed on Slapton Sands 
by the late President of the British Ornithological Union — 
Lord lilford — himself. We get no record of Hoopoes in this 
decade, and on seeking an explanation, Mr. NichoUs tells me 
they occurred so regularly that he did not think it necessary 
to record them. There are some species which are recorded 
with such frequency in the first sixty or seventy years of the 
century, annually in some instances, such as Hoopoes, Eose- 
coloured Pastors, Little Bitterns, Night Herons, Osprey, 
Hobby, that we may reasonably conjecture that had the 
birds been unmolested, we should have had them as breeding 
species in the neighbourhood at the present time. Some, I 
fear, have disappeared never to return, for instance, the Osprey, 
whilst others, owing to their conspicuous plumage, will never 
have a chance unless more pains are taken to educate the rising 
generation. Only this spring ,a Hoopoe was brought me for 
identification, the possessor saying he thought it had escaped 
from some aviary, so he shot it to save it from being lost. 

Just prior to the last decade Starlings commenced breed- 
ing in the district. 

From 1860 to 1870 we get recorded: Crossbills, Hoopoe, 
Kite, Osprey, Hobby, Smew, Pallas's Sand Grouse, Quail 
year (1870), Crane, Little Bustard, Dotterel, Phalarope years 
(1866 and 1870), White- Knot (1875), Black-tailed Godwit, 
Black Tern (summer plumage), Eichardson's Skua and 
Buflfon's Skua (mature dress). Great Northern Diver and 
Black-throated Diver (summer dress). 

M 2 

172 A century's work on ornithology 

These records are very interesting. The flocks of Cross- 
bills occurred at the Moult and also at Widdicombe. The 
Kite was shot near Loddiswell. A farmer proceeding to 
church one Sunday morning saw this bird feeding on the 
carcass of a sheep; instead of carrying his first intention 
into effect, he returned for his gun and shot the bird. On 
the night of May 11th, 1861, the keeper on duty at the Start 
Lighthouse was surprised at discovering a great number of 
birds flying around and against the lantern of that building, 
and dropping either dead or much exhausted. The wind at 
the time was blowing strong from the north-east, with rain ; 
after some time it became much calmer, the birds continuing 
to rush against the lantern, increasing in numbers as the 
gale went down, and finally reaching the immense number 
of six hundred and ninety-two; and he had the curiosity to 
weigh them, and they amounted to about thirty-four pounds, 
consisting chiefly of Skylarks, House Sparrows, and several 
varieties of the smaller kinds of birds, amongst which was a 
Cuckoo. This may have been the back- wash of a late wave 
of migration swept out to sea, in which the Sparrows had 
been caught up, they not being a migratory species. These 
rushes of panic-stricken or exhausted birds are happily 
becoming much rarer, as the lights are rapidly being changed 
from the fixed light to one of a revolving or occulting 
character, the attraction of a flashing light not being so 
great, apparently, as that of a. fixed ona 

The summer of 1863 witnessed an irruption of Pallas's 
Sand Grouse over the whole of Europe; a flock occurred 
at Slapton Sands, and specimens were secured. The periodic 
flights of this Grouse from their home in Eastern Tartary 
and China present one of the most interesting problems 
connected with bird life, the real reasons which induce such 
being still in doubt. In 1888 a still greater number arrived, 
in flocks numbering thousands, but none occurred here. 

The Crane frequented a large grass field near the Start 
for some days ; it kept the middle of the field, and defied 
all efforts to shoot it. We get no record of the Little 
Bustard, Osprey, or Hobby after this decade. 

From 1870 to 1880 we find recorded : Eufous Warbler. 
Blue-headed Wagtail, Rose-coloured Pastor, Hoopoe, Short- 
eared Owls (great flight in 1876), Little Bittern, Night 
Heron, Bewick's Swan, Green -winged Teal, White -eyed 
Duck, Smew, Little Tern, Curlew Sandpiper, Black-tailed 
Gtodwit, Bar-tailed Godwit, Pomatorhine Skua (great flighl 
1879), Richardson*s Skua, Leach's Petrel. 


In this decade we get a second example of the Eufous 
Warbler, shot near Slapton, its peculiar jlight attracting 
notice; only three of these birds have ever been obtained 
in Great Britain. The Blue-headed Wagtail and Curlew 
Sandpiper were first detected as occurring in the neighbour- 
hood. The Green- winged Teal I saw myself in the flesh; 
it is only the second example that has occurred in Great 
Britain. The White -eyed Duck was a female, and was 
picked out from amongst the slain after a Ley day in 1874. 
An immense flock of Bar -tailed God wits came into the 
estuary in May, 1876 ; it is only rarely these birds visit 
us in the spring migration, when they are in full summer 
dress. The two Bewick's Swan were shot on the estuary. 

From 1880 to 1890 are recorded: Nightingale, Great Grey 

Shrike, Tree Sparrow, Brarabling (huge flocks winter of 

i88 9-90), Lesser Eedpole, Chough (last nesting pair shot 

probably 1885), Wryneck, Hoopoe, Kite, Merlins, Spoonbill, 

Grey Lag Goose, Bean Goose, White-fronted Goose, Bernacle 

Goose, Stock Doves (first noticed breeding 1887), Quail 

year (1885), Stone Curlew, Dotterel, Spotted Eedshank, 

Black Tern (summer, 1890), Pomatorhine Skua (great flight 

18 S 5). 

These records are rather voluminous, but are very 

interesting, though only few can be touched on; the Tree 

Sparrow, Lesser Eedpole, and Stock Dove are added as 

indigenous to the district. The Great Grey Shrike was 

shot in a thorn bush on Ore Point; his larder, which I 

fecund well stocked in the thorns, consisted of small birds 

aud beetles. The pair of Choughs were shot on Folly Cliffs 

during the breeding season in 1885, and were probably the 

^t left on this part of the coast. The Grey Lag Goose 

fraternized with a flock of tame ones for some days before 

1^ Was shot with a rifle at six hundred yards. The Nightin- 

S^lea came in a small flock (a most unusual circumstance) 

^1 about twenty, and were noticed in a hedge leading down 

^ tie sea at Thurlestone ; they were accompanied by 

redstarts, and neither species was identified until brought 

"^to the town. 

Iix the last seven years — from 1890 to 1897 — we get 
^cords of: White Wagtail (first identified with district), 
^c^odchat Shrike, Hoopoe, Short-eared Owl (great flights 
^893), Bitterns, Pink -footed Goose, Bernacle Goose, Surf 
ScoUr,Smew, Quail year (1892), Phalarope year (1891), Euff, 
Spotted Eedshank, Bar-tailed Godwit, years (1895 and 1891), 
kittle Gull, Sabine's Gull, Manx Shearwater. 

174 A century's work on ornithology. 

The White Wagtail, which is the Continental form of 
our Pied Wagtail, may be often seen at the times of 
migration. This spring I obtained a male that had un- 
doubtedly been nesting in the neighbourhood, but I could 
not locate the nest. 

The Woodchat Shrike I shot close to Bantham village, 
and is new to the district. There was a great flight of 
Short-eared Owls in the fall of 1893. In one turnip field 
a party of sportsmen flushed more than twenty, and some 
were unfortunately shot and thrown into the hedge. Twelve 
Bitterns were shot at Slapton Ley during the winter of 
1890-91, but the owners of that splendid bit of water have 
taken steps to prevent such wanton destruction again. The 
Pink-footed Goose is the only specimen obtained in the 
county, and I secured it by a bit of good luck. Hearing 
late on a Saturday night a goose had been shot near Aveton 
Giffbrd, I rode out early the next morning to see it and 
secure it if possible. On calling at the house and enquiring, 
I was told " mother was plucking 'un for dinner." However, 
that process had fortunately not begun; and on the bird 
being brought out I instantly detected the species and 
secured the prize, being glad to substitute another dinner. 

The Bar-tailed Godwits, after an interval of twenty years, 
were driven by adverse winds into the estuary two years 
in succession. The Surf Scoter was brought me late one 
night, and being very busy at the time I did not closely 
examine the bird, and told the boy to take it away. His 
reply — "Father told me to fling it into the tide if you 
didn't want it " — saved the bird, and on a closer examination 
next morning I discovered the rara avis. The Little Gull 
I shot on the estuary was the first obtained here; and so 
with the two specimens of Sabine's Gull, one of which I 
shot at Besands, the other at Bantham. Manx Shearwaters 
occurred in immense flocks off Bolt Tail in the fall of 1895 ; 
they settled around my boat like a flock of tame pigeons, 
eagerly devouring the mackerel brit, which was driven to 
the surface by the schools of preying fish below. Large 
flocks were again seen off Prawle Point the end of March 
this year. 

This terminates our imperfect sketch, which must not 
be taken for a complete statement of records, as space only 
allows the most interesting to be touched upon. 





(Read at Kingsbridge, July, 1897.) 

In tilie parish of South Tawton, eighteen miles to the west 
of Exeter, at a place called North Week, there still stands a 
somewhat ancient dwelling-house, now under restoration. 

I well remember the occasion, some thirty-five years ago, 

when first I rode by its mouldering walls. My companion 

(an. old yeoman from Winkleigh) drew me that day aside in 

order to show me an enormous vine, which covered the whole 

of the west front of the mansion. He introduced me to the 

owuer, a Mr. Arnold, a farmer of the old school, who told me 

that he knew nothing of the history of his house. Its appear- 

aiice, however, seemed to me to be redolent of a far distant 

past, and my curiosity being excited, I soon discovered another 

^ouse called " Wickington," and a third named "West 

Week." All three houses are situated in the same parish of 

South Tawton, and are not very far distant from each other. 

Tradition, and by that word I mean the common current talk 

of the people of the neighbourhood, declared that these 

houses had been formerly occupied by members of an extinct, 

or nearly extinct, family of the name of ** Week.'* I am a 

iiovice at the work I am at this moment engaged upon, and 

1 was consequently astonished and somewhat confused when 

I discovered that these good people wrote their name in sixty 

varying ways ! I believe that in the South Tawton Registers 

^^^y appear in ten varieties. They are Wyks and Weekes, 

and Wyk and Week, as well as de la Wyke and de Wica, 

and I know not what beside. They lasted as people of some 


consequence far down through the centuries, and altered 
their name at will, either as not knowing better or as having 
a taste for variety. 

Perhaps I had better (in a short and imperfect maimer) 
give such an account of these old people as I can, and then 
describe what now remains of their mouldering residences. 
This I will do with the aid of a few small photographs, for 
which I am indebted to my son-in-law, Mr. Lowndes Norton. 
As it would be tedious to often quote authorities, let me here 
say that I have consulted Westcote's History, Sir William 
Pole, Colonel Vivian's Visitations, Worthy's book on Devon- 
shire Wills, and a book published by George Weekes, now of 
Dorchester, in America, whose ancestor in 1635 went out 
with Mr. Mather, the Puritan ; and that I am indebted to the 
Eev. W. Wykes Finch, the present owner of North Week, 
for much information, and also to Miss Lega Weekes, of Storks' 
Haunt, Park Lane, who has sent me copious extracts from 
the records of the Court of Chancery relating to the great 
lawsuit, which seems to have lasted from about 1651 to 1700, 
during which period of fifty years it is said to have assumed 
one hundred forms, and to have ruined effectually both 
branches of the family engaged in it. 

So far as I can understand from Sir W. Pole (who wrote 
somewhere about the year 1610, at a time when the Weekes 
were still a numerous, flourishing, and important family), one 
William de Wigorin, or, in more modern language, Ghamher- 
lain, who owned a quarter of a knight's fee in the parish of 
South Tawton, but resided at Wrey, near Moretonhampstead, 
acquired (I suppose by marriage) the lands of Wyke in the 
year 1243. This good man had a confusing way of being 
also called "Wrey," from his residence, and seems to have 
been the founder of the Wrey family. Moreover, the place 
which he inherited, now North Week, was frequently from 
this time forward designated as Moreton Wyke. Hard by 
the lands of Wyke there resided a family of the name of 
"Burnell," who owned Cocktree and Itton; and these 
Burnells ran out in Eichard II.'s reign (1377), so that there 
only remained a daughter (Catherine). By this time there 
was a young William de Wigorin, or Wrey, who seems not to 
have objected to join the lands of Moreton Wyke to those of 
Cocktree by marrying this Miss Catherine. They thus be- 
came at once considerable people, and are said to have owned 
more than six thousand acres out of the eleven thousand 
which are comprised in the parish of South Tawton. They 
built a house at North or Moreton Wyke, and called them- 


selves "Wykes," just as the Wigorin forefather had called 

himself " Wrey." I can find no trace of the Cocktree home 

of the Burnells, but "burnell" is a bernicle goose; and 

" Warrior Weekes," who since 1591 has reposed at full length 

in the north aisle of South Tawton Church, has his feet on a 

bernicle goose, which was not, I hope, intended to represent 

Miss Catherine! I may here in passing mention that this 

Warrior Weekes of Queen Elizabeth's time, who built the 

existing North Week House, and was the first Wyke who 

condescended to be called " Week," has a modern nose on his 

ancient face, which is altogether unworthy of his honourable 

and (doubtless) handsome family. But to go back to more 

ancient history, I read in the American book that one John 

Wyke, of North Wyke, was Sheriff of Devon in 1402. He 

must, I think, have been father to the William who built the 

house, married the heiress, and established the family. The 

coat of arms, dating I suppose from this time, is described 

as "ermine, three battleaxes, sable." I give a picture with 

(apparently) the bernicle geese of the Burnells introduced. 

There is no crest that I can hear of — crests were not invented 

until a century later — but the motto of the family is said to 

have been " Proesto et persto.'* 

Catherine had at least two sons — Eichard and Eoger. I 
cannot follow them up ; but Eoger (the younger) managed to 
get to London, and there married an heiress (they had a gift 
that way), a Miss Jane Parker: and in the year 1406 he 
obtained (some say by gift, others by purchase) the property 
of Bindon, near Axminster, where he founded a separate 
branch of the family, and assumed his mother Burnell's coat 
of arms (slightly altered). Interesting relics are still to be 
found there, and the remains of an ancient residence ; but I 
kave not followed the fortunes of this younger branch of the 
family. Suffice to say that they married Furzdons of Furze- 
don, Arscotts of Tetcott, and Gififards of Brightley. Eichard, 
the elder brother, married a Miss Elizabeth Avenal, who 
brought him Blackpool, near North Molton. His family 
married into those of Luttrell, Burgoyne (Eecorder of Exeter, 
1491), Pokeswell, Giffard, and Whyddon of Chagford. 

Richard had a son who died rector of Sampford Courtenay 
in 1476. 

I cannot follow the fortunes of the family ; they do not 
appear to have been very noteworthy. 

The present owner of North Week writes to me: "I 
believe the family had property in North Bovey. Certainly 
William Fursdon, whose wife was a Wyke, lived there, also 


Roger, John's grandson, who married both a Fursdon and a 
Whiddon, all of whom, I think, died there;" Warrior Wykes 
(buried 1597) must have been a notable man, and is reported 
to have built the present house at North Week from stones 
quarried on the property. The family branched away, and 
thei'e were Weekes of Honeychurch and of Hatherleigh, and 
some of them lived at " Wickington," and others at " West 
Week." The principal South Tawton branch seems to have 
ended (much impoverished by the great lawsuit) with 
William, who married in 1762 Mary Cross, who was mother 
to Mary, married in 1788 to C. Finch, of South Tawton, who 
was grandfather to the Eev. W. Wykes Finch, the present 
owner of this ancient property. 

I do not thoroughly understand the story of the great law- 
suit, but it runs somewhat in this way. About the year 1660 
there was one Richard Weekes, who was a gentleman 
pensioner to Charles II., but spent most of his leisure time 
in the Fleet Prison. This man was born at Hatherleigh, 
from an offshoot of the Honeychurch branch of the family. 
At North Week the owner was John, who resided with his 
mother and an unmarried sister. John was weak of intellect 
and consumptive of lung. One day Richard came down 
from London consumed with anxiety, so he said, for his dear 
kinsman's health, and soon carried him off to Plymouth to 
see his (Richard's) own special, particular, favourite doctor. 
The doctor came to visit the patient, and with him came two 
lawyers, who, with Richard's able assistance, coaxed, bullied, 
and persuaded the dying John to make a "deed of settle- 
ment" of everything in favour of Richard. This the sick 
man did, with a curious proviso that if he so chose he might 
revoke his act by word as well as by deed. When they, the 
conspirators, could retain him in Plymouth no longer, they 
returned him to his mother at North Week. When he had 
told his tale to her he was easily persuaded to revoke freely 
by word, in the presence of witnesses ; but he died on Satur- 
day, September 21st, 1661, without having revoked by deed. 
The next day, Sunday, all booted, armed, and spurred, 
Richard arrived at North Week. His language was rude and 
his manners were offensive. It is said that he knocked down 
the daughter and locked up the mother, and, after chasing 
the maidens all round the courtyard at the point of his 
drawn sword, he took possession of the documents and 
valuables which the house contained. He seems to have 
been a man of remarkably frank utterance, for he told poor 
Katherine Weekes (the daughter), who, with her dead brother's 


body upstairs, met him weeping at the gate, that *' he had 
come to do the devil's work and his own," and then, to empha- 
size his words, he knocked her down. I grieve to say that he 
had at his back that day William Martin, John Drewe, James 
Yolland, John Grossman, John Hutchings, and William 
Arscott (I fancy that I know their descendants), all labourers 
on the estate, whom he had picked up on his nefarious 
way. Strangely I repeat that I seem to know these men's 
descendants still ! < 

The widow (Mary We^kes) brought her action in Chancery 
as next-of-kin for John Weekes, an infant of twelve years — 
presumably brother to poor Katherine, but who must have 
been absent from home, perhaps at school, as he was neither 
knocked down, locked up, or even so much as chased 
round with the maidens — and the suit went on until the year 
1701, when the heirs of the wicked Eichard retained the 
shell, the oyster having been consumed at the Chancery 
Bar! The suit died of exhaustion — undecided. Bichard's 
widow married Edmund Parker, of Boringdon, and is pre- 
sumably ancestress to the present Lord Morley. The estates 
(nominally) remained in Eichard's family until 1713. The 
last heirs were Francis, John, Mary, and Martha. 

Mary married Tapper Langdon, of North Bovey, and 
secondly George Hunt, of Parke, Bovey Tracey. 

Martha married in 1709 Eobert Hole, of Chulmleigh. 
Francis died in 1711, and in 1713 John sold the encumbered 
estates to his two brothers-in-law. Hole bought all Cocktree, 
Itton, and Colybere. Hunt bought North Wyke and left it 
to his daughter Mary, married to Eobert Clap, of Ottery St. 
Mary, who sold it to Mr. Arnold, whose grandson sold it to 
the present possessor, who, in the female line, represents this 
ancient family. I may mention, in conclusion, that the 
^cked Eichard, pensioner and prisoner, persuader and 
persecutor, was the son of Simon, of Honeychurch and Broad- 
^oodkelly. He was born at Hatherleigb, and his mother 
^as a Cofl&n. The families were no doubt related, and bore 
the same coat of arms, but after the lawsuit the deprived 
possessors always declared that there was no sort of blood 

Aiid now for a few words on the houses. West Week 
I ^ill dismiss with a word. It was sold in 1650, or there- 
abouts, by a Wyke to the Battishill family, and they, I 
imagine, built the old part of the present house. It has an 
ancient gateway, and bears dates varying from about 1546 to 
1562. The coat of arms, which I copied from a window, is, 


Eoger, John's grandson, who married both a Fursdon ar 
Whiddon, all of whom, I think, died there " Warrior W3 
(buried 1597) must have been a notable man, and is repo 
to have built the present house at North Week from st( 
quarried on the property. The family branched away, 
there were Weekes of Honeychurch and of Hatherleigh, 
some of them lived at " Wickington," and others at " ^ 
Week." The principal South Tawton branch seems to 1 
ended (much impoverished by the great lawsuit) ^ 
William, who married in 1762 Mary Cross, who was mo 
to Mary, married in 1788 to C. Finch, of South Tawton, 
was grandfather to the Eev. W. Wykes Finch, the prei 
owner of this ancient property. 

I do not thoroughly understand the story of the great ] 
suit, but it runs somewhat in this way. About the year 1 
there was one Eichard Weekes, who was a gentlei 
pensioner to Charles II., but spent most of his leisure t 
in the Fleet Prison. This man was born at Hatherle 
from an offshoot of the Honeychurch branch of the fan 
At North Week the owner was John, who resided with 
mother and an unmarried sister. John was weak of intel 
and consumptive of lung. One day Richard came d 
from London consumed with anxiety, so he said, for his ( 
kinsman's health, and soon carried him off to Plymoutl 
see his (Richard's) own special, particular, favourite do( 
The doctor came to visit the patient, and with him came 
lawyers, who, with Richard's able assistance, coaxed, bul 
and persuaded the dying John to make a '*deed of sei 
ment" of everything in favour of Richard. This the 
man did, with a curious proviso that if he so chose he m 
revoke his act by word as well as by deed. When they, 
conspirators, could retain him in Plymouth no longer, t 
returned him to his mother at North Week. When he 
told his tale to her he was easily persuaded to revoke fr 
by word, in the presence of witnesses ; but he died on Sa 
day, September 21st, 1661, without having revoked by d 
The next day, Sunday, all booted, armed, and spur 
Richard arrived at North Week. His language was rude 
his manners were offensive. It is said that he knocked d( 
the daughter and locked up the mother, and, after chaj 
the maidens all round the courtyard at the point of 
drawn sword, he took possession of the documents 
valuables which the house contained. He seems to h 
been a man of remarkably frank utterance, for he told j 
Katherine Weekes (the daughter), who, with her dead brott 


body upstairs, met him weeping at the gate, that "he had 
coffle to do the devil's work and his own," and then, to empha- 
size his words, he knocked her down. I grieve to say that he 
had at his back that day William Martin, John Drewe, James 
Holland, John Grossman, John Hatchings, and William 
-Arecott (I fancy that I know their descendants), all labourers 
on the estate, whom he had picked up on his nefarious 
^ay. Strangely I repeat that I seem to know these men's 
descendants stiU ! ♦ 

The widow (Mary Weekes) brought her action in Chancery 
as next-of-kin for John Weekes, an infant of twelve years — 
presumably brother to poor Katherine, but who must have 
been absent from home, perhaps at school, as he was neither 
knocked down, locked up, or even so much as chased 
rouLiid with the maidens — and the suit went on until the year 
1701, when the heirs of the wicked Eichard retained the 
shell, the oyster having been consumed at the Chancery 
Ba^x* ! The suit died of exhaustion — undecided. Eichard's 
wiclow married Edmund Parker, of Boringdon, and is pre- 
sumably ancestress to the present Lord Morley. The estates 
(nominally) remained in Eichard's family until 1713. The 
last: heirs were Francis, John, Mary, and Martha. 

IVlary married Tapper langdon, of North Bovey, and 
secondly George Hunt, of Parke, Bovey Tracey. 

Martha married in 1709 Eobert Hole, of Chulmleigh. 

Francis died in 1711, and in 1713 John sold the encumbered 

estates to his two brothers-in-law. Hole bought all Cocktree, 

Itton, and Colybere. Hunt bought North Wyke and left it 

to his daughter Mary, married to Eobert Clap, of Ottery St. 

Mary, who sold it to Mr. Arnold, whose grandson sold it to 

the present possessor, who, in the female linCy represents this 

ancient family. I may mention, in conclusion, that the 

wicked Eichard, pensioner and prisoner, persuader and 

persecutor, was the son of Simon, of Honeychurch and Broad- 

woodkelly. He was born at Hatherleigh, and his mother 

was a CoflBin. The families were no doubt related, and bore 

the same coat of arms, but after the lawsuit the deprived 

possessors always declared that there was no sort of blood 


And now for a few words on the houses. West Week 
I will dismiss with a word. It was sold in 1650, or there- 
?houts, by a Wyke to the Battishill family, and they, I 
imagine, built the old part of the present house. It has an 
^cient gateway, and bears dates varying from about 1546 to 
1562. The coat of arms, which I copied from a window, is, 


Eoger, John's grandson, who married both a Fursdon and a 
Whiddon, all of whom, I think, died there/' Warrior Wykes 
(buried 1597) must have been a notable man, and is reported 
to have built the present house at North Week from stones 
quarried on the property. The family branched away, and 
there were Weekes of Honeychurch and of Hatherleigh, and 
some of them lived at " Wickington," and others at " West 
Week." The principal South Tawton branch seems to have 
ended (much impoverished by the great lawsuit) with 
William, who married in 1762 Mary Cross, who was mother 
to Mary, married in 1788 to C. Finch, of South Tawton, who 
was grandfather to the Eev. W. Wykes Finch, the present 
owner of this ancient property. 

I do not thoroughly understand the story of the great law- 
suit, but it runs somewhat in this way. About the year 1660 
there was one Eichard Weekes, who was a gentleman 
pensioner to Charles II., but spent most of his leisure time 
in the Fleet Prison. This man was born at Hatherleigh, 
from an offshoot of the Honeychurch branch of the family. 
At North Week the owner was John, who resided with his 
mother and an unmarried sister. John was weak of intellect 
and consumptive of lung. One day Eichard came down 
from London consumed with anxiety, so he said, for his dear 
kinsman's health, and soon carried him off to Plymouth to 
see his (Eichard's) own special, particular, favourite doctor. 
The doctor came to visit the patient, and with him came two 
lawyers, who, with Eichard's able assistance, coaxed, bullied, 
and persuaded the dying John to make a "deed of settle- 
ment" of everything in favour of Eichard. This the sick 
man did, with a curious proviso that if he so chose he might 
revoke his act by word as well as by deed. When they, the 
conspirators, could retain him in Plymouth no longer, they 
returned him to his mother at North Week. When he had 
told his tale to her he was easily persuaded to revoke freely 
by word, in the presence of witnesses ; but he died on Satur- 
day, September 21st, 1661, without having revoked by deed. 
The next day, Sunday, all booted, armed, and spurred, 
Eichard arrived at North Week. His language was rude and 
his manners were offensive. It is said that he knocked down 
the daughter and locked up the mother, and, after chasing 
the maidens all round the courtyard at the point of his 
drawn sword, he took possession of the documents and 
valuables which the house contained. He seems to have 
been a man of remarkably frank utterance, for he told poor 
Katherine Weekes (the daughter), who, with her dead brother's 


body upstairs, met him weeping at the gate, that " he had 
come to do the devil's work and his own," and then, to empha- 
size his words, he knocked her down. I grieve to say that he 
had at his back that day William Martin, John Drewe, James 
Tolland, John Grossman, John Hatchings, and William 
Arscott (I fancy that I know their descendants), all labourers 
on the estate, whom he had picked up on his nefarious 
way. Strangely I repeat that I seem to know these men's 
descendants still ! * 

The widow (Mary Weekes) brought her action in Chancery 
as next-of-kin for John Weekes, an infant of twelve years — 
presumably brother to poor Katherine, but who must have 
been absent from home, perhaps at school, as he was neither 
knocked down, locked up, or even so much as chased 
round with the maidens — and the suit went on until the year 
1701, when the heirs of the wicked Kichard retained the 
shell, the oyster having been consumed at the Chancery 
Bar! The suit died of exhaustion — undecided. Eichard's 
widow married Edmund Parker, of Boringdon, and is pre- 
sumably ancestress to the present Lord Morley. The estates 
(nominally) remained in Eichard's family until 1713. The 
last heirs were Francis, John, Mary, and Martha. 

Mary married Tapper Langdon, of North Bovey, and 
secondly George Hunt, of Parke, Bovey Tracey. 

Martha married in 1709 Eobert Hole, of Chulmleigh. 
Francis died in 1711, and in 1713 John sold the encumbered 
estates to his two brothers-in-law. Hole bought all Cocktree, 
Itton, and Colybere. Hunt bought North Wyke and left it 
to his daughter Mary, married to Eobert Clap, of Ottery St. 
Mary, who sold it to Mr. Arnold, whose grandson sold it to 
the present possessor, who, in the female linCy represents this 
ancient family. I may mention, in conclusion, that the 
wicked Eichard, pensioner and prisoner, persuader and 
persecutor, was the son of Simon, of Honeychurch and Broad- 
woodkelly. He was born at Hatherleigh, and his mother 
was a CoflBiu. The families were no doubt related, and bore 
the same coat of arms, but after the lawsuit the deprived 
possessors always declared that there was no sort of blood 

And now for a few words on the houses. West Week 
I will dismiss with a word. It was sold in 1650, or there- 
abouts, by a Wyke to the Battishill family, and they, I 
imagine, built the old part of the present house. It has an 
ancient gateway, and bears dates varying from about 1546 to 
1562. The coat of arms, which I copied from a window, is, 


Boger, John's grandson, who married both a Fursdon and a 
Whiddon, all of whom, I think, died there/' Warrior Wykes 
(buried 1597) must have been a notable man, and is reported 
to have built the present house at North Week from stones 
quarried on the property. The family branched away, and 
there were Weekes of Honeychurch and of Hatherleigh, and 
some of them lived at " Wickington," and others at "West 
Week." The principal South Tawton branch seems to have 
ended (much impoverished by the great lawsuit) with 
William, who married in 1762 Mary Cross, who was mother 
to Mary, married in 1788 to C. Finch, of South Tawton, who 
was grandfather to the Eev. W. Wykes Finch, the present 
owner of this ancient property. 

I do not thoroughly understand the story of the great law- 
suit, but it runs somewhat in this way. About the year 1660 
there was one Eichard Weekes, who was a gentleman 
pensioner to Charles II., but spent most of his leisure time 
in the Fleet Prison. This man was born at Hatherleigh, 
from an offshoot of the Honeychurch branch of the family. 
At North Week the owner was John, who resided with his 
mother and an unmarried sister. John was weak of intellect 
and consumptive of lung. One day Eichard came down 
from London consumed with anxiety, so he said, for his dear 
kinsman's health, and soon carried him off to Plymouth to 
see his (Eichard's) own special, particular, favourite doctor. 
The doctor came to visit the patient, and with him came two 
lawyers, who, with Eichard's able assistance, coaxed, bullied, 
and persuaded the dying John to make a "deed of settle- 
ment'* of everything in favour of Eichard. This the sick 
man did, with a curious proviso that if he so chose he might 
revoke his act by word as well as by deed. When they, the 
conspirators, could retain him in Plymouth no longer, they 
returned him to his mother at North Week. When he had 
told his tale to her he was easily persuaded to revoke freely 
by word, in the presence of witnesses ; but he died on Satur- 
day, September 21st, 1661, without having revoked by deed. 
The next day, Sunday, all booted, armed, and spurred, 
Eichard arrived at North Week. His language was rude and 
his manners were offensive. It is said that he knocked down 
the daughter and locked up the mother, and, after chasing 
the maidens all round the courtyard at the point of his 
drawn sword, he took possession of the documents and 
valuables which the house contained. He seems to have 
been a man of remarkably frank utterance, for he told poor 
Katherine Weekes (the daughter), who, with her dead brother's 


body upstairs, met him weeping at the gate, that ^* he had 
come to do the devil's work and his own/' and then, to empha- 
size his words, he knocked her down. I grieve to say that he 
had at his back that day William Martin, John Drewe, James 
Yolland, John Grossman, John Hatchings, and William 
Aiscott (I fancy that I know their descendants), all labourers 
on the estate, whom he had picked up on his nefarious 
way. Strangely I repeat that I seem to know these men's 
descendants still ! - 

The widow (Mary Weekes) brought her action in Chancery 
as next-of-kin for John Weekes, an infant of twelve years — 
presumably brother to poor Katherine, but who must have 
been absent from home, perhaps at school, as he was neither 
knocked down, locked up, or even so much as chased 
round with the maidens — and the suit went on imtil the year 
1701, when the heirs of the wicked Bichard retained the 
shell, the oyster having been consumed at the Chancery 
Bar! The suit died of exhaustion — undecided. Eichard's 
widow married Edmund Parker, of Boringdon, and is pre- 
sumably ancestress to the present Lord Morley. The estates 
(nominally) remained in Eichard's family until 1713. The 
last heirs were Francis, John, Mary, and Martha. 

Mary married Tapper langdon, of North Bovey, and 
secondly George Hunt, of Parke, Bovey Tracey. 

Martha married in 1709 Eobert Hole, of Chulmleigh. 
Francis died in 1711, and in 1713 John sold the encumbered 
estates to his two brothers-in-law. Hole bought all Cocktree, 
Itton, and Colybere. Hunt bought North Wyke and left it 
to his daughter Mary, married to Eobert Clap, of Ottery St. 
Mary, who sold it to Mr. Arnold, whose grandson sold it to 
the present possessor, who, in the female linCy represents this 
ancient family. I may mention, in conclusion, that the 
wicked Eichard, pensioner and prisoner, persuader and 
persecutor, was the son of Simon, of Honeychurch and Broad- 
woodkelly. He was born at Hatherleigh, and his mother 
was a Cofl&n. The families were no doubt related, and bore 
the same coat of arms, but after the lawsuit the deprived 
possessors always declared that there was no sort of blood 

And now for a few words on the houses. West Week 
I will dismiss with a word. It was sold in 1650, or there- 
abouts, by a Wyke to the Battishill family, and they, I 
imagine, built the old part of the present house. It has an 
ancient gateway, and bears dates varying from about 1546 to 
1562. The coat of arms, which I copied from a window, is. 


I suppose, Battishill. The place lies between South Zeal and 
Throwleigh, and is worthy of a visit. Of " Wickington," with 
its tower, I know nothing. Dr. Brushfield, who visited it 
with me, pronounced it to be of the early sixteenth century. 
It is very picturesque. It is called " VVickington," and 
tradition says it once belonged to the Wyjces. Sir W. Pole 
says that in his day (say 1600) it belonged to one William 
Milford. North Week is now under process of restoration. 
The owner, the Kev. W. Wykes Finch, is anxious to do 
what he can to preserve the old character of the house, but 
it is not now to me what it was when nearly forty years ago 
I chanced upon it in its picturesque decay. From time to 
time it has been transformed and altered, but a good deal 
still is what Warrior Wykes made it in the days of oldi 
Queen Elizabeth. I say that he built, because it is so said 
in the Chancery proceedings and because of the style. Mr 
Wykes Finch, however, writes to me, " Build it he did not 
but greatly altered it." The gatehouse and gate, with it;- 
wicket-door, are certainly before his date, and so is th» 
internal arrangement of the chapel ; but he built on the easa 
end of the chapel, and placed on the corbels of the uppea 
window the Giffard arms (he married a Gififard) as well a- 
those of Wyke. They say that a piscina has been lately 
found in the chapeL 

The eastern end of the house is older than the westerir 
There was an upper room in the chapel with a screei 
between it and the sacrarium. The sockets of this screei 
are said to be still visible. The family sat in the uppe- 
chamber, the retainers worshipped below. The space b& 
tween the chapel and the house was occupied on the east b^ 
the old hall, the foundations of which remain ; the remaindei 
of the space was a courtyard, and open as now. 

There was a passage from the dais in the old hall into the 
chapel, and the doorway remains. 

To the west of the chapel is the old gateway, which is 
older than the time of Elizabeth. Over this gateway are the 
royal arms ; they were placed there when Charles I. visited 
the house in 1644. Upon an old cross also in the two upper 
corners on shields are the letters C. R. The enormous vine 
is about one hundred years old, and was planted by the first 
Arnold. One year the family made from it a hogshead ot 
wine, but no one could drink it. 

There is a very old barn to the west of the house, as old I 
imagine as anything at North Week, unless, indeed, one oi 
two of the gateways are older. 



I am not a very competent critic, and I must supplement 
my imperfect descriptions of these old abodes of this old 
family with a few small photographs which are as true as 
the light itself, and, at the same time, beg for your kind 
consideration and indulgence for a paper which is, I confess, 
too sketchy and not sufficiently learned for this scientific 









De la Wye. 

De la Wyke. 

De la Wyk. 

De la Wick 

De Wice. 

De Wika. 

De Wyka. 

Be Wych, 

De Wyck. 

De Wick, 

Be Wik. 

De Wike. 





















(Read at Eingsbridge, July, 1897.) 

The epitaph marked A is found in almost every churchy^'^^' 
changes being rung in the wording. 

The epitaph marked B is found in many places, but xiot 
quite so much as A. 

The epitaphs marked C and E are found in several pla-ces. 
The epitaph marked D is found in two or three places- 


In the Church of St. Edmund, 

In memoriam piam Georgii Geffry 

Artium Magistri Vigilantissimi 

Evengelii nuper in Hoc Ecclesia Ministri 

Hie Geofride iaces dulci cum prole sepultus 

Tu terr« gremio, filia chara tuo 

Tu vigilans jpastor tua proles agna tenella 

CoeUcolmn grati pastor et agna greni 

Nomine tu famsB columen mage marmore firmum. 

FilioldB laus est ampla fuisse tuam 

Here in thearths bosom gently clasped is 
Learn'd Jeffery and his sweete chUde in his 


A painf all sheepeheaid he She a blest lamb 

Both to heavens crownsBcl flock thrice welcom came 

His name is his perpetual monument 

His daughters epitaph is her descent 


Anno Domii 1641 SBtatus suoe 35 

lemoriam suaneolentiem setemum Colendam 

Desideratissimi Greorgii Hughes s s F £ 

udensium super Pastoris vigilantissimi 

e Sensus Paginse Penitiores ervene 

lines concione flectere precibus Deummire edocti 

soHs semulum) ab oriente auspicatus cursum (ortu Londinis) 

Lentale delinc Sidus dice Claruit 

im in vita spargeus undique moriens Luctum 

[ue (vere vitalis) curricalo in ann LXIV perducto 

ma perfemetus perpessus mala 

liem tandem invenuit animo quidem in Coelis 

)ori vero in subjeciente tumulo 

I julii nonis — Anno Salutis MDCL-XVII 

Symurystae Longe clarissimi Greorgii Geofridi A M 
Cujus exuriae ante ter novem animos ibidem sitaB 
Nunc primum in cineres solvinter novis miscendos 
Nacto sacros cineres servato fidetiter uma 
Hsec uterum satio tibi fsecundabit inertem 
foetix tumuti matrix de morte renatos 
Otim tarn claros hosce enixura genvellos 
Posint Honoris et amoris ergo 
Tho Crispinces Exoniensis 


M S 
Collegii Eegis apud Cantabridgiam Socii 
Scholse Liberalis In Hoc Vico 
Primi Magistri 
Qui Cum Per annos XXVIII 
Grammaticse disciplinse Laudabiliter Praefuisset 

et Multos e scholaribus suis Jl^ 

Tum ecclesise turn patriae utiles Praestitisset 

Supremum Diem obit jjl 

Prid Kal Jan 


Rem Suam Mundanam A Mundo Migraturus 
Eleemosmse Tradidit 
Quiescat anima sua 


Here lieth the body of William Duncombe 
son of John Duncombe of Buckingham Sheire 
Esq^ who was for some time Fellow of Kings 
College in Cambridge & the first Schoole 
Master of the free Schoole in Kingsbridge and 
taught there 28 years and Brought up 
many young Gentlemen who by his Industry 
became useful members both in Church 
and state & Dyed the last day of December 
1697 and left all that he had to pious uses 

A wife died in 1817, and an infant before her mother, aged 
5 months. 

With firm and pious faith with patience meet 

Thou yet couldst smile when pain despoUed thy cheek 

Pure as the dewy pearl of infant day 

Mild as the tear that pity wipes away 

Thy Guileless life thy heart of heavenly love 

Desplayed on earth the soul that reigns above 

In the Churchyard of St Edmund^ Kingsbridge. 

A man, aged 40, died in 1735. 

The debt of nature I have paid 
And am in Grave as Prisoner laid 
Yet still I hope to find release 
And live with Christ in joy and peace 

A man, aged 61, died in 1775. 

A Affliction sore long time he bore 

Physicians were in vain 
Till God was pleased death should him seize 
To ease him of his pain 

A man, aged 59, died 1782 ; his wife, aged 72, died 1804 

B Weep not for we our children dear 

We are not lost but sleeping here 
As we are now so you must be 
Therefore prepare to follow we 

A wife and child died in 1787. 

Kind angels guard their sleeping dust 
Till Jesus comes to raise the just 
Then may they wake in sweet surprise 
And in the Saviour's image rise 

:pitaph8 from churches, churchyards, etc. 185 

Id, aged 3 years, died in 1789. 

My parents dear do not lament 
I was not given but only lent 

Death lieth the body of Robert commonly called Bone 
lio died 27*^ July 1793 aged 65 years At whose request 
^ing lines are inserted 

Here lie I at the Chancel door 
Here lie I because Im poor 
The further in the more you pay 
Here lie I as worm as they 

mg woman, aged 22 years, died in 1794 

Since parting with my sister dear 
Which is a grief to me 
I hope she 's now in Heaven above 
And through eternity 

Q, aged 61, died in 1796. 

Why all this toil for triumph of an hour 
What tho we wade in wealth or sour in fame 
Earth's highest station ends in Here he lies 
And dust to dust concludes her noblest song 

mg man, aged 23, killed by the falling of a wall in 

mished stand oh mortal man as you my tombe survey 
ik of my sudden fate which called me thus away 
destined fabrick oh it fell on my devoted head 
timely notice to me gave but laid me with the dead 

infant children died in 1812. 

Oh death has done a deed severe 
Eobb'd parents of three children dear 
But yet the Lord seems kind to be 
To pluck the fruit and leave the tree 
remember they are not lost but 
Taken away from the evil to come 

man, aged 67 years, died in 1813. 

Dear child of grace continue on 
In heaven for you there is a throne 
Where Christ did sit in Glory bright 
In such as you he takes delight 
Dear children strive most piously 
Like her to live like her to die 
Then God will bless you whilst on earth 
And make you happy after death 



A daughter, aged 13 months, died in 1820. 

How loved how valued once availed thee not 
To whom related or by whom begot 
A heap of dust alone remains of thee 
Tis all thou art and all the proud shall be 

A woman, aged 62, died in 1821. 

Whose life exemplified 

A Pious virtuous mind 

Patient in suffering 

To heaven's bright will resigned 

A man, aged 23, died in 1829. 

Affliction seized my youthful frame 
Physicians were in vain 
All day my festering wound did run 
Till death eas'd all my pain 

A wife, aged 20 years, died in 1832. 

My husband dear I bid adieu 
D I leave my child to God and you 

The child is yours as well as mine 
Bring him to serve the Lord betime 

A child, aged 17 months, died 1835. 

Ere sin could blast or sorrow fade 
Death came with friendly care 
The opening bud to heaven conveyed 
And bade it blof som there 

A child, aged 5 years, died in 1835. 

Why should I think it yet too soon 
To hear of heaven or think of death 
A flower may fade before tis noon 
And I this day may lose my breath 

A daughter, aged 18, died in 1836. 

The rains are gone and storms 
Winter retires to make the way 
Come then thou strangly hushing 
Come lovely stranger come away 

A man, aged 28, killed in 1837. 

The stern hand of fate has crushed 

Its victim and the strong man has fallen 


1, aged 59; died in 1837. 

Swift flew the appointed mefsenger of death 
And in a moment stopt the vital breath 

1, aged 26, died in 1841. 

The crowd of which thou late wert one 
Now throng across thy burial stone 
Eude footsteps trample on the spot 
Where thou liest mouldering not forgot 
And some few gentler bosoms weep 
In silence on thy last long sleep 

aan, aged 25 years, died in 1841. 

My happy soul freed from alarms 
Eests not in yours but Jesus arms 
Could you my present glory see 
You 'd long to die and be with me 

1, aged 32 years, died in 1846. 

Suddenly from this transient life I fled 
One day in health the next among the dead 
Oh may this admonition teach us all 
How fiail we are how sudden is the call 

3, aged 28 years, died in 1872. 

He is gone and the gi^e hath received him 
Twas Jesus who called him away 
He is gone to the Lord who redeemed him 
From night to the splendour of day 

, aged 12 years, died in 1874. 

Not gone from memory 

Not gone from love 

But gone to our Father's house above 

3, aged 58 years, died in 1875. 

Pause friend whUe here you stay 
Observe that men are clay 
Kejoice that Christ hath risen 
To give thee joy in heaven 

1, aged 30, died in 1875 ; and his wife, aged 38 years, 
same year. 

The voyage of life at an end 
The mortal afflictions all past 
The age that in heaven they spend 
For ever and ever shall last 

N 2 


In the Kirigsbridge Cemetery, 

A woman, aged 40, died in 1881. 

What is here to Court my stay 
Or hold me back from home 
White angels beckon me away 
And Jesus bids me come 

A boy, aged 8 years and 9 months, died in 1885. 

Weep no more for him thats gone 
Where sin and suffering neer shall enter 
Bat on that Great High Priest alone 
Who can for guilt like ours atone 
Your own affections centre. . 

A child, aged 2 years and 3 months, died in 1886. 

She died but is not dead 

We saw the daisy on her tomb 

It bloomed to die she died to bloom 

Her summer hath not fled 

She died but is not dead 
We saw her jewels all upset 
Lo God then made a Coronet 
And crowned her ransomed head 

A woman, born in 1844, died 1888. 

When you return and find her gone 
Will not your heart despond 
To know that you in vain had hoped 
To see that face so dear and fond 

In the Churchyard of Dodhrooke (St Thomas of Canterbury). 

A man, aged 46 years, died in 1811. 

A faithful friend a father dear 
A loving husband lieth here 

Sacred to the memory of Margaret daughter of William and 
Jane Huxtable of this parish, a child of 8 years old Who on the 
20th January 1812 being decoy'd out of the village was violated 
and murder'd with the most savage Barbarity As a Memorial of 
respect to the unfortunate sufferer and as a mark of Execration 
to the Perpetrator of so horrible a crime this monument was 
erected at the general expense of the Parish 


If smiles of Innocence thy life could save 

And check those hands that sent thee to the Grave 

Those mnrd'rous Hands whose curs'd relentlefs rage 

Spar'd not sweet hannlefs child thy tender age 

!£ut struck with fatal Aim the deadly blow 

Then had we not bewailed ^fay dreadful doom 

Thy early summons to thid silent tomb 

IBut Hark methinks I hear a spirit say 

Tour tears surpress your Sorrow cast away 

!For why bewail her Doom she 's only gone 

To wait with Angels round Jehovah's Throne 

A. man died, aged 62. 

Worn out with sicknefs and disease 
Here 's one layd down to take his ease 
A faithful friend a father dear 
A loving husband lieth here 

A wife, aged 33, died 1812. 

Husband farewell children the same 
I 'm come to dust from whence I came 
I hope in heaven your souls to see 
So live the life to come to me 

A daughter, aged 4 years and three-quarters, died 1815. 

Weep not for me my friends most dear 

I am not lost but sleeping here 

Till Christ our Saviour thus dost say 

Else up thou blest and come away 

Therfore my friends prepare your God to meet 

That we may worship at our Saviours feet 

In that sweet place where Saints and Angels dwell 

For how soon death may come no one can tell 

A woman, aged 86 years, died in 1816. 

If you will meet with me again 
Forsake not Christ for any pain 

A woman, aged 29 years, died 1863. 

An Angels arm can't snatch me from the grave 
Legions of angels can't confine me there 

A man, aged 31, drowned in 1837 ; a man, aged 56, died 
n 1871 ; and a woman, aged 76, died in 1880. 

Call it not death it is life begun 
For the waters are passed the home is won 
The ransomed spirit hath reached the shore 
Where they weep and sutfer and sin no more 


She is safe in her Fathers home above 
In the place prepared by her Saviours love 
To depart from a world of sin and strife 
And be with Jesus yes this is life 

A child, aged 17 months, died 1838. 

E This lovely bud so young and fair 

Gall'd home from early doom 
Just come to show how sweet a flower 
In Paradise would bloom 

A youth, aged 15 years, died 1856. 

Stranger passing heedlefs by 
Stop and think i too must die 

A man aged 85 years. 

Tis done the conflict oer the spirits fled 
Borne on seraphic pinions to tiie skies 
Where Jesus' face ten thousand glories shed 
And pleasures everlasting pleasures rise 

A man, aged 58 years, died in 1860. 

I pass the gloomy vale of death 
From fear and danger free 
For there his aiding rod and staff 
Defend and comfort me 

A child, aged 1 year and 11 months, died in 1862. 

Ere sin could blight or sorrow fade 
Death came with friendly care 
The opening bud to heaven conveyed 
And bade it blossom there 

A man, aged 29 years, died 1863. 

Our friend and brother is dead 
He 's gone a while before 
His blood besprinkled spirit fled 
To Canaan's happy shore 

We ve laid him in the tombe 
And there he must decay 
But he will rise again and bloom 
In everlasting day 

A woman, aged 69 years, died 1867. 

She 's gone she 's gone to take her seat 
With all the ransom'd race 
And in her Saviour's she 's complete 
To view his smiling face 


A man, aged 45 years, died in 1874. 

Then dawn in peace I lay my head 
And take my needful rest 

A woman, aged 87 years, died in 1876. 

"Weep not for me ye standers by 
As you are now so once was I 
As I am now so you must be 
Prepare for death and follow me 

A man died in 1878. 

The winter of trouble is past 
The storm of affliction is oer 
But with us his memory will last 
Till sorrow and death are no more 

A woman, aged 69, died in 1879. 

A bitter cup a shock severe 
To part with one we loved so dear 
Our loss is great we '11 not complain 
But trust in Christ to meet again 

A daughter, aged 22 years, died in 1881. 

Home at last thy labour is done 
Safe and blest the victory won 
Jordan passed from pain set free 
Angels now have welcomed thee 

A man, aged 49 years, died 1887. 

A light is from the household gone 
A voice we love is still 
A place is vacant at our home 
"Which never can be filled 

A man, aged 49 years, died 1889. 

A bitter cup a shock severe 

To part with one we love so dear 

But trust in Christ to meet again 

A wife, aged 52 years, died 1889. 

Her Languishing head is at rest 
Its thinkings and achings are o'er 
Her quiet immovable breast 
Is heaved by affliction no more 

A son, born in 1889, died in 1892. 

We loved him, Oh no tongue can tell 
How much we loved him or how well 
God loved him too and thought it best 
To take him home with him to rest 


In the Churchyard of West Alvington {All Saints). 

Here Lyeth the Body of Daniel Jeffery the son of Michael 
Jeffery and Joan his wife he was Buried y® 2 day of September 
1746 and in y® 18*^ year of his age 

This youth When In his sickness Lay did for the Minister send 

that he would come and with him Pray 

But he would not attend. But when this young man Buried was 

the minister did him admit 

he Should be carried into Church 

that he might money geet By this you see what man will dwo 

to geet money if he can 

who did refuse to come and Pray 

By the Forsaid young man 

Michael Jeffery aged 62 years died 1747 Joan his wife aged 
73 years died 1766 

His (Her) time was come Is Past and gone 

His (Her) age required no other 

Unto the grave is gone and all 

That here do live on earth must follow 

John son of Michael Jeffery & Mary his wife died in 1764 aged 
2 years 

Death took me from my mothers breast 
Angels carried me to my rest 
Pearents forbear to mourn and weep 
Whilst sweetly in the dust i sleep 

A man, aged 61 years, died 1799. 

Ye living men the tomb survey 
Where you must quickly dwell 
Hark how the awfal summons sounds 
In ev'ry funeral knell 

A man, aged 25 years, died 1800. 

Dear friends why should you mourn for me 
I am but where you soon must be 

A wife, aged 72 years, died in 1803. 

A tender mother virtuous wife 
She suffered decline of life 
We hope she now enjoys a Bove 
Her dear Redeemer's dieing love 
There we hope to meet our Friend 
Where our joys will never end 


A son, aged 16 years, died in 1805. 

Mourn not for me my mother dear 
Tour mourning is in vain 
Prepare yourself to follow me 
To be with Christ is gain 

A man, aged 46 years, died in 1808. 

It was misfortune brought me here 
To leave my wife and children dear 

A man, aged 37 years, died in 1810. 

Farewell my wife a long farewell 
I leave you friendlef s hear 
I hope in heaven to meet again 
And never part no moor 

A woman, aged 42 years, died in 1812. 

My flesh shall slumber in the grave 
Till the last Trumpets joyful sound 
Then burst the Chains with Surprise 
And in my Saviours Image rise 

Three children with me sleep here 
Freed from all earthly pain 
We hope to be in heaven to see 
dear friends again 

A man, aged 53 years, died in 1812. 

Farewell dear and loving wife 
My children and my friends 
I hope in heaven to meet you all 
Where all things have an end 

A man, aged 80, died in 1849. 

Why do we mourn departed Friends 
Or shake at Deaths alarms 
Tis but the voice that Jesus sends 
To call them to his Arms 

Are we not tending upwards too 

As fast as time can move 

Nor should we wish the Hours more slow 

To keep us from our Love 

A man, aged 26 years, died in 1852. 

Weep not for me my husband dear 
I am not lost but gone before 
Weep not for me it is in vain 
You cannot call me back again 


A man, aged 29 years, died in 1856. 

Long hath been my sore complaint 
Yet I bore it with content 
Till the Almighty heard my groan 
And took me to his heavenly home 

A man, aged 74 years, died in 1885. 

Why should our tears in sorrow flow 
When God recalls His own 
And Bids them leave a world of woe 
For an immortal crown 

Two children died in 1875. 

Day after day we saw them fade 
And gently sink away 
Yet often in our hearts we prayed 
That they might longer stay 

A man, aged 24, died in 1887. 

Like a lily fair and green 
Soon cut down and no more seen 
Beloved he was, in peace he died 
His life was craved but was denied 
Weep not for him but pray repent 
He was not yours but only lent 
Dry up your tears and weep no more 
He is not lost but gone before 


In the Church, 

Frances daughter of Thomas Stephens & Philip his wife born 
18* December 1666 died 12*^ November 1674 

Here lyes the Child (such wonders God hath told) 

Liv'd not eight years, yet dy'd an hundred old 

She yet a child so putt of Childish things 

That rich in. Knowledge (drawn from holy springs) 

Did lighten others, and soe chimed all in 

To Catechisme (rare) did first begin 

Sh' in heaven (wher 's best of all) should be Christ's bride 

Parents not only say Gods will be done 

But blesse his name that gave & took such one 

About the year 1690. 

Stay passor by and hither cast an eye 
And in myue read thyne owne mortallity 


i once was young and lusty stout and strong 
yet in deaths darkesome cell i heere am thronge 
where once thy self shall come and moulde to clay 
And then thy earthly pomp shall passe away 
There for whilst thou abidest heere leame to dy 
That dyeing thou mayst live eternally 
And after death with Saynts and Angells sing 
Sweet Hallelujahs to our heavenly king 

M S 

Si ab erogatis in peccata tua fletibus 

Kesiduse qusepiam supersent lacrymss 

Eas humanitatis imo justitiaB memor 

lam fundas Lector madeus imbre pio 

Omnes nam prosciunt haB reliquiae 

Hie jacet Greorgius Snell 

Eccle cathsis Exon Canonicus residentiarii 

Archidiacomis Paroclicse Rector 

Cujus mentis si respondissent honores 

^on contineret hie tapis titulos 

In Theologia penetrantis 

in re philologia limati et perspicacis judicii 

Taticus pauperum thesaurus 

Dulces locupletum delicise 

Omnibus pulcherrimcum exemplar 

Hisce comites aderant mores suavissimi 

Mellita fcecundia prisca fides 

Lepos facius sine morsu sales 

Et quamvis taut^ Grenii celsitudine in claruit 

Hoc tantum monine superbit 

Quod amicus posset prodesse 

At quo laudaudi dulcedo qusedam me rapit 

Breniter omnia complector 

Hoc sub pulvere tegitur 

De quo ut (ut) ninicum mos inoleverit 

Mentiri vix possit Epitaphium 

obit januarri decimo quarto 

Arae Christrianoe ano mellisimo Septingentisimo 

Aetatis suae quimquagisimo quinto 

In the Churchyard of Thurlestone. 

\. man, aged 76 years, died in 1781 (Philip Lidstone). 

Oh Lord thou didst afflict me sore 
Li all my latter days 
But now thou hast prepared for me 
A place of rest and ease 


A wife, aged 79 years, died in 1783 (Mary, his wife). 

My long and toilsome life is past 
And now we sleep together 
In hopes that Christ will rise us up 
To live with him for ever 

A man, aged 57 years, died in 1783. 

Farewell my friends and children dear 
I am not lost but gone before 
As have now so you soon must be 
Prepare for death and follow me 

Philip Lydstone aged 76 years died 1793 Agnes daughter of 
Peter & Sarah Lidstone died in 1787 aged 3 year , 

Here lies entomb'd within this sacred dust 
A faithful friend whom friends did much carress 
And a granddaughter lies hereby her side 
In love they lived and so in love they died 

A wife died in childbed in 1797. 

Our fltish shall slumber in the tombe 
Till the last trumpets joyful sound 
Then burst the chains in sweet surprise 
And in our Saviours image rise 

Seven children, 1817. 

Sweet babes just saw the dawning light 
Chipt their glad wings and took their flight 
To yours the song that song above 
Kedeeming grace and dying love 

A child aged 4 years, and one aged 2 months, died in 1825. 

Here innocence and beauty lies whose breath 
Was snatched by early not untimely death 
Here did they go just as they did begin 
Sorrow to know before they knew to sin 
Death that doth sin and sorrow thus prevent 
Is the next blessing to a life well spent 

A man, aged 77 years, died in 1829. 

He hated falsehoods mean disguise 
And loved the thing that 's just 
His honour in his actions lie 
And here remains his dust 

A man, aged 39 years, died in 1825. 

This harmlefs dove our tender love 
Was snatched away by death 
In heaven secure her soul is pure 
Resigned her fleeting breath 


A youth, aged 20 years, died in 1830. 

All you that do stand by 
As you are now so once was I 
As I am now so you must be 
Prepare for death and follow me 

A child, aged 7 years, died in 1831. 

"Weep not for me my parents dear 
I am not dead but sleeping here 
I am not yours but Christs alone 
He loved me best and took me home 

A youth, aged 26 years, died in 1846. 

Twas in the bloom of my youth 
Death unto me was sent 
All you that have a longer time 
Think of me and repent 

A girl, aged 13 years, died in 1855. 

Farewell adieu companions dear 
And children all adieu 
May heaven in mercy answer prayer 
I breathed on earth for you 
Farewell dear teachers aJl adieu 
From earth to heaven I rise 
Be ready at the bridegrooms call 
And watch like virgins wise 

A woman, aged 59 years, died in 1857. 

They die in Jesus and are blest 
How sweet their slumbers are 
From sorrow and from sin released 
And freed from every care 

A woman, aged 27 years, died in 1867. 

Be wise and make his favour sure 
Before the mournful days 
When youth and mirth are known no more 
And life and strength decays 

A young woman, aged 21 years, died in 1879. 

One more has gone where all is bliss 
Where pain is never known 
But all is peace and Holinefs 
Before the Saviours throne 
And yet she lay so near our heart 
Our love so firmly won 
We scarce could bear to see her part 
And say Thy will be done 


A woman, aged 56 years, died in 1881. 

Though she has suffered 
Now from pain set free 
Angels now have welcomed thee 

A man, aged 56 years, died in 1892. 

A loving father a husband dear 
A faithful friend lies buried here 
By afflictions past my race is run 
Dear wife and children prepare to come 

In the Churchyard of South Milton, 

A child, aged 14 months, died in 1806. 

Thou tumest man Lord to dust 
Of which he first was made 
And when thou speak'st the word return 
Tis instantly obeyed 

Thou sweep'st us off as with a flood 
We vanish hence like dreams 
At first we groan like grass that feels 
The suns reviving beams 

But howsoever fresh and fair 
Its morning beauty shows 
Tis all cut down and withered quite 
Before the evening close 

A child, aged 7 years, died in 1810. 

Near to this place his mortal body lies 
In Hopes through Christ in glory to arise 
Dear Friends forebear for to Lament 
I was not given but only lent 

A man, aged 21 years, died in 1812. 

Farewell vain world I must be gone 
And to dust must return 
For of it I was made at first 
Therefore forebear to mourn 

A woman, aged 21 years, died in 1817. 

A brief & tranquil life so lived on earth 
Where phantom forms of happiness abound 
Without one force enduring principal 
That none could wish existance was prolonged 
To stay the spirits joyful flight to heaven 


An infant died in 1823. 

Happy the babe who priveleg'd by fate 
To shorten labour and a lighter weight 
Eeceived but yesterday the gift of birth 
Order'd to morrow to return to death 

A woman, aged 22 years, died in 1846. 

My happy soul freed from alarms 
Eests peaceful now in Jesus arms 
Could you my present glory see 
You'd long to die and be with me 

A child died in 1847. 

Short was her age 
Longer be her rest 
God's own will 
Disposes all things best. 

A woman, aged 56 years, died in 1849. 

The spirit was but bom 

The soul unfettered when she fled 

From earth the living not the dead 

Then wherefore should we mourn 

"We the wave-driven, the tempest-tossed 

When shall we be with her the loved but not the lost 

A man died in 1849, and his wife in 1850, each aged 22 
years. "^^ lingered in a sore disease 

And suffered as the Lord did please 
Till God did please to set us free 
With Christ in Glory for to be 

A man, aged 35 years, died in 1851. 

My Saviour Christ hath died for me 
He suffered death upon the tree 
For to redeem my soul from hell 
That I in Heaven with him might dwell 

A woman, aged 25 years, died in 1851. 

Nipt in the icey stroke of death 
In virtue's earliest bloom 
This gentle Maid resigned her breath 
And sought the silent tomb 

A woman, aged 23 years, died in 1854. 

Weep not for me my parents dear 
Nor grieve that I am gone 
Let reason pay the falling tear 
And cease my love to mourn 


Can sadness grief or tears restore 
Me back again to thee 
Oh no twill only serve the more 
' To heighten misery 

A wife, aged 29 years, died in 1854; and child, aged 2 
years, died in 1855. 

Dear husband and friends weep not that you have lost us 
Its Jesus who afiSicts it is him who has called us 
May he guide and be with my dear husband and boy 
And land you safe with us in Heaven with Joy 

A child, aged 5 years and 5 months, died in 1854. 

Thus sweetly borne she flies to rest 
We know tis well — ^nay more tis best 
Oh may we find her with her God 

A woman, aged 84 years, died in 1860. 

Here in my silent grave I lay 
Free from all pain and grief 
Though my disease was long and short 
God sent at last relief 

His tender love whilst here below 
Did oftimes fill my soul 
My Jesus took me up at last 
Where endlefs blefsings roll 

A man, aged 82 years, died in 1888; his wife, aged 80 
years, died in 1894. 

How sweet is the memory of those we love 
Whose spirits have fled to the regions above 
From sin and from sorrow for ever set free 
The face of the Saviour unveiled now they see 

A woman, aged 24 years, died in 1889. 

To sleep in Jesus how sweet 
You need not shed a tear 
do not wish me back again 
You have no cause to fear 

In the Churchyard of Malhorough, 

A child, aged 5 years, died in 1780. 

Short was her life yet lives she ever 
Death has his due yet dies she never 
Eipe for heaven her soul ascending flew 
And gladly bid the sinful world adieu 


A man, aged 82 years, died in 1785. 

My glass is run my days are spent 
My life is gone it was but lent 
And as I am so most you be 
Therfor prepare to follow me 

A woman, aged 24 years, died in 1798, and her two infant 
children. Peace : tis the Lord Jehovahs hand 

That blasts our Joys in death 
Changes the faces once so dear 
And gathers back our Breath 
Silent we own Jehovah's name 
We kiss thy scourging hand 
And yield our Comforts and our lives 
To thy supreme Command 

A man, aged 47 years, died in 1803. 

Though boisterous winds and Neptunea waves 

Have tossed me to and Fro 

Yet I at last by God's Decree 

Am Anchored here below 

In hopes once more for to set sail 

With all our noble fleet 

With trumpets sounding in the air 

My General Christ to meet 

A woman, aged 37 years, died in 1804. 

Boast not of another day 
Nor call tomorrow thine 
For know thou migst be 
Snatched away 
By sudden death like mine 

A man, aged 28 years, drowned on 5th February, and 
buried 4th May, 1805. 

When in the water I did fall 
Upon the Lord then I did call 
Save me Lord with speed I cry 
For in the water I shall die 
Twas God's decree mourn not for me 
My friends nor yet my wife 
Pray feed my children that Ive left 
Since I have lost my life 

A son, aged 21 years, died in 1815 ; and a daughter, aged 
15 weeks, died in 1788. 

Rejoice for a brother and sister deceas'd 
In hope that our loss is their inflnite gain 
From their prisons of day their soul *8 released 
And for ever are freed from their bodily chain 



A man, aged 26 years, died. 

Pray drop a tear each parent that hath lost 
A son like this by deaths untimely frost 
Snatched from his parents in the bloom of youth 
Adorned with virtue honesty and truth 
Sincere to all and upright in his ways 
And all his actions justly merit praise 
Possessed by those he lived beloved by most 
And dy'd lamented as the greatest loss 
Secure of Peace his soul is gone to rest 
In the eternal mansions of the blest 

A man, aged 35 years, died in 1820. 

While in this earth I did remain 
My latter days were grief and pain 
But when the Lord did think it best 
He took me to a place of rest 

A man, aged 59 years, died in 1829. 

Beneath this stone lies silent in the dust 
A husband dear that in the Lord did trust 
Till the last trump shall sound and bid him rise 
To meet his blessed Jesus in the skyes 

A wife, aged 28 years, died in 1833, and her child, aged 
10 days. j^eje ly^g the mother & her babe 

which leaves our acking heart 

may we meet in heaven again 
and never more to part 

A man, aged 55 years, died in 1834. 

He was respected by those who 
knew him He was a kind husband 
and an affectionate Father he 
hath left behind him to lament 
his loss three sons William 
Samuel and Guy to whom his 
memory will be most endeared 
the remains of his wife Sarah 
are deposited in the Parish 
of S* Endellion Cornwall 

A woman, aged 32 years, died in 1834. 

Husband farewell my life is past 
My love to you so short alas 

1 pray no sorrow for me make 
Love my child for my sake 


A daughter, aged 32 years, died in 1845. 

For me dear parents do not weep 
Nor sisters shed a tear 
Although my body here doth sleep 
I shall with joy appear 

M' John Jarvis died 10^ April 1843 aged 80 years 

Eeader ! methinks I bear ye ask 
are these the only records of the 
deceased 1 our reply is, collect the 
rest, from those he lived among 
for eighty years 

A woman, aged 56 years, died in 1843. 

Though she on earth did suffer much 
Yet now her Joys complete 
She 's gone where care can never touch 
She 's at her Saviours feet 

A man, aged 44 years, drowned in 1846. 

By faith I see the land 

The port of endlefs rest 

My soul my sails expand 

And fly to Jesus' breast 

Oh may I reach the heavenly shore 

Where winds and waves distress no more 

A woman, aged 28 years, died in 1855. 

And let this feeble body fail 
And let it droop and die 
My soul shall quit the moumfal vale 
And soar to worlds on high 
Shall join the disembodied Saints 
And find its long soaght rest 
That only bliss for which it pants 
Is my Bedeemers breast 

A man, aged 22 years, died in 1856. 

Let this vain world delude no more 
Behold the gaping tomb 
It bids us seize the present hour 
Tomorrow death may come 

A man, aged 40 years, drowned in 1891. 

In an instant engulphed by the life thirsting wave 
Oh ye saddest memento, a billowy grave 
The deep is his tomb whom we last saw with joy 
Where no man can aid him no friendly Lifeboy 

o 2 


A man, aged 57 years, died in 1890. 

I 'm restiDg so sweet in Jesus now 

I sail the wide seas no more 

The tempest may sweep or the wild stormy deep 

I 'm safe where the storms come no more 


In the Church of St, Martin, 

A man, aged 56 years, died in 1807. 

Improve the present hour, for all beside 
Is a mere feather, on the torrents tide 

In the Churchyard, 

A man, aged 39 years, died in 1779. 

Death with his dart did pierce my heart 
"When I was in my prime 
Mourn not for me my dearest friends 
T'was Grod's appointed time 

A man, aged 67 years, died in 1782. 

Just like a bud pluck'd off a tree 
So death snatched me away 
Alas how feeble mortals be 
And subject to decay 

A wife died in 1798. 

Weep not for me my friends most dear 
I am not dead but sleeping hear 
Till Christ our Saviour thus do say 
Rise up thou blest and come away 

A woman, aged 49 years, died in 1817. 

Resigned to God we here to earth commend 
A tender mother and a constant friend 
Blest are the children who such mothers have 
As smile in death and triumph oer the grave 

A man, aged 51 years, died in 1826. 

Jesus to thy dear faithful hand 
My naked eouI I trust 
And my flesh waits for thy command 
To drop into my Dust 


A man, aged 62 years, died in 1831. 

Many a year a sexton I have been 
And made the graves to bury mortals in 
Until the last a dead mans bone that fell 
Wonnded my leg which brought me to this cell 

A man, aged 27 years, died in 1835. 

Tis sweet to meet bnt hard to part 
From our esteemed friend 
We live in hopes to meet with Christ 
In jojs that never end 

A man, aged 28 years, died in 1847. 

Tis sweet to think of those at rest 
Who sleep in Christ the Lord 
Whose spirits now with him are blest 
According to his word 

A man, aged 20 years, died in 1847. 

A span is all that we can boast 
An inch or two of time 
Man is but vanity and dust 
In all his flour and prime 

A wife, aged 26 years, died in 1848. 

A loving wife and husband dear 
In deaths cold arms Im sleeping here 
Weep not for me nor trouble take 
But love the children for my sake 

For now you see for me tis come 
No longer to remain 
My child and husband dear 
Pm force to leave behind 

A man, aged 32 years, died in 1861. 

Farewell vain world adieu 
Farewell to pain and sin 
Farewell my friends to you 
We part to meet again 

A baby, aged 13 months, died in 1863. 

Farewell thou little blooming bud 
Just bursting into flower 
We gave thee up but the Pang 
Of that last parting hour 

We gave thee up for he who said 
Let children come to me 
Our babe has numbered with the dead 
That she in heaven might be 


In the Churchyard of (St, Mary) Churchstow, 

A son, aged 30 years, died in 1772; a father, aged 59 years, 
died in 1782. 

Behold all you that do pass hy 
A father and a son here lie 
Leaving this world for greater hliss 
Dear friends prepare to follow us 

A woman, aged 53 years, died in 1803. 

Thine hour of death since none can tell 
Feel the necessity of living well 

A man, aged 36 years, died in 1825. 

God to me take heed 

1 help of thee require 

Oh Loid of host with haste and speed 
Help me I thee desire 

A man, aged 62 years, died in 1828 ; and his son, aged 33 
years, died in 1837. 

Death hath heen heard and horn away 
A hrother from our side 
Just in the morning of hia day 
As yoimg as we he died 

A woman, aged 69 years, died in 1830. 

Death came with speed and seized me 
While I in trouble lay 
And with his dart did pierce my heart 
And took my life away 

quickly then my soul was loos'd 
Out of this house of clay 
That with confinement long had groan'd 
And wished for that hless'd day 

A man, aged 59 years, died in 1830. 

My glass is run my time is past 
Yours is runring all so fast 
Prepare yourselves whilst time you have 
There 's no repentance in the grave 

A child, aged 5 years, died in 1830. 

To Christ let little children come 
For he hath said they may 
His bosom then shall he their home 
Their tears he '11 wipe away 


A man, aged 47 years, died in 1832. 

A faithful friend a husband dear 

A loving fi&ther lieth here 

With patience to the last he did submit 

And murmured not at what the Lord thought fit 

A woman, aged 66 years, died in 1833. 

Four children dear with me lay here 
And mingled with the dust 
My husband dear due you prepare 
For follow me you must 

I little thought on just before 
My time had been so dear 
But now you see for me tis come 
No longer to be here 

A girl, aged 17 years, died in 1834. 

Twas in the bloom of youth 
Death imto me was sent 
Therefore you that have longer here 
Be sure you do repent 

A woman, aged 23 years, died in 1837. 

Why do ye mourn departed friends 
Or shake at deaths alarms 
Tis but the voice that Jesus sends 
To call us to his arms 

A woman, aged 47 years, died in 1873. 

With patience to the last she did submit 
And murmured not at what the Lord thought fit 
She with a Christian courage did resign 
Her soul to God at his appointed time 

A man, aged 33 years, died in 1873. 

Dangers stand thick through all the groimd 
To push us to the tombe 
And fierce diseases wait around 
To hurry mortals home 

A man, aged 44 years, died in 1889 ; his wife, aged 44 
years, died in 1887. 

Their face now wears the angels smile 
Peace shines upon their brow 
We will not wish them back again 
They are in Gods keeping now 


A sister, aged 37 years, died in 1890. 

Again the shadow has fallen 
Another who shared our love 
Has gone from our home helow 
To dwell in that home above 

In the Baptist Burial-place at VenUy in the Parish of 


Bichard Trinick excommunicated from the established church at 
the suit of the Rector of Aucton Giflford died 11*^ June 1783 

aged 50 Exempt from care lie slumbering here 

from yonder church debared 
tbe humble dust of one we Trust 
who meets a Blest reward 
^o pastor vile shall more beguile 
Nor wound his soft repose 
Let mourning cease he sleeps in peace 
Eegardless of his foes 

In the Church of {St. Andrew). 

In memory of Elizabeth lately the pious wife of Kichard Wood 
Gent died Jan 11*1^ 1662 

Elisa's soule a graffte divine 

with clay was fastened into wood 

This Tree suddenly decline 

The fruite was blasted in the bud 

The clay which death brake of lies here the wife 

Is now engrafted in the tree of life 

Eeader expect not long to hold thy breath 

For hart of oake thou seest cut of by death 

Elizabeth ye Widdow of John Fortescue died 23'*^ May 1663 

The casket 's here wherein a mind 
Bedect with grace and virtue shin'd 
The Church ye poor ye rich a freind 
Have lost in her who heaven hath gained 

Rev<^ Nathaniel Wells late Rector of this Parish died 28*^ 
September 1762 

Fame's boastful chisel Fortune's silver Plume 
Mark but the mouldering urn or deck the Tomb 


How lov'd how honoured once avails you not 
To whom related or by whom befi^ot 
A heap of dust remains of you alone 
Tis now your fate and soon will be our own 

In the Churchyard of East Allington. 

A woman, aged 35 years, died in 1819. 

Here in my silent grave I lie 
Free from all pain and grief 
Tho my disease was long and sharp 
God sent at last relief 

A man, aged 23 years, died in 1839. 

Great God I own thy sentence just 
And nature must decay 
I yield my body to the dust 
To dwell with fellow clay 

A woman, aged 47 years, died in 1843. 

My husband dear my life is past 
Your love for me so long did last 
Weep not for me nor trouble take 
But love my children for my sake 
In death's cold arms lies sleepiug here 
A loving wife a mother dear 
In peace she lived in love she died 
Her life was asked but God denied 

A man, aged 28 years, died in 1852. 

A pining sickness gave the fatal blow 
The stroke was certain but the effect was slow 
With wasting pain death found me sore oppressed 
Pitied my sighs and kindly gave me rest 

A child, aged 4 years and 4 months, died in 1859. 

Mother why loudly weep 

Father why sadly mourn 

The dead in Christ but sweetly sleep 

To wake at his return 

A wife, aged 25 years, died in 1860. 

Just like a green lief cut from a tree 
So death hath parted you and me 
Yet do not mourn nor trouble take 
But love my children for my sake 


A woman, aged 26 years, died in 1865. 

And the mother gave in tears and pain 
The flowers she most did love 
She knew she would find them all again 
In the fields of light above 

Oh not in cruelty not in wroth 
The reaper came that day 
Twas an angel visited the green earth 
And took the flowers away 

A woman, aged 36 years, died in 1881. 

Farewell to this worlds fleeting joys 
My Home is not below 
There was no home for Jesus here 
And Tis to him I go 

A woman, aged 58 years, died in 1882. 

Here lies a wife and mother dear 
She is not dead but sleeping here 
Do not lament her loss 
But patiently obey the cross 


In the Church of St Michael. 

Heare lyeth ye body of Agnes wife of Eichard Cholwich of this 
Parish Gent who departed this life P* day of July 1646 

Cease friend to weep she 's but asleep not dead 
Changed from her husband's to her mother's bed 
Or from his bosom in to Abram's rather 
Where now she rests blest soule in such a father 

Eichard Sparke Master of Arts Minister of the Gospel buried 
4*b April 1700 

All you that here God's word declare 
Pray keep my Toomb in Good Eepair 
And you that of my bread doe eat 
See that it stands both clean and neat 
For whiles my Toomb here safely stands 
In peace you shall enjoy my lands 
But if you let it to decay 
My Alms from you shall fall away 
Henceforth let no man move those Bones 
That buried lie under these stones 

L^rrAZ-Hs f:::-v vHV:\;IK)n .u; Kv«\ak:n5v vtv. ^J'U 

A woman, ai»ed 23 vearss died in ITOS. 

In spotleists innocenci^ my Hft^ i M 
Bat now i lav in numW of Uu^ dtsiil 
Till that tremondou8 awf\il lUv wt> tfiH^ 
When consdous siuuNr» dumb Ahidl W 
Tlien may i spako witli angtJ^ Uni^uo 
And praise the I^ml otanially 

A woman, aged 45 years, died in 1800 ; and 80U diod in I H\)X 

Behold a mother and her infant dmir 
Now free from pain and griof lio Hlooplng hnro 
Till the last summons shall awako to joy 
In peaceful regions whore no sins annoy 

A man, aged 78 years, died in 1821. 

The Lord did call for me in liiiHto I can no lon^or Htiiy 
My glass is down my years are past therefore I luuitit away 
Lament me not for I am gone no longer for to he 
My wife and children all prepare for death and follow nut 

A woman, aged 44 years, died iu 182.'{; uIho two infitnt 

Weep not for me my children whom we left liehind 
Nor let your own departed mother grieve your mind 
But take it as a warning and pre):)are 
To meet your triumpt Jesus in the air 

A daughter, aged 26 years, died in 1 82'J. 

Prompted by grief too r'^al t/> t\w:hmii 
This little lay her w^rrowing iruiwU UinUtYf 
They mourn that sivter tears ojitiuoi nMt//r<'/ 
Lament tliat virtue they muM m<^d no tttofti 
Our ]^Lary 's calWl to dwell mhouu, i^^ j'Mt 
No mor*; her loven-. hope W p4ifefit« tr»j*t 
P'ai*:w«:ll ! liO ]^tvA k\jdl ih*iir wrrow ti^. 
Till yjii/d }jY *\*aXti^ t/> liAppijw** «*/i l}^**; 

A worjLaE. i^*3d hi y^^rt, *y.^\ \u }<//). 

Ijis^sXi. ':sti:st irit;, tr/h^y: %,v3 «^,/>:/J fi^ 


A woman, aged 60 years, died in 1832. 

Farewell to all beneath the sun 
I bid the world adieu 
I never found no solid mirth 
Nor happinefs in you 

A woman, aged 22 years, died in 1844. 

To die in Jesus how sweet 
You need not shed a tear 
Why should you wish me back again 
You have no cause to fear 

A youth, aged 19 years, died in 1846. 

Reader if ardent hopes be thine 
All that my heart desires was mine 
Look on my grave and thou wilt see 
What this vain world can do for thee 

A man, aged 23 years, died in 1850. 

May I to the young a warning be 
To see how death has snatched me 
Away from all I loved so dear 
And be no more for ever here 

A woman, aged 40 years, died in 1855. 

My only wife that in her life 
Liv'd twenty years with me 
Lives now in rest for ever blest 
With immortality 

A man, aged 31 years, died in 1865. 

Through months and years in pain and tears 
Through troubled paths I trod 
My Saviour's voice bade me rejoice 
And called my soul to God 

A man, aged 80 years, died in 1881. 

When death was sent from God above 
So suddenly to part our love 
No friends nor yet physicians art 
Could then prevent his fatal dart 

Wife of the above, aged 87 years, died in 1888. 

I with my husband here do sleep 
We sweetly take our rest 
My children dear wipe up your tear 
Our souls are ever blest 


A woman, aged 52 years, died in 1881. 

It is cruel to wish for her back 
Since her glorified soul is at rest 
Weep not let us follow her track 
For she 's gone to the land of the blest 

A child, aged 7 years, died in 1890. 

Short was her stay 
Long is her rest 
God took her home 
When he thought best 

In the Churchyard of {St. Mary) Charleton. 

A woman, aged 71 years, died in 1759. 

Meek was her temper and Modest was her life 
A Tender Mother and Virtious wife Alass she 
is gone and like a spotless Dove 
To rise again Among ye Saints above 

A woman, aged 40 years, died in 1816. 

Heaven which lent the transcent boon 
Hath bid her Sun go down 
With charms meridian half enjoyd 
In sorrow she brought forth and died 

A woman, aged 55 years, died in 1826. 

There sleeps our mother in the silent dust 
By all our sorrows all our love unmoved 
Sleeps till the solemn sounds of the just 
Bids her awake to meet the God she loved 

A boy, aged 12 years, drowned in 1843. 

My life was taken like the grass 
My youth was like a flower 
The water quickly oer me passed 
In my last fatal hour 

A man, aged 50 years, died in 1852 ; and his son, aged 23 
years, died in 1872. 

There was a time that time is past 
When in youth I bloomed like thee 
There is a time its coming fast 
When thou shalt fade like me 


A child, aged 13 years, died in 1866. 

My rest is in heaven my rest is not here 
Then why should I murmur 
When trials are near 

A child, aged 5 years, died in 1868. 

Dear child from griefs and dangers 
Eest here for ever free 
We leave thy dust with strangers 
But oh we leave not thee 

For that which is immortal 
Fond hope doth still retain 
And soon at heaven's bright portal 
We all shall meet again 

In the Churchyard of St. Onolaits, Hast Portlemotith. 

Here lieth the body of Eichard Jarvis of Eickham in this 
Parish who departed this life the 25*^ day of May 1782 aged 77 

Through poisons strong he was cut off 
And brought to death at last 
It was by his apprentice girl 
On whom theres sentence past 

Oh may all people warning take 
For she was burned to a stake 

A man and his wife, both aged 60 years, died in May, 1803. 

They both in May were snatched away 

Just in three weeks together 

We must submit when God thinks fit 

It has been so for ever 

Weep not for us our children dear 

We are not lost but sleeping here 

As you are now so once were we 

As we are now so you must be 

So pray to Christ your souls to save 

There 's no repentance in the grave 

A woman, aged 72 years, died in 1805. 

Stay gentle reader stop a wile 
Of death be not afraid 
For they that lead a godly life 
Are saved from that dread 


A wife, husband, and several children, died in 1813. 

Ye gay and blooming youths whoe'er you be 
If passing by these lines you chance to see 
Of life and health and strength forbear to boast 
For here you see how very soon tis lost 
Five of our family all cut off in bloom 
Twas God's decree he thought it not too soon 
Three by declines one of fever died 
The other sunk beneath the OBr w'helming tide 
may we ever reach that ever blissful shore 
Where perils cease and bilows toss no more 
Weep not dear parents but for heaven prepare 
In all the eternal joy to meet us there 

A child, aged 2 years, died in 1816. 

Death takes the good 
Too good on earth to stay 
And leaves the bad 
Too bad to take away 

A man, aged 39 years, died in 1817. 

Remember now my friends around 
And think on death and me 
How soon from off this life Im caird 
Into eternity 

A man, aged 81 years, died in 1819. 

Tho Boreas blasts and Neptunes waves 

Have tos'd me too and fro 

Yet I at last by God's decree 

Do harbour here below 

When at an anchor I do ride 

With one I'm glad to meet 

Yet once again we must set sail 

To join our Saviour's fleet 

A woman, aged 24 years, died in 1854. 

If upright worth and virtue claim a tear 
Header tis due to her who sleepeth here 
Grateful affectionate sincere and kind 
Her memory 's dear to those she left behind 


(Read at Kingsbridge, July, 1897.) 

EiSDON speaks of Domesday (p. 334) as "the tax book of 
England." Many of its difficulties will be lessened by 
keeping this in view. The hide was simply an assessment 
of six shillings on a portion of land varying in extent, as 
depending on its quality and on royal privilege. 

But this is not meant to imply that the word " hide " was 
not in use in Domesday times in the ordinary sense. On the 
contrary, it seems to be the equivalent for "plough land." 
In Domesday "reddidit gildum pro 1 hida" implies only 
" paid the unit of assessment," viz., six shillings. In Lincoln- 
shire and some other counties Domesday writes " 1 carucata 
terrae ad geldum," leading to the inference that hida and 
caruca are equivalents. Eyton {Somerset Domesday) has 
shown us how to distinguish between " caruca " the plough 
land, and "carucata" land carucated or hidated for geld. 
And in Association copy of Domesday, p. 774, we read, " in 
ista terra quot hidae jacent nescimus quia nunquam reddidit 
gildum." There must have been an estimate of its area, for 
we are told it contained 25 plough lands; but it had not 
been hidated, estimated for geld. 

The virgate, its fourth part, became in after times the 
yard land. 

The ferding or ferling, one-fourth of the virgate, became 
a farthing of land. We may trace the words in the Furlongs 
of Chagford ; in Fardel, Corn wood ; in Fernhill, Clauton. 

These terms disappear from subsequent Exchequer Tax 
Books, where we find " fees " and portions of fees to replace 


The Black Book of the Exchequer, which bears date 116() 
(11-12 Henry II.), is a record of returns of "fees" old and 
new made by the barons to the king in view of a new assess- 
ment, and forms the first help to identification. It gives tho 
names of feeholders, but not their holdings. Sir Win. Polo 
quotes " The Eed Book," a similar document in King John's 
reign. Wilkins in his Leges Saxonicce throws light on tho 
** modus antiquus concedendi assidendi et levandi auxiliuni 
regis" in the early part of the reign of Henry III. (p. 886.) 
Three collectors were appointed. They were to choose from 
each " villa Integra " four " de melioribus et legalioribus homi- 
nibus, una cum praepositis singularum Villarum, per (quorum 
sacramentum 40™* pars omnium mobilium taxetur et asside- 
atur super singulos in praesentia militum assessorum ad hoc 
assignatorum . . . et district© imbrevietur et aperte de cujus 
vel de quorum Baronia quelibet villa fuerit in parte vel in 
toto." The assessment being completed, tho roll of all 
particulars in the several villas was handed to the steward 
of each baron, or to the bailiff of each liberty, to collect if 
they saw fit. If they refused, the sheriff did the work. 

The assessors sent their rolls to the Exchequer so soon 
as completed, and the money being collected, the accounts 
were also sent. 

At page 319 is a sketch of an inquiry made (4 liichard 1.) 
of the following particulars: — How much a«size rent there 
was in each manor in demesne ; how much all other assess- 
ments were worth ; how many plough lands, and what they 
were worth respectively. 

At page 350, date 8 Eichard L, the Commissioners were 
" 1 clericus et etiam 1 miles, qui cum Vicecomite Cornitatus 
ad quem mittebantur, et legalibos militibus ad hrx; electis," 
&c., who had to summon the stewards of the barons, and 
from each villa the lord or his bailiff, and the overseer, 
and also "4 legales homines villie, feive liberos sive msticos," 
and also " 2 milites legaliores de Hundredo," who were sworn. 

The technical terms of the Exon. iJc/rru^Iojj slth not free 
from difficulty, but I think we shall be safe in assurnin;; 
that the " rnaniiones '* were freeholds which paid suit and 
senice to a sup-erior lori In a limited number of cartes 
tLey proved their title by *-' quo warranto " to *" furcas et/;,,*" 
and he: i a law court. " Villani " uiesaiH the tenanti) of the 
Villa a'oovr: the rank of *" bordarii," outside the deukesaie or 
inland, whether {T^:ehfAdeTs or copyholders. The freeholder 
were the =xip^rior lord's men, the *^ legales homifjes," the 
"'LciLaj.e/' who &3 such knelt before him on both their 


knees, and held their hands jointly between his hands, and 
said, " I become your man from this day forward of life and 
limb and of earthly worship, and unto you shall be true and 
faithful and bear to you faith for the tenements that I claim 
to hold of you, saving the faith that I owe unto our sovereign 
lord the King."^ They formed the court-baron of the manor. 
We learn further from Williams (p. 6), " Demesne is land 
retained by the lord under his own dominion, and not 
granted out by him to any other freeholder to be holden 
by such freeholder as his tenant." And again (p. 13), " Of 
the demesne the lord was seised ; of the lands held by free 
tenants by rent or other services the tenants themselves 
were seised, each man in his own demesne as of his own 
fee." This, however, all refers to legal technicalities of later 

Testa de Nevil, 

Next we find a revised Domesday y known as Testa de Nevil, 
of the date a.d. 1235 (19-20 Hen. III.), of the highest value 
for Domesday identification. Sir Wm. Pole and the anti- 
quaries of his time make it the basis of their labours, quoting 
it as 27 Henry III. The title of the Devon part is "Names of 
those who hold Knights* Fees in the County of Devon, and 
of whom they hold them," and it contains — 

1. 1-91, Fees of Henry de Tracy de honore de Barne- 


2. 92-137, Fees of Toriton 

3. 138-214, Fees of Eeg^ de Valle Torta 

4. 215-302, Fees of Honour of Gloucester 

5. 303-327, Fees of Abbey of Tavistock 

6. 328-341, Fees of Nic« Fitz Martin de Baronia de 


7. 42-359, Particular Fees of the King in Chief 

8. 360-373, Particular Fees of which the Honours are in 

other Counties 

9. 374-561, Fees of John de Curtenay of Okemeton 

10. 562-729, Fees of Earl of Devon, honour of Plymthon 

11. 730-778, custos W°^ Cap'nun heir of Henry de la 

Pomeray, honour of Beri 

12. 779-822, W°^ de la Lond^ holds de Ballio domini 

Eegis, Braueis 

13. 823-830, Fees which Herbert Fitz Mathew holds of 


^ Williams On Seisin, p. 9. 


















964- . 


14. 831-841, Fees of Galf' de Mandeville (in Sum'set) de 

hon. de Merswod' 

15. 841-844, Fees of Patricius de Chaworces de parte sua 

de hon. de Odecumb' in Sumerset 
Fees of Gerard de Odingeseles 
Fees of John de Neville 
Fees of Nic^ de Molis 
Fees of Earl of Devon de hon. Plymton 
Fees of W°^ de Cantilupe de hon. Totnes 
Fees of Earl Eichard 

Heirs of W™ Briwerr de hon. Odecumb in 

Sumerset a/ ^ 

Unknown Honours ^^ 

Extent' of lands & ten*» of Hen^ de la /^ 

Pomeray in Bery and Stockleigh Pomeroy 

(21 Ed. I.) 

25. Fees of Bishop of Exeter 

Memor'" quod feoda Glovnie nichil nobis responderunt (these 
will be found in the Eed Book, and no doubt were dealt 
with separately by the Exchequer). 

26. 988-1040, Eeceipts of W°^ Peverel and Ealph de 

Setchevill &c 

27. 1041-1094, Fees and tenements in hundred of Laston 

28. 1096-1164, Fees and tenements in hundred of Wyring 

29. 1166-1217, Fees and tenements in hundred of Buddelegh 

30. 1219-1260, Fees and tenements in hundred of Stanbergh 

31. 1261-1304, Fees and tenements in hundred of Haytor 

32. 1306-1339, Fees and tenements in hundred of Erminthon 

33. 1340-1375, King's Demesne & fees 

34. 1376-1398, The Account of W°^ Peverel and Ealph de 

Sechevill collectors of the aid to our lord 
the King on the marriage of the King's 
Sister to the German Emperor 

35. 1399-1409, Arrears of the above 

36. 1410-1413, Defaults of the above 

37. 1436-1466, Widows and heiresses of Tenants in Capite 

38. 1467-1508, Serjeantries valued for tax 

39. 1509-1535, Tenants of Barony of Hurberton 

40. 1536-1540, Serjeantries changed to Fees 

41. 1541-1552, Inquiry into lands of Norm' Britonu' 

42. 1553-1567, Auxilium Prelatorum 

43. 1568-1583, Fees and Freeholders of W" Briwere divided 

among the daughters and heirs of W™ de 
Brause (dated 19 Henry III.), "in our 

p 2 



The foregoing lists are not only arranged in Honours, but 
strictly in sequence of Hundreds, and not following the order 
of Domesday y they are very useful in separating the Hundreds. 
They are compiled from EoUs sent to the Exchequer by the 
assessors, and the collectors' accounts and receipts (Nos. 26 
and 34) are made up from them. These demand special atten- 
tion, and, being alike, we need only deal with 34. The date 
must be a.d. 1235, for in that year Isabella, Henry III.'s 
sister, was married to Frederick II., the Geriifian Emperor. 
The "auxilium" was at the rate of 2 marcs (26s. 8d.) for each 
large fee, and the receipts are from the following Barons : 

Nos. in above lists. 

a. Earl Eichard . 




/ (p*of4) 
( 12, 20, 21 

6. Eob* Curtenaya 

c. Henry de Tracy 

d. Bishop of Exeter 

e. Eeg^i de VaUe Torta . 


9, 10, 19 

/. Eva de Brewse 


^. Henry de la Pomerey 
A. Henry de Trubleville 
i. Abbot of Tavistock . 






h Henry de Merton 
/. Gilbert de Hunfranevill 
m. Eeymunde de Suleye 
n, Henry de Tracy 
0. Nic^ fitz Martin 

" 11, 


1 1 

5, 10 
1 1 

1 1 

T» 10 



2^ and 
2 ( part 
2( of. 
2) 4 

p. Henry fitz Matthew . 
q, Eob* de Mandevill . 



. 13 

Then follo.w the names and fees 

as in 



A considerable portion of (4) was " de parte Earl Eichard," 
and some belonged to the heirs of Toriton {k, I, m, n). 

The Honour of Beri was in custody, and this accounts for 
(24). Only six Hundreds (27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32) are in Test 
Nevil for Devon, but Hundreds are more complete for several 
other counties. The Barony of Hurberton was in custody, 
hence (39). Many of the lands in (41) were escheated. 

The heirs of Briwerr were in custody, hence (43), &c. 
and this may account for (/) ; but Eva de Brewse^ (43), had 
married Eegd. de Valle Torta (e). 

^ Daughter of William Brewse, Lord of Totnes. 


No. 36. Defaiolts notified by Walter de Baton the Sheriff. 
(a) Heirs of Torinton . 2, 2V, -^ fees . . 2 
(/3) Nich^ fitz Martin . 3 fees . .6 

(y) W°* Avenel . . 2 parts fees . . 7 
(S) Eob* de Merland . | and ^ fees . . 7 
(e) List as in 8, 15, 16, 17, 18, 22, 23. 

These defaults are highly interesting. They are returns by 
Walter de Bathon (who was not sheriff till 21 Henry III.) of 
defaults or defects from the Assessment of 19 Henry III. 
Except in (a) and (/3) exemption was admitted. The case of 
(e) is of holdings of which the Honours were in other 
counties, and probably assessed in those counties, except for 
(23), which contains fees of which it was unknown by 
inquisitions of whose Honours or by what services they were 
held. The holders were acquitted except in the case of 
Broad Hempston, which may have been included in (1). 
The Abbot of Tavistock's acquittance is in respect of an 
"auxilium prelatorum," made 26 Henry III., when the king 
was starting for Gascony, showing that the Testa de Nevil tax 
roll was in use for at least seven years, and justifying Sir 
Wm. Pole's date, 27 Henry III. 

In the reign of Henry III. a new departure was made in 
taxation. Hitherto the pope had received the tenths and 
firstfruits of all benefices; but in the year 1253 (Pref. to 
Tax" Pope Mc^) Pope Innocent IV. gave them to Henry III. 
for three years, which caused the Norwich taxation in 1254. 
In 1288 Pope Nicholas IV. granted the tenths to Edward I. 
for six years ; and this taxation is very important, because 
all the church taxes, as well to our kings as the popes, were 
regulated by it till 26 Henry VIII. 

If now we turn to No. 42 in the above lists, we find the 
religious houses contributing their " auxilium " in 1235. 

But Dunkeswell, Torre, Buckfast, Buckland, Tavistock, 
and Ford are not included, and I scarcely see how they could 
have claimed exemption from the king's " auxilium " on the 
score of " pure alms." At any rate, the records of the time 
are full of the king's exacting demands upon the religious 

''Kirhy's Quest r 

An expert of the Eecord Office has supplied me with a 
copy of the part for Devon. It consists of Eolls of Fees 
according to inquests before the Lord John de Kerkebie, 
Treasurer in the reign of Edward I. He was made Lord 


Treasurer in 1283, Bishop of Ely 1286, and he died in 
1290. The book will be found in the Eecord Office, 
Exchequer Q.R. Miscellaneous Books, vol. xvii. The date 
of this MS. is 24 Edward U I had thought at first it 
would prove to be a copy of Burton, which Mr. Reichel 
quotes and refers to as marked Add^ MSS. 28, 649, British 
Museum ; but it is far more valuable. It is the official 
legal document of the Record Office, and would be evidence 
in a court of law. More than this, it is a copy of the 
Fees of the Hundred RoUs of Edward I. In the Rotuli 
Hundredorum published by the Record Office we find only 
the complete Roll for the Hundred of Wonford. This 
contains a complete list of all the Hundreds of Devon, 
and therefore will be of the greatest possible service in 
Domesday Identification. Mr. W. K. Boyd, who copied it 
for me, says, " It is certainly the best collection of Knights' 
Fees I have ever seen," but as yet there has been no time 
to examine it in detail, only to note that the Hundred . of 
Wonford is identical with that of the Hundred Rolls already 
published. It should be added that some few "Hundreds" 
are not yet found, but the investigation already made leads 
to a few remarks. In the first place it confirms the accuracy 
of Sir Wm. Pole's collections. His first date is that of 
the "Red Book," next that of Testa de Nevil, then this 
of the "Hundred Rolls" of Edward I., then later dates, 
which I think will prove to correspond with later "tax 
books " and lists of fees. 

In other words, Sir Wm. Pole was supplied with the 
successive tax rolls, and used them exclusively in his identifi- 
cations. One other observation is, how largely the "decenna" 
was granted away in the Hundred of Plimton and those 

Nomina Villarum. 

This contains a most satisfactory explanation of Eisdon's 
Hundreds, the value of which has been doubted. 

Edward II., in the ninth year of his reign (1315-16), issued 
a writ to the sheriffs to inquire what Hundreds there were 
in each county, and to whom they belonged ; what and how 
many cities, boroughs, and villas there were in each Hundred, 
and who their lords were. 

A copy of the return for Devon made early in Elizabeth's 

^ As given in the Guide to the Public Records^ but Sir Henry Maxwell 
Lyte, K.C.B., the Deputy Keeper of the Records, states that he has ])rove(l it 
to be 13 Ed. I. 


reign will be found in Sir F. Palgrave's Parliamentary WritSy 
vol. ii. div. 3, p. 383, which I have copied. 

Its value will be admitted on remembering the Statute 
" Quia Emptores" 18 Edward I., for an end of subinfeudation 
had already been reached. Moreover, it explains the term 
" Villa integra " above noted. " Manerium " occurs only for 
" Braunton," " Kenton," " Plympton cum Henemerdon," 
"Boclande Abbatis," "Hurdewyke cum Middelton," "Lyfton," 
and " Uplym." 

The term " Villata " is used for " Haldesworthy," probably 
an error of the copyist,- but the word ordinarily used is 
" Villa," and grouped with it are " its members," consisting 
of one or more " mansiones " of Domesday. The Villa itself 
seems to have been under the full control of the lord, but 
" the members " to have been merely under his lordship or 
seignory, and possibly only for purposes of taxation, though 
more probably all the king's rights were transferred to him. 
The "Villa cum membris" formed, I take it, the "Villa 
integra," and the lord was responsible to the sheriff for its 
assessment. Or perhaps the "Villa Integra" was the 
" liberum manerium " (Eot. Hund. Ed. I. p. 92) which 
rendered no suit to the Hundred Court. 

"Tithing" means a fee or portion of a fee contributing 
tenths to the Villa as member thereof. "ViUa" in the 
Hundred EoUs of Edward I. is more restricted, and is the 
equivalent for " mansio " of Domesday. The members of the 
Villa seem to have originated in the "huic mansio est 
addita," i,e, the " terrse occupatae " of Domesday, and to have 
had a like meaning. Note also "juste jacebat" in this con- 
nection. This grouping of members seems to have been in 
use temj>, Henry III. ; but, at any rate, the members mostly 
represent holdings locally adjoining the Villa; and this 
becomes a useful help to identification, though it is modified 
by the Villa itself being in a few cases made up of parts 
locally at a distance. 

If now we compare this "Nomina Villarum" with Eisdon's 
list of tenths, it becomes clear that the former is the ground- 
work of the latter. In some few cases the earlier document 
contains members not found in Eisdon, and I think in these 
we must trace a change in name, and so find them in Eisdon. 
However, the "Nomina Villarum," consisting of just over 
200 Villas in the whole county, does not include all Manors, 
nor even all those found in Eisdon, for the sheriff knew 
nothing officially of Church Holdings in pure alms. And 
Bishop Stapleton (p. 122) tells us that at the date of the 


writ for "Nomina Villarum," a Commission was issued to 
the Dean and Chapter to collect the tenths of ecclesiastical 
revenues on the basis of the taxation of Pope Nicholas, for 
the king's purposes, on account of the war with Scotland. 

I have prepared a list of corrections of the " Analysis of 
Exon. Domesday " in last year's Transactions, and tender my 
ample apologies for mistakes, pleading, however, that the 
labour and difficulties have been very great. "Kirby's 
Quest" and "Nomina Villarum," which have only recently 
come to light, are so valuable that I propose to devote 
another year to the study of obscure points before tendering 
a list of errata. Meantime I should be very grateful for 
suggestions, and only now remark that this list is already 
tabulated, and awaits revision. 

If identification is to be placed within the reach of 
students in a ready way, the above Exchequer Tax Books 
ought to be printed and tabulated ; but whether the Asso- 
ciation would undertake this may be a question. 




(Read at Kingsbridge, July, 1897.) 

The Hundred of Teignbridge formerly bore the name of 
Teintone,^ but in Domesday it is called Taignebrige (p. 62). 
In consequence, Mr. Davidson has inferred that the bridge 
over the Teign was not built before the year 1085 a.d. 
{Trans, xvi. 447.) From the Domesday statement that the 
third penny of the Hundred of Teignbridge then belonged 
to Mortone, it may be concluded that Moreton, although 
held by Harold, was part of the ancient crown lordship or 
inland Hundred. A careful study of the district described 
as Peadentune (Trans, viii. 396) by Mr. Davidson, or, as it 
may be read, Weadentune,^ seems to show that its boundaries 
are almost identical with those of the outland Hundred of 
Teignbridge, ix, if we exclude North Bovey and the parts of 
the included parishes which constitute the so-called Devon- 
shire commons. Is it then permissible to suggest, in passing, 
that the document described by Mr. Davidson may have 
been either the grant of a franchise in the outland Hundred 
or of a titheable area to the Bishop ? 

^ In the Inspeximus of 26 April, a.d. 1402, printed by Mr. Amery, Trans, 
viii. 326, it is called Tenetone ; in the After-death IiiquestSj 12 Ric. II., a.d. 
1389, Taneton. 

^ The initial Saxon letter, in this case exactly like a p^ appears later on as 
the first letter in Woggawilla and the second letter in sweliendey where it 
undoubtedly represents our w. 


I. Tlu " Domesday " Constituents, 

The first number represents the Domesday holdings, num- 
bered consecutively from 1 to 1266, as they follow one another 
in the Exchequer Book. The pages refer to the Association's 
reprint. Ancient Crown lordships which were extra-hun- 
dredal, and exempt lordships, are printed in large capitals. 

I. The King's holdings : — Assessmeiita. 
(Ancient Crown lordship) No. 15, ^ T^ vm^ 

p. 13 : TEINTONES (Kingsteign- Whole. ^JJ^" ^^J.^' 

ton and Teignwick, alias High- h. v. f. h. v f. h. v. f. Acres. Value. 

week) 110010100 1619 £14 10/- 

(Earl Harold's land) No. 69, p. 63 : [Honour of Braneys] 

MORTONE*(MoretonHampstead) 300 100 200 2200 £12 

II. The Bishop of Exeter's holdings [Honour of the Bishop] : — 
Himself, No. 122, p. 117 : ESSE- 

BRETONE (Ashburton with 

Bickington) . . . .600200400 2243 £20 
Roger, under do., No. 123, p. 119: 
Chenistetone (Knighton, Hen- 
nock) 020012002 309 10/- 

^ Teignton was one of the places wasted by the Danes, a.d. 1001. The 
Winchester Chronicle, quoted Trans, xiii. 108 : " And they burned Tegntun 
and also manv other good hams which we cannot name and peace was afterwards 
made with them." In Hundred Rolls 3 Ed. I., a.d. 1274, No. 37, p. 81 : 
"The 12 jurymen, Richard de Babecumbe [in Kingsteign ton], William de 
Hugheton [Houghton barton, Highweek], Richard Gayer [of Ideford], 
Richard de Gatepathe, John de Wyteweye, Robert Crespin [of Belmarsh], 
Robert de Wrey, Richard de Wrey, Andrew de Halgewall, William de 
Hugheton, junior, William le Mareschal, and Mathew de Chytelesbere, 
present : Teyngton Regis manor, with half the Hundred of Teyngebrigg, 
was sometime in the hands of King Henry [III.], the present King's father, 
as aricient lordship, and he gave that manor, with half the Hundred, to 
Peter Burdun by charter by service of one knight's fee, which said Manor 
with half the Hundred the said Robert Burdon now holds, and it is worth 
£10 [Nicolas Burden died 29 Ed. I., seized of Kingsteignton manor. After- 
death Inquests, p. 166, No. 26]. The manor of Teyngewik with the other 
half of the Hundred was in the hands of King Henry as his lordship, by 
escheat of Lucas Fitz-John, a Norman [a.d. 1204 ; Lucas died a.d. 1216, 
in Henry III.'s time], and that manor with the other half of the 
Hundred he gave by charter to Teobald de Englisseville [a.d. 1247],, by the 
service of rendering one pair of gilt spurs to his lord the King at Easter, and 
the same Teobald enfeoffed Robert Bussel thereof [a.d. 1262] on the same 
service, and the same Robert has King Henry's confirmation of the grant, 
and the said manor and half Hundred are worth Xl5." These extracts show 
(1) that the King's Teignton included what were afterwards 2 manors, viz. 
King's Teignton and Teignwick, alias Highweek ; (2) that to each of them 
was attached half the Hundred ; and (3) that both of them were ancient 
Crown lordships. Testa de Nevil (No. 1370, p. 195) says : "Richard Burden 
holds the manor of Teinton with half the Hundred of Teinebrig for the 
service of one knight by the gift of King Henry, King John's father, to his 
ancestor." And elsewhere (No 1451, p. 196): "Henry de Ponte Audoniar 



III. The Bishop of Coutances* holdings [Honour of Barnstaple] : — 
Himself, No. 135, p. 129 : 

BOVP (Bovey Tracy) . .200020 120 1115 £9 17/6 

(4 thanes) No. 136, p. 131 : v 

Adonebo VI* (Little Bovey). .\ 
(1 thane) No. 137, p. 131 : 

Wermehel ( Warmhill, Hennock) 
(2 thanes) No. 138, p. 131 : 

Scabatore (Stickwick, Bovey) . 
(2 thanes) No. 139, p. 131 : 

Brungarstone (Lyscombe, (?) 


(1 thane) No. 140, p. 131 : y2 2 [1 0] [1 2] 800 £4 2/6 

Eilavesford* (Aylsford, Bovey). l additional 

(1 thane) No. 141, p. 131 : 

Ulublei* (Woolley, Bovey) 
(1 thane) No. 142, p. 131 : 

Havocmore (Hawkmoor, Bovey) 
(1 thane) No. 143, p. 131 : 

Harlei (Hatherly, Bovey) . 
(1 thane) No. 144, p. 131 : 

PoLEBROCH (Pulbrook, Bovey) . i 
(making 14 thanes in all) ' 

holds the village of Tannewick [i.e, Teignwick] with the sanction of our Lord 
the KiDg, and it is worth £6 in the Hundred of Tennebrigs." Mr. Harris, 
in Trans, xvi. p. 443, states that Kingsteinton Parish included Highweek 
down to 1864. See also Trans, xviii. 222. The Church of Kingsteignton 
was a prebend in the Church of Salisbury, the prebendary being rector, and 
there was also an instituted vicar. (See JBronesconMs RegisterSy p. 148.) 

* In 1227 A.D. Moreton was held by John Fitz-Geoffrey, whom John 
Fitz-John succeeded in 1257 (Dugdale, Baronage^ I. 706) who died seized of it 
in 4 Ed. I. After-death Inquests, p. 58, where it occurs as " Norton [error 
for Morton] man. de Braneys baron." In 1276 Richard Fitz-John, his 
brother, was patron. {Bronescmnbe, 157.) In 1309 Sir Hugh de Courtney. 
{Stapeldon^s RegisterSy p. 246.) 

^ Testa de Nevil, No. 1453, p. 196: **Eva de Tracy is in the king's gift, and 
her land of Bovy is worth £15 in the same Hundred." This Eva was 
daughter and heiress of Henry de Tracy, who died a.d. 1272 {After-death 
Iiiqiiests, 2 Ed. I. , p. 52), seized among other places of Bovy. She married 
Guy de Brienne, to whom in 1241 (Dugdale, Baronage, I. 622) she bore an 
only daughter, married (1) to Nicolas Martin, Lord of Dartington, (2) to 
Geoffrey Eanvil. Hundred Rolls : Robert de Maleston took the manor of 
South Bovy into the king's hands on the death of ** Henry de Tracy, who 
held it of the king in chief .... and then delivered it to Galfrid de 
Kanvyle and Matilda his wife, the heiress of the said Henry Tracy." The 
rectory and patronage of the church appears to have been given by Henry de 
Tracy to the Master and Brethren of the Hospital of Bridgewater, for they 
presented in 1258, "by consent of Henry de Tracy," Geoffrey de Tautone, 
and again, in 1265, Roger de Merwode to the vicarage. {Bronescombe's 
Registers, p. 117.) 

** I have identified Ad one-bo vi, i.e. On-Down-Bovey, with Little Bovey, 
because Little Bovey appears in Burton's list as ^ fee held of the Honour 
of Barnstaple. Both Little Bovy, Aylesford, and Woolley appear to have 
been added to the lordship ; for the Hundred Rolls : ** Galfrid de Kaunvil and 
Matilda his wife hold ^ fee [sc. Woolley] and aV fee [sc. Aylesford] in South 
Bovi pertaining to their barony of Barnstaple." The localities have been 
identified by a reference to Burton's list quoted below, Nos. Ill and 112. 


Goisfrid de Trallei, under, No. 243, p. 223 [Honour of Gloucester] : 
TEIGNE7 (Canon Teign) . . 10 10 3 773 100/- 

IV. The Abbey of Tavistock's holding : — 

Rainald, under do., No. 271, p. 245: [Honour of Tavistok] 

HuNDATORE(Houndtor,Manaton) 2 10 10 531 20/- 

V. The Abbey of Buokfast*s holding : — 

Itself, No. 281, p. 255: AISER- 
ST0NE8 (Sherston, West Ash- 
burton li + (3 acres)^ — 37 3/4 

VI. Baldwin the Sheriff's holdings : — 

Ralph de Bruer, under. No. 566, [Honour of Okhamton] 

p. 539 : Taigne (Teign Brewer, 

alias Grace) . . . .200100 100 1035 20/- 

Hugo, under. No. 567, p. 539 : 

I^NOBSTAN ^® (Langston Mana- 

ton, alias Little Manaton) . .010001003 223 10/- 
Roger Fitz-Pagan, under,- No. 568, 

p. 541 : Hanoch (Hennock) . 100 003 031 1300 30/- 
The Wife of Hervei [de Helion], 

under do., No. 569, p. 541 : Bene- 

DONE^^ (Bam with Nithedon, alia^s 

Neadon, Lustleigh) . . .010— — 109 5/- 

Rannulf, under, No. 570, p. 543: [Honour of Ply m ton] 

WiTBWEi (Whiteway, King's 

Teignton) 020010010 201 15/- 

^ In the Hundred Rolls 3 Ed. I. it is said : " The Bishop of Exeter in his 
manor of Ashburton, Oliver de Dynham in his manor ot Ylstington, and 
Avice de la Briwere in the manor of Teyng \sc. Bruer], and Galfrid de 
Kaunvil in the manor of Bovy Tracye, Margaret Pipard in the manor of 
North Bovi, and John Fitz-John in the manor of Morton, and the Abbot de 
Vallibus [of Bee] in the manor of Canon Teyng, and Robert Fitz-Pagan in 
the manot of Yuddeford, have all of them gallows and assize of bread and 
beer." This shows that Teign Canon is in Teignbridge Hundred, although 
Christow is in Wonford Hundred. Canon Teigne is named among lands 
held of Gilbert de Clare of the Honour of Gloucester in After-death Inquests, 
24 Ed. I., p. 133. Ihid. p. 117, occurs the following entry, 25 Ed. I., 
i.e. 1297: **Elias, Vicar of Christenestow went mad and slew Amicia de 
Christenestow, who had charge of him, with a pestle." According to 
Hingeston-Randolph's QuiviVs Register, p. 340, this was Elias de Fyngcleghe, 
instituted March, 1285-86. 

^ Mr. Brooking Rowe, in Trails, viii. 875, suggested that Aiserstona might 
be the mill in Staverton which the Abbey held. In that case it would be in 
Haytor Hundred. This mill, however, the Abbey held under the Dean 
and Chapter. Mr. Worth entered it as Ashton, which would place it in 
Exminster Hundred. Neither of these identifications takes account of the 
IJ ferlings in Teignbridge Hundred on which the Abbot was allowed an 
exemption. It is suggested that it is a small estate in the parish of Ash- 
burton, lying east of the Dart, exactly opposite Bucfast Abbey, which was 
formerly called Asherston, or Sherston, and is now marked on the map 
Sherwood. Asherston would as readily become Sherston as Ascerewella 
(No. 472, p. 445) has become Sherwell. Probably it may be the place called 
Ayshperton in Trans, viii. 837, in the extract quoted by Mr. B. Rowe : The 
Abbot of Bucfast had, time out of mind, a mill pond (gurgitem) in the vills 
of Bucfast and Ayshperton. Mr. Amery also names Sherewood in Trans. 
xxviii. 215. 

^ According to Evton, in T>oiBQt Dmnesday, 1 ferling = 3 acres. This can 
hardly be true for Devonshire, or the assessment of Aiserstona would have 


VII. Judhel's holdings : — 

Turgis, under Judhel, No. 615, [Honour of Totton] 

p. 589 : B0VP2 (North Bovey) . 130 030 100 950 40/- 

VIII. Walter de Dowai's holdings : — 

No. 817, p. 787 : Sutreworde [Honour of Marshwood] 

(Lustleigh) . . . .010001003 1383 £7 

IX. Ralph Paganel*s holdings : — 

Himself. No. 940, p. 903 : LESTIN- [Honour of Plymton] 

TONE (Lounston, Ilsington) . 200 020 120 1731 £9 

Himself, No. 941, p. 905 : AINE- 

CHESDONE (Ingsdon, Ilsington) 2 2 12 975 £9 

X. Ralph de Pomeroy's holding : — 

Roger, under Ralph, No. 993, p. 953 : [Honour of Berry] 

GATEPADE(Gatepath,King8teignton)0 30 010 020 460 30/- 

XI. Osbern de Salceid's holding : — 

Himself, No. 1148, p. 1089: AINI- [Honour of Plymton] 

CHESDONE (Knightston, Ilsing- 
ton, the Earl of Devon's lordship) 120 020 100 660 40/- 

XII. Godbold's holding : — 

Rainer, under , No. 1172, [Honour of Plymton] 

p. 1109 : Lewendone (Lowedon 
Peveril, alias Livaton, Ilsington) . 2 2 12 424 10/- 

XIII. Nicolas' holding : — 

Himself, No. 1181, p. 1119: YUDE- [Honour of Plymton] 

F0RD13 (Ideford) . . .320120 200 1131 40/- 

been returned as 2^ ferlings. If the ferling in Devon had been 4 acres, the 
assessment would have been returned as 2 ferlings and 1 acre. The conclu- 
sion which seems to follow is that 3 acres was less than ^ ferling. According 
to a contemporary document quoted in Maitland's Domesday and Beyond^ p. 
129, it appears that for purposes of assessment in Cambridgeshire the ferling 
contained 74 acres. No doubt the same in Devon. 

^^ Burton's list has two Manatons: one half a fee held of the Honour of 
Berry ; the other a quarter fee, which he calls Little Manaton, held of the 
Honour of Okhamton. That Langston must be Little Manaton may be con- 
cluded (1) because it was held by Baldwin the Sheriff, whose estates appear 
afterwards as the Honour of Okhamton, and (2) because its value is exactly 
half that of Eldred's Manitone, No. 1241. The latter, it would therefore 
appear, was held of the Honour of Berry. 

^^ In Burton's list is a Nithedon (No. 127), h fee held of the Honour of 
Okhamton by H. le Prouz, and therefore to be looked for, either directly or 
mediately, among estates held by Baldwin the Sheriff. In Testa de Nevil^ 
p. 540, Robert de Helion holds i fee in Nitheiedune of the Honour of 
Okhamton. The identity of the holder's family (the Helions), no less than 
the identity of the honour (Okhamton), seems to shew that the Domesday 
Benedone is represented by the i fee of Nithedone. Nithedon, or Neighdon, 
in Lustleigh, is not marked on the new, but is marked on the old, ordnance 
map ; but the name survives in Neadon Cleave. Closely adjoining it is, 
however. Barn, in the new ordnance map called Barncourt, which preserves 
the name Benedone. 

^2 The After-death InqxiestSy p. 30, shew that in 51 Henry III., a.d. 1266, 
William Pipard died seized of North Bovy ; p. 37, that in 56 Henry III., 
a.d. 1271, Edmund Pipard died seized of "Bovi Man."; p. 91, that in 
14 Ed. I., A.D. 1285, Thomas Pipard died seized of the same ; and Brones- 
comhe liegis.j p. 158, shew that in 1279 Sir Thomas Pypart was patron of the 
rectory of North Bovy. 

13 Testa de Nevily No 1454, p. 196, Alb[reda] de Boterell[is] is in the gift 
of the King, and her land of Yorford is worth £4 in the same Hundred [of 



XIV. The King's Thanes' holdings : — 

Godwin, No. 1230, p. 1163: WERGI 
(Wray, Moreton Hampstead) 

Eldred, No. 1241, p. 1173: Mani- 
TONE (Manaton) .... 

Leuric, No. 1268, p. 1189: Betunie 
(Twyne, Kingsteignton) 

10 10 3 613 
[Honour of Berry] 

010 002 002 212 
[Honour of Plymton] 

010 002 002 102 


34 3h + i 

Deducting ancient lordships — 

Teintone . . .110 
Mortone . .300 

21,136 acres 

4 10 

The particulars of the Geld Roll are as follows 
A. Exemption was allowed hides vir. fer. 

(1) to the King in respect of . .400 

(2) to bishop Osbem [of Exeter] do. 2 

(3) to Ralph Paganel do. . .10 

(4) to Judhel do 

(5) to Nicolas do 

(6) to bishop Goisfrid [of Coutances] 

(7) to Osbem de Salceid do. . 

(8) to Abbot of Buckfast do. . 

(9) to Gtotwin do 

(10) to Godeva, wife of Bristric, do. . 

B. Estates chargeable. 

(1) Geld received in respect of 

(2) Claimed by fee-gatherers geld on 





Essebretone, No. 122 
Lestintone & Ainechesdone, 

No. 940, 941 
Bovi, No. 615 
Yudeford, No. 1181 

Ainechesdone, No. 1148 
Aiserstone, No. 281 
Wergi, No: 1220 


16 2 2.J 


1 n 

2 2^ 


Among the list of Terrce OccupatcBy i.e, lands the holders of 
which had not been put into possession by the sheriff, occur 
the following : — 

[No. 107] Godbold holds Leuendon, to which 1 virgate has been added. 
[No. 113] Ralph de Pomeray holds Gatepade, to which 4 lands have been added. 
[No. 139] The Bishop of Coutances holds Bovi, to which 15 have been added. 

On comparing the two lists, it is not difficult to see that 
the exemptions named are accounted for by the lordship 
assessments of the places set against them. A word is, 
however, necessary in respect of the Bishop of Coutances' 
exemption of IJ hides, of Godeva's exemption of ^ hide, and 
of the King's 4 hides. 

Only four estates are mentioned in Domesday of which 
any Godeva was or had been tenant. (1) Godeva had held 
Godevacot (No. 877, p. 847), in North Tawton (?) Hundred ; 
and (2) Godeva had held Aller (No. 1126, p. 1069), in South 


Molton, in King Edward's time ; but at the time of the 
survey Godeva is only stated to have held (3) Torre Bryan 
(No. 1264, p. 1193), in Haytor Hundred (p. xl. 12), and (4) 
Dodbrook (No. 1265, p. 1193), in Colridge Hundred (p. xlii. 
4). No one of these can be the estate here referred to. May 
one hazard the conjecture that Godeva's estate was Canon Teign 
(No. 243), returned as held by Goisfrid de Traillei in 
Domesday, and that Goisfrid had married the widow ? Or 
had Gatepade or Lewendone been Godeva's, and passed into 
other hands in some other way ? 

With regard to the King's exemption of 4 hides, it seems 
that here, as in the case of Lifton Hundred, the allowance 
must have been made in respect of lands which had once 
belonged to the King, but belonged to him no longer. So far 
as I can see, the only available estates to account for this 
exemption are the five estates of Baldwin the SheriflF. The 
assessment of these five amounts exactly to 4 hides. White- 
way and Teign Bruer were no doubt originally parts of 
Kingsteignton. Perhaps the others had been originally parts 
of Moreton. 

The Bishop of Coutances' exemption was as to J hide in 
respect of Bovy, and as to the remaining hide in respect of 
the added thanes' lands. The total assessment of these was 
2 hides and 2 ferlings. Most probably 1 hide had been 
added to the lordship, a conjecture which receives confirma- 
tion from the fact that no less than three of them, Little Bovy, 
Aylsford, and WooUey, appear in later times as knights* fees. 

II. Reasons in support of the above List, 

With regard to the reasons which have led to the exclusion 
of some and the inclusion of other Domesday estates, the 
following may be said : — 

A. As to exclusions. 

1. The King's Aisbertone (No. 101, p. 95) has been excluded, 
notwithstanding Mr. Amery's very ingenious and patriotic 
reasons for identifying it with part of Ashburton {Trans, 
xxviii. 210), on the following grounds : — 

(a) There seems absolutely no reason to suppose that the 
single manor of Ashburton sold by James I. ever consisted of 
two. The Hundred Kolls of 3 Ed. I., A.D. 1274, quoted 
Trans, xxviii. 335, make no mention of two manors; and, 
had there been two, there would have been traditions of two 
manor courts, or of one court purporting to be held for the 


united manors. The taxation of Pope Nicolaus in 1288 
gives, it is true, a separate valuation of Ashburton outland 
Xforvm) and Ashburton borough {burgvsY^ — we should call 
them the parish and the town — and so does the rent roll of 
the See in Bishop StapddarCs Register, a.d. 1308 (p. 25); but 
this is no evidence of there being two manors. The borough 
of Berry Pomeroy is valued separately from the outland, or 
villagers' land, in 1292 A.D. {Trims, xxviii 369), but no one 
has ventured to assert that Berry Pomeroy therefore con- 
sisted of two manors. Nor is the existence of two portreeves 
— one for the borough and one for the fee, or outland — 
evidence of two manors. There were two bailiffs in the 
manor of Bradninch {Trans, xxvii 198, n. 56), and, as Izacke 
tells us, bailiffs and portreeves were different names for the 
same officers at Exeter. 

(J) The entry in the After-death Inquests of 12 Eic. II. 
(No. 97, p. 107, A.D. 1398), which mentions "Aisbertone in 
the Hundred of Taneton," is only evidence that some person 
or other in Bichard II.'s time took the Domesday Aisbertone 
to represent Ashburton. It appears among a list of escheats 
without the name of any person, the entry being worded as 
follows : — 

" Inquisfitio] de extentis [so. maneriis extentis, i.e. manors sur- 
veyed] de libro de Domesday. 

Halsbreton et 
Aisberton in Hundred [o] de Taneton." 

This entry simply names four estates, without saying why 
or for what purpose, all four having been held by the King 
in Domesday (Nos. 94, 99, 100, 101), in succession to Earl 
Brictric. How it got where it is it is difficult to say, unless it 
was copied from the petition sent up by the town of Ash- 
burton, when the townsmen asked to have the privileges of 
an ancient crown lordship. But however it got there, it 
certainly contains one, and suggests another, false statement. 
Domesday does not describe Aisbertone as being in Taneton 
Hundred, for the Devonshire Domesday unfortunately never 
mentions the Hundred to which an estate belongs. Nor does 
Domesday describe Aisbertone as being ancient crown lord- 
ship, but as being one of Brictric's forfeited estates. It is 
obvious, therefore, that in seeking to claim the privileges of 
an ancient crown lordship on the ground that Ashburton was 

^^ Hinqsston-Randolph's Bronescombe, p. 473. 


in Domesday the King's, and that, being .the King's, it must 
have been an ancient crown lordship, the petition set forth, 
or insinuated, that which was not true. 

(c) Neither is the statement in the exempKfication, " Ais- 
bertone in Teneton Hundred," any evidence of the fact. For 
generally when grants of privileges were asked for and 
obtained for an adequate cofisideration — two marks were 
paid by Plymton in 1385 for confirmation of its charter^^ — 
the grounds on which they were asked for were not too 
curiously sifted. A recital therefore in a patent of Henry 
IV/s time does not go for much. Izacke, in his Memorials of 
the City of Exetei\ p. 19, quotes an exemplification under the 
great seal, dated 3 Feb. 39 Ed. III., i.e. a.d. 1365, which 
recites that " it appears from the Book of Dormsday remaining 
in the Exchequer, that Exeter fair belonged wholly to the 
Commonality of that city." This must have been copied 
without attempt at verification from the city's petition. For 
no such statement exists, nor, indeed, is there any mention 
made of Exeter fair in the Exchequer Domesday, 

{d) The Domesday account of Aisbertone states that it had a 
fishery and saltworks. This statement proves that Aisbertone 
cannot have been an inland town. Accordingly, Mr. Worth 
identified it with Ashprington, which appears to be substan- 
tially correct. Mr. Whale is, perhaps, more formally correct in 
identifying it with Washburton; for the Domesday Aisber- 
tone in point of sound naturally lepresents Washburton, just 
as the Domesday Avra (No. 515, p. 485) represents Weaver, 
and Higher Washburton, although detached, was, in fact, the 
lord's sele, or hall, to which Ashprington was appurtenant as 
the villagers' ham. Aisbertone, moreover, is stated in Domes- 
day to have been given by the Queen to Judhel, and 
therefore no doubt followed the descent of Judhel's other 
estates, which constituted the baronies of Totton and Hur- 
berton.^® What is more, Judhel is known to have been the 

^^ Brooking Rowb, in Trans, xix. 562. 

^^ Mr. E. Windeatt, in Trans, xii. 162, observes: ** Judhel was banished by 
William Rufus, and the barony of Totnes given to Richard de Xonant. In 
the reign of King John, however, Henry de Nonant and William de Breose, 
or Bmce [died 1228], descended from a grandson of Judhel [Oliver, Mon.^ 
p. 200], held the barony in moieties. Nonant's descended to the Yalletorts, 
and Bruce's passed by marriage to Cantelupe, who eventually became 
possessed of the whole. . . . The heiress of Cantelupe brought the barony 
to Lord Zouche." The late Mr. Dymond {Ibid. p. 197, note) adds the 
following particulars: ** William de Cantelupe obtained the lordship of the 
castle and borough of Totnes by his marriage with Eva, sister of Reginald de 
Breose, and on the death of their son George it passed to their eldest 
daughter Milicent, who married, first, John de Monte Alto, or Montalt, 
and, secondly, Eudo, or Ivo de la Zouche." 



possessor of Washburton-Ashprington. Only a few years 
after Domesday we find him bestowing the tithes of Ash- 
prington and the Saturday revenues of the fishery there 
upon Totnes Priory.^^ If Aisbertone does not represent 
Washburton-Ashprington, how, one may conclusively ask, 
does Ashprington appear in Domesday ? And how did Judhel 
become possessed of it ? 

w The grant in Oliver, p. 241, may be rendered as follows: We wonld 
have it known to all who have charge of the Church of God {ecclesiae 
cultoHbtis, i.e, bishops, cuUores fidei being used in this sense in the canon of 
the mass ; Christi fideleSf as in Trans, xix. 557, is the usual expression for 
Christian people), that Judhel, the son of Alured, gave to God and to the 
holy martyrs, Sergius and Bacchus, and to the Abbot of the place, and to Sir 
Tetbald the monk, who was there personally present as representative of all 
the brethren, the Church of St. Mary of Totnes, with all things pertaining 
to the same church, and the tithe of all his manors and of the money rent 
of the whole borough and the whole tithe of all the issues {exitarae) from 
Totnes. And this, too, he inserted in his gift, that in case he should let any 
one of his manors pass out of his hand by gift or sale, he would certainly 
retain the tithe for the saints. He gave also two estates which lie below the 
castle, Follaton and Gueston (Grestona), with freemen and serfs, and in front 
of the borough {aivte burgum) a certain sluice with a fishery, and on Saturdays 
the lord's licence dues {ad Sahhatum ceivcedicum^ perhaps eensum dominicatum, 
less likely concessit usum) of his two fisheries in Ashprington and Corn- 
worthy, and the tithe of cheeses, calves, sheep, wool, pigs, and of all his 
substance. He gave further, to the saints aforesaid, the field {campum) 
which lies below the church, to wit, the part which he held in hand, and the 
interest of others in the said field he promised he would give to the said 
saints, together with which he gave the land of [Hubert] Seutin the 
presbyter, and the land of Ansquitil the presbyter, which Robert Turner 
(Tomator) was tenant of, together with the Chapel of St. Peter, and what- 
ever his liegemen might give to St. Sergius and St. Mary, he granted also 
subject to the conditions of not losing his service therefrom. He made this 
alms on behalf of William, King ot the English, of whom he held that 
honour, that God might preserve him safe and sound, and after this life ended 
bring him to eternal life. He made this gift also for himself and for the 
souls of his ancestors, to wit, his father, his mother, and his brother Robert, 
and all his relations living or dead. All these things Judhel gave without any 
reserve {absque ullo retinaculo), as they say, to God and St. Sergius in their 
entirety and with peaceable possession {soUda et quieta) into the hand of Sir 
Tetbald ; the church he gave him by the key of the church-house {monasterii) 
and the rope of the bell (^er cordam signi), and he placed the gift [i.e. the 
sod cut] with his own knife [see Trans, xviii. p. 157] upon the altar. He 
also made this gift before many men of good memory, whose names are 
these: Martin de Walis, Richard his liegeman, Roger seneschal, Ansgot 
presbyter, Roger presbyter, Hubert presbyter, Ansquitil presbyter, Turgis 
military tenant of the forest, Odo seneschal, Warin dispenser, Ralph Mai ban, 
Robert Turner, Godfrey Archard's son, Rainald Durand, Roger liegeman of 
Dalin de Ver, Warin and Geoffrey and Rainald liegemen of St. Sergius, and 
many others. Thereupon the presbyters Hubert [Seutin] and Anchitil 
humbly prayed from Sir Tetbald, who was there in place of the Abbot and 
all the brethren, for the fee which aforetime they held from Judhel, that he 
would grant them the fee which they formerly had held upon condition that 
they should be the subjects of St. Sergius and the Abbot and all the brethren, 
and in all respects faithful and attached {proprii) chaplains. Which [prayer 
Tetbald] granted, upon the intercession of Judhel, before the aforesaid 
witnesses, and reinvested them with his own hand. 



2. The Earl of Mortain's Wiche (No. 314, p. 291), which 
Mr. Harris, on the authority of Mr. Davidson, proposed to 
identify with Teignwick, alias High Week {Trans, xvi. 436), 
has also been excluded. (1) The sequence in the Exeter 
Book, as a glance at Mr. Whale's Appendix will shew {Trans, 
xxviii. 414), proves that the Earl of Mortain's Wiche lay in 
Budleigh Hundred, and there can be very little doubt that it 
is Wick in Shobrook. (2) Teignwick, as the Hundred Eolls 
(quoted note 3) shew, and as appears still more clearly in 
Testa de Nevil, was part of a royal lordship, which in Henry 
II.'s time was held in two distinct moieties. 

3. Godbold's Niwetone (No. 1161, p. 1101), which Mr. 
Worth, following Mr. Davidson, proposed to identify with 
the two mills of Newton Abbot and Newton Bushel, has 
been excluded for the reasons already assigned in dealing 
with North Tawton Hundred. 

4. Haimeric's Bradelie (No. 1198, p. 1133), which the same 
authorities proposed to identify with Bradley in Newton 
Abbot, has been excluded on the ground that it must be East 
Bradleigh in Tiverton. (1) Haimeric de Arcis had 2 fer- 
lings exempt in Tiverton Hundred (p. xxv. A. 6). How are 
these to be accounted for except by Bradelie? (2) Both 
Testa de Nevil's and Burton's fee lists group " Hill and 
Throucomb in Witheridge Hundred with East Bradleigh in 
Tiverton Hundred " as \ fee held of the Honour of Toriton. 
Where is this ^ fee to be found in Domesday if not in 
the Rouecome, Hille, Cumbe, and Bradelie of Haimeric de 
Arcis ? 

5. Stapelie (No. 1182, p. 1121), although locally situate in 
Teignbridge Hundred, has been excluded on the ground that 
all the fee lists enumerate Staplehill as an outlier of Won ford 
Hundred. It is true Nicolas was allowed an exemption of 
1 hide 3 virgates in Teignbridge Hundred, and that the 
lordship of Ideford is only returned as IJ hides, whilst the 
lordship of Stapelie is 1 virgate. But inasmuch as the total 
assessment of Ideford, 3 J hides, is adequate to allow for an 
exemption of If hides, it would seem that the full exemp- 
tion was allowed to Nicolas in Teignbridge Hundred, and 
no exemption allowed to him in Wonford Hundred. An 
instance of the same thing was noticed in Lifton Hundred. 
{Trans, xxviii. 480.) 

B. As to places included. 

6. Chenistetone (No. 123, p. 119) has been included for 

reasons already assigned in dealing with North Tawton 


Q 2 


7. Sutreworde (No. 817, p. 787) has been included, on the 
ground that it must represent Lustleigh. The reasons for 
this are both direct and indirect. (1) Lustleigh is named in 
Testa de Nevil and also in Burton as \ fee held of the Honour 
of Marshwood in Somerset. (Dugdale's Baronage I. 206.) It 
ought, therefore, to be found in Domesday among the estates 
which can be traced to the Honour of Marshwood. Now, if 
fees enumerated in Testa de Nevil, p. 182, as belonging to the 
Honour of Marshwood are compared with the estates in 
Domesday, it will be seen that, with two exceptions, all of 
them are to be found among the Domesday estates of Walter 
de Dowai (de Duaco), otherwise called Walter of Flanders 
(p. xxix), and Walscin, or the foreigner (p. 778). The two 
exceptions are Raddon in Shobrook, f of a Moreton fee — the 
Earl of Mortain's Eatdone (No. 316, p. 293) — and Mowlish in 
Kenton, ^^^^ of a fee — the land of the King's thane Saulf 
(No. 1261, p. 1191). It is, therefore, a legitimate inference 
that Lustleigh must be found amongst Walter de Dowai's 
estates, either by name or included in one of them. 

If we examine Walter de Dowai's list of estates more 
closely, comparing them with fees held of the Honour of 
Marshwood, we find — 

represented by the 
Esprewei (No. 816, p. 581) J fee of Spreweye (Testa, 831) 
Chenvestan (No. 812, p. 781) | fee of Knuston (Testa, 832) 
Otri (No. 824, p. 793) 1 fee Combe Baunton (Testo, 833) 

?*'^ •. iS°- «9?* P- ^Q?l\ 3 fees held by 
Lovapit No. 821, p. / 91, ^^^^^ in Ottery ( Testa, 834) 

Grenowei (No. 822, p. 791) > ^M/^v.«« r,^.^Lm^^\\.r,^ 

Scobecome (No. 8231 p. 793) t^^^^°' ^^'^' "Plemmg] 

Hetfelle (No. 819, p. 789) ' and Holditch (Testa, 835) 
Donesford (No. 814, p. 783) i fee of Dunesford (Testa, 836) 
Godrintone (No. 818, p. 787) 1 fee of Godelingthon (Testa, 837) 

Stoch (No. 825, p. 795) 2 fees Stoches (Testa, 839) 

Ralph's J hide there (No. 826, p. 795) 1 fee Norton (Dawnay) (Testa, 840) 

leaving, on the one hand, the Domesday Sutreworde unac- 
counted for, and, on the other, the | fee of Levestelegh, or 
Lustleigh {Testa, 838), with no Domesday representative. The 
inference is cogent that Sutreworde is Lustleigh. This agrees 
also with the list of estates of which John de Maundevil 
died seized in 4 Ed. I., ix. 1275 a.d., in the After-death 
Inquests, p. 59, where it is called Lustelegh. 

(2) Indirectly it may be argued that Walter de Dowai's 
Sutreworde cannot be represented by any of the Southwoods 
which appear in the fee lists. Testa de NeviFs list enumerates 


two. One (No. 658, p. 181) was held by Philip de Furnellis, 
or Furneaux, together with Nywelond, of the Honour of 
Plymton, J fee. This Southwood, as appears from the 
sequence and also from Burton's list, lay in Hairidge Hun- 
dred, and is no doubt Southwood in Broadhembury, the 
Henberie (No. 1236, p. 1167) of Domesday, an estate of 
247 acres, held by Odo the Englishman, alias Edricson. It 
may be inferred from Burton's list (No. 1092) that it was 
formerly called Chilleton,^^ and received the distinctive name 
of Southwood to distinguish it from another Charlton, in 
Plymton. The Nywelond held with it is Newland, in 
Collumton parish. The other Southwood which Testa de 
Nevil names (No. 719, p. 182) was \ fee, also held of the 
Honour of Plymton, ajid lay in Exminster Hundred. In 
Burton's list it appears (No. 96) as Southwood, held by John 
Franceis and others. This is Southwood in Dawlish, a sub- 
manor of the Bishop's Doflisc.^® 

Neither of the Southwoods can represent Walter de 
Dowai's Sutreworde, because they are both held of the 
Honour of Plymton, whereas Walter's Sutreworde should 
be held of the Honour of Marshwood. Besides, Southwood 
in Broadhembury is already represented in Domesday, nor is 
there sufficient room in Broadhembury for an estate of 1383 
acres before Keshill is reached. Mr. Worth then proposed 
to identify it with Southwood in Tiverton. But against this 
suggestion it must be pointed out that the district in which 
he proposes to place it is already fully occupied by Ashleigh,^^ 

^^ i.e. the Ceorl's town, very probably Odo the Englishman being con- 
temptuously spoken of as the Ceorl. 

^^ It may be urged that as Dawlish belonged to the Bishop, and Southwood 
was held of Plymton, it cannot have been a sub-manor of Dawlish. But 
Combe Lan cells and Dowrish, both in Sandford, and undoubtedly forming 
part of the Bishop's Critetone, were held of the Honour of Braneys. Also 
Dittisham and Slapton, although named in Domesday as the Bishop's estates, 
are stated in the fee lists to be held of the Honour of Okhamton. The fact 
seems to be that several estates were held originally of the Bishop by the 
lords of great Honours, who refused service for them. The Black Book of 
the Exchequer, p. 116, No. 17 : " Henry de Pomeroy holds 1 fee in Cornwall 
and J fee in Devon [of the Bishop], but he refuses service for the J fee." 
Ihid. p. 117, No. 42: **And besides all these, as I have heard from many, 
the Earl of Gloucester, and Earl Hugo, and the Earl of Clare ought to hold 
of the Bishop of Exeter, but they neither render nor acknowledge any service 
to him." The list in the Black Book names 35 J fees of old feofment, and 2\ 
and 1-2 of new feofment, as held of the Bishop. Risdon (p. 361) says 30 
knights' fees were sometime held of the Bishop. But Testa de Nevil, in 1236 
(No. 1014, p. 187, a), only gives the Bishop's fees as ISJ. 

^ Polwhele ii. 350: ** Ashley Park belonged to the Earls of Devon, con- 
taining about 1600 acres of land, within Prior's quarter, bounded on the 
west by the highway that leads from the town to Bickington, and on the east 
by the river of Exe." 


which was the park on the lordship land of Tiverton, and by 
the two estates of Langleigh (No. 1192, p. 1129), 538 acres, 
which included Way ,2^ within a stone's throw of Southwood, 
and Yalderstan (No. 738, p. 707), 222 acres, both of which, 
although in the Hundred of Budleigh, are in the parish of 
Tiverton. All things considered, there seems hardly room to 
doubt that Sutreworde must be the Domesday representative 
of Lustleigh. Perhaps it was called Sutreworde, i.e. south 
fiurmstead, by contrast to North Biry (as North Bovy was 
also called), because it lay further south down the stream, 
and was afterwards called Lovelesteleigh, from the person 
who occupied it. 

8. Lewcndone (No. 1172, p. 1109), which it has been pro- 
posed to identify with Luddon in Sourton, has been included 
on the ground that the sequence (Whale, No. 1051) points to 
Teignbridge Hundred, and that the fee lists point to Leveton, 
alias Livaton Peveril, in Ilsington. Burton, No. 129, says 
Ealph de Doddescumb holds J fee at Lowedon Peverill, in 
Teignbridge Hundred. Testa (No. 721, p. 182), gives it as 
^ fee, and although he enumerates it out of order, yet from 
his statement that Ealph de Doddescomb holds ^ fee in 
Leudene, there can be no doubt that he is referring to the 
same place. 

9. TTer^ (No. 1230, p. 1163), which it has been proposed 
to identify with Warkleigh, in South Molton Hundred, has 
been included (1) as being necessary to account for Godwin's 
1 virgate of exemption in Teignbridge Hundred — ^Mr. Whale 
confirms this view {Trans, xxviii. 401) — and (2) also because 
Wergi, pronounced Weryi, would in time naturally become 
Wray, but can hardly have become Warkleigh, 

10. Manitonc (No. 1241, p. 1173) has been included as 
being the Domesday represeutative of Manaton. Mr. Whale 
assigned it to Exminster Hundred, as representing the out- 
lying part of Kenton Manor {Trans. xxviiL 401) ; but 
however Adret's exemption in Exminster Hundred may be 
explained, I cannot help thinking that the outlying part of 
Kenton Manor, in North Bovey parish, to which Polwhele, 
II., p. 161 note, refers, was originally appropriated out of the 
Devonshire commons. At any rate, without Eldred's Maui- 
tone, Manaton itself would be unrepresented in A: :; -/,'>/. 
(See above, note 10.) 

^ Hunared Rolls, 3 Ed. I., a.d. 1274. HuJlei-h, No. :•. p. o' . : : The 
land de U W'eva, idAin thi s^xid nuMHor of Li^.i'Jr^'J-j ^^^ -^'J^ ou^:.;, :: ni^d 
one bail-df from the fee of Rynsale [now Rnshleigh b*ye:>^ for ::.. wcc>:ern 
part of the said Uondred.** 


11. Betunie (No. 1258, p. 1189) has been included on the 
assumption that it is represented by the \ fee held in Twineye 
by Eichard, the son of Ealph, according to Testa de Nevil 
(No. 700, p. 182, a), or the ^ fee held in Twinea by John de 
Twynea, of the Honour of Plymton, according to Burton 
(No. 773). Twiney is in Kingsteignton. This identification 
seems to be confirmed by the After-death Inqioest, 47 Henry 
III., p. 22, in which, among the fees of Baldwin de Insula, 
Earl of Devon, are found Ashton (Asserton), Bitweneia, 
Throwleigh (Thrulegh), &c. 

12. Gatepade (No. 993, p. 953), which Mr. Whale {Trans. 
xxviii. 429) thought must lie in Tiverton Hundred because of 
the sequence, has been included. The necessity of placing it 
in Tiverton Hundred disappears if (as seems most likely) the 
following Otria, added to Holescomba, belongs to Hemyock 
Hundred. Besides, Gatepade was held by Pomeroy, and 
Gatepath in Kingsteignton was held of the Honour of 
Berry (Pomeroy's Honour), so that it is hardly open to doubt 
but that Gatepade is Gatepath. 

III. List of Knights' Fees and Estates liable to Tenths and 
Fifteenths in Teignbridge Hundred, 

1. Burton's list of knights* fees is the following. For con- 
venience of reference, I have prefixed numbers in critical 
parentheses, and the corresponding entries as they appear in 
Testa de Nevil. 

The sworn men say upon oath that — 

[107] NoRTHBiRY (North Bovey) is held by John Pipard for | fee, 
held of the honour of Totton. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 892, p. 184) : William Pipard holds in 
North Burry \fee of the honour of Totton.'] 

[108] LusTELEGH is held by William le Proutz; | fee, held of the 
honour of Marsh wood. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 838, p. 182) : William de Wydeworth holds 
in Lcvestelegh \fec of Galfrid de Mandevil of the honour of Mers- 
wood, in Somerset.] 

[109] Hanook, held by John Tremanet; 1 fee, held of the honour 
of Biry [Kirhy's Questy No. 533, says of Pomeroy]. And 
the Abbot of Torr holds 1 ferling of land, appropriated in 
pure alms, in the time of King Henry, the present King's 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 538, p. 180): Eichard Cimenet holds in 
Hyanac \fee of the honour of Okhamton,] 



[110] LiTTLB BovBY (in Bovey), held by Robert de la Ford and 

others*; ^ fee, held of the honour of Barnstaple. 

* Ailw. Homaz, Roger Leek, and Walt. Faber. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 88, p. 176) : Roger de Putteford aiid 
Meginald de la MedlaJc hold in Little Bovy ^ fee of the honour of 
Barnstaple through a vnesne lord.] 

[Ill] WoLUELBGH (Wcolley, in Bovey), held by Robert Beapell 
and others ; ^ fee, held of the hononr of Barnstaple. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 89, p. 176) : Philip de Beauvwnt holds in 
Wollegh ifee of the honour of Barnstaple.] 

[112] Aylbsford (in Bovey), held by Andrew de Trelock and 
others ; ^ fee, held of the honour of Barnstaple. 

[Testa de Nevil (Nos. 90, 91) : Ralph de Alba Mara Jwlds in 
Bovy and Aileuesford -^^fee of the h/mof\ir of Barnstaple.] 

[113] TwYNBA (in Kingsteignton), held by John de Twynea ; 
^ fee, held of the honour of Plimton. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 700, p. 182) : Richard Fitz-Ralph holds in 
Tvjyneya ^fee of the horwur of Plimton,] 

[114] YoYBPORD (Ideford), held by John de Ridmorelegh ; f fee, 
held of the honour of Plimton. Also Richard Gayer and 
others hold there ^ fee, of the honour of Plimton. 

^ [Testa de Nevil (No. 701, p. 182) : Auhrea de Botereleux holds in 

Yoweford 1 fee of the hoTumr of Plimton.] 

[115] HoLRiGGB (in Ideford), held by the Abbot of Turr, appro- 
priated in pure alms in the present King's time ^^ ; 
^ fee, held of the honour of Plimton. 

[116] Whitbwbi (in King's Teignton). Also Richard de Whitwei 
holds there ; \ fee, held of the honour of Plimton. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 702, p. 182) : The heirs of David de Holrig 
hold \fee of the homwur of Plimton. No. 703 : Nicolas Burdon aiid 
Martin de la Torre Jwld ifee in Whyteweye do.] 

[117] Aynkksdon (Ingsdon) and [118] Ilsington, held by John 
Beaumont and Isabel de Fisacre ; 1 fee, held of the honour 
of Plimton. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 704): The Earl of Devon Jwlds 1 fee in 
Aylekesdon in lordship.] 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 705) : Philip de Beaumont holds 1 fee in 
Ilstinton of the honour of Plimton.] 

[Kirhy^s Quest (No. 524) states that Richard de Beaumont's Ifcc 
consisted of Vlstyngton and Aynokesdon.] 

[119] Knighton, held by Robert Stockhay and N. Daunay; h 
fee, held of the honour of the Bishop of Exeter. (In the 
Exchequer Roll, 2 fees.) 

22 Given by Jordan de Daccombe to the Abbey. (See Oliver, Mon. p. 174, 
No. vii , viii., ix., and 184.) According to Hingeston-Randolph, Broncsco/nbc, 
p. 477, it lies in Ideford. It must not be confounded with Holrid^^e, a Has 
Horridge, in Ilsington, which with Bagtor and Sigford forms an outlier of 
Wonford Hundred. .^ 

. ■- - ,/*..'. y- ^ ■.■>'■/■■• 

/ • 



[120] Bbalmarsh and [121] Gatpath (in King's Teignton), held 
by Eichard Crispin and Richard de Gatpath through (per) 
the King ; 1 fee, held of the honour of Biry. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 765, p. 182) : William de Beldemerse holds 
in Gatepath I fee of the honour of Berry.] 

[122] Babbeoombe (in King's Teignton), held by John of Babbe- 
combe ; | fee, held of the honour of Biry. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 767, p. 182) : John de Bdbhecumh holds in 
Babbecumb ifee of the honour of Berry,] 

[123] BucKTON (Bickington), held by Joel de Buketon ; 1 fee, held 
of the honour of the Bishop of Exeter. 

[124] HuNDETORR (Houudtor, Manaton), held by Mabilia Langdon ; 

J fee, held of the honour of Tavestock. 

[This is repeated. Ibid. No. 417, and by Testa de Kevil, No. 318, 
p. 178, quoted in Hundred of lifton, Trans, xxviii. 489.] 

[125] Mannbton (Manaton), held by Desiderata Stoill, whereof 

the Prior of Plimton holds 2 ferlings ; ^ fee, held of the 

honour of Biry. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 768, p. 182) : Gervasius de Horthen holds in 
Manethon ifee of the hoTiour of Berry,] 

[126] Little Manneton (Langston, Manaton), held by Mabilia de 
Langdon ; \ fee, held of the honour of [Okhamton]. 

[Testa de Nevii (No. 539, p. 180): The heirs of Hugo de 
LangedoTie hold in Little Maneton \fee of the honour of Okhamton.] 

[127] NiTHBDON (Neighdon, Lustleigh), held by H. le Proutz; 
\ fee, held of the honour of [Okhamton], 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 540, p. 180) : Robert de Hylum holds in 
Nitheredune \ fee of the honour of Okhamton,] 

[128] Tingeton Eegis, held by Margaret Burdon; 1 fee, held of 
the honour of the King in chief. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 344, p. 179): Nicolas Burdon holds in 
Teynton 1 fee of the King in chief. ] 

[129] LowEDON Peveril (Livaton, Ilsington), held by Ealph de 
Doddescomb ; \ fee, held of the honour of [Plimton]. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 721, p. 182) : Ealph de Doddescumb holds in 
Levdene ifee of the honour of Plimton,] 

In testimony whereof 

[130] Gatpath (in King's Teignton). The heirs of Hugh de 
Bolley held in another Gatpath 1 fee through the King, 
and now John de Cobham holds it. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 766, p. 182) : The heirs of Hugh de Bolley 
hold in another Gatq>ath Ifee of the honour of Berry,] 

It will be observed that this list does not name Teign 
CanoD, because it was not a Knight's fee, but held in free 
alms, nor yet any estate as being held in serjeanty. 


2. According to Hooker's list, p. Ill, the following is the 
list of contributories to tenths and fifteenths in Queen 
Elizabeth's reign. The first column represents the amount 
due, the second the deductions allowed, the third the amount 
payable. Underneath are the names of the principal gentry 
residing there in Queen Elizabeth's time. 

Amount Deduc- Amount Domesday Burton's list 

[Hooker] due. tions. payable. Reference. Reference. 

[395] Tengwicke . 40/4 ... 4/- ... 36/4 ... D. 15 (part of)... B. 

(High week) 
[396] Lisleigh . . 20/- ... nil ... 20/- ... D. 569, 817 ... B. 108, 127 

(Lustleigh) In this parish dwelleth Wood. 

[397] North bovie . 20/- ... nil ... 20/- ... D. 615 ... B. 107 

(North Bovey) In this parish dwelleth Whyddon. 
[398] Aaheperton . 26/8 ... 3/4 ... 23/4 ... D. 122, 281 ... 

(Ashburton) In this parish dwelleth Synckler, Ford, Brendon, 

and Woodley. 
[399] Tengebrewer . 14/4 ... 6/8 ... 7/8 ... D. 566 

(Teigngrace) In this parish dwelleth Marshall. 
[400] Bovetracye . 40/- ... nil ... 40/- ... D. 135, 144 ... B. 110-112 

(Bovey Tracy) In this parish dwelleth Soutcot and Hert. 
[401] Ideford . . 31/8 ... 7/- ... 24/8 ... D. 1180 ... B. 114 

In this parish dwelleth Barington. 
[402] Tengton . . 32/- ... 3/4 ... 28/8 ... D. 15, 570, ... B. 113,120- 
(Kingsteignton) 993, 1258 ... 122,128,130 

[403] Ilsiugton. . 41/4 ...13/4... 28/- ... D. 940, 941, ... B. 115,118, 

1148, 1172 ... 129 
In this parish dwelleth Ford of Bagtor. 
[404] Moreton. . 38/6 ... 5/6 ... 33/- ... D. 69 
(Moreton Hampstead) 

In this parish dwelleth Crewes and Southewood. 
[405] Maneton. . 21/6 ... nil ... 21/6 ... D. 371, 567, ... B. 124-126 

[406] Hawton . . 13/- ... 3/8 ... 9/4 ... D. 123 ... B. 119 

[407] Henocke. . 8/- ... nil ... 8/- ... D. 568 ... B. 109, 119 

In this parish dwelleth Wolcott of Better. 
[408] Tenge Canon . 23/- ... nil ... 23/- ... D. 243 
[409] Wreye . . 22/6 ... nil ... 22/6 ... D. 1230 
(in Moreton Hampstead) 

[410] Hamlet of 

Luckevill . 18d. ... nil ... 18d. ... D. 139 




[19.14.4] [2.6.10] [17.7.6] 

Dennburye . — ... — ... — ... — ... — 

Beckington . — ... — ... — ... D.122(partof) .. B. 123 
(Bickington) Furstau, Pomeraye, and Ingsdon. 

Hyweeke . — ... — ... — ... — ... — 

Yarde of Bradley. 

Kingsteinton . — ... — ... — — — ... — 

Sum 19 4 4 

Deductions 50 2 

Remaineth 16 14 2 

[These sums do not agree with the sums obtained by adding up the above 
lumus, nor do four of them agree with Risdon's figures.] 




It will be observed in this, as in other cases, that Hooker 
must have had two lists before him, and failed to see 
the identity between Tengwicke [No. 395] and Hyweeke 
No. 413], and between Tengton [No. 402] and Kingsteinton 
No. 414]. Denbury [No. 411] is also erroneously placed in 
this Hundred. It is clear from Testa de Nevil [No. 1302] 
that it belonged to Haytor Hundred. 

IV. Summary of Besults, 
The general results may be summed up as follows :— 

Bisdon's List of places 

contributory to tenths 

and fifteenths. 

[R.] £ s. 

[489] Borough of Teign- 

bridge . . 3 10 

[490] Teign Weeke . 2 4 
[491] Teign Bruer . 14 

[492] Kingstainton . 1 12 

[493] Borough of Bovy 

Tracy . .20 

[494] Hamlet of Luscombe 1 
[495] North Bovy . 1 

[496] Luslilegh . .10 
[497] Ideford . . 1 11 
[498] Ilsington . .21 

[499] Maneton . .11 

[500] Moreton(Hemstead) 1 18 

[501] Wray . 
[502] Hennocke 


[503] Hawton(Knighton?)0 13 
[504] Teigne Canon . 1 14 

[505] Ashburton 

1 6 

Parishes with their . 
acreages for ecclesi- 
astical purposes in 1878. 


Bushel . 

Highweek . 


teignton . 

> Bovy Tracy 

North Bovy 
Lustleigh . 
8 Ideford . 
4 Ilsington . 
part of 7100 
6 Manaton . 

6 ) Moreton . 
\ part of 7656 

with . 

Knighton ; 
Christow . 
part of 3218 
8 Ashburton. 



Domesday holdings in- 
cluded in the parishes, 
with their acreage. 

included in 
D. No. 15 . 

No. 666 . 1035 
Nos. 15, 570, 
993, 1258 . 2382 

Nos.135-144 1916 

5664 No. 615 . 950 

2939 Nos. 669,817 1492 

1471 No. 1181 . 1131 
532023 Nos.940,941, 

1148, 1172 3790 
6393 Nos.271,667, 

1241 . 966 

606024 j^o, 69 . 2200 

No. 1230 . 613 

No. 568 . 1300 


6936 Nos. 122,281 2280 

No. 123 
No. 243 


23 8 8 



33 Sigford (No. 1036, p. 993), Bagetor (No. 1180, p. 1119), and Horidge 
(No. 734, p. 706), containing 1038 acres, also Staplehill, 212, are in Wonford 
Hundred, although situate in the parish of Ilsington, and a deduction has 
been made in respect of them of 1780 acres. 

24 Wooston (in Burton's list called Wolgareston, No. 44) and West Clifford 
(No. 622, p. 493) are in Wonford Hundred, although in the parish of 
Moreton, and a deduction has been made in respect of them of 1596 acres. 

25 Christow (No. 540, p. 613) is in Wonford Hundred (Hundred Rolls), 
although a part of it — Teign Canon — is in Teignbridge Hundred. A propor- 
tionate reduction has been made for it of 2107 acres. 


The area under cultivation in this Hundred seems un- 
usually sraall, but it must be remembered that a large 
portion of the parishes adjoining the Moor is taken up by 
the Devonshire commons and enclosures taken out of them, 
and these formed no part of the ancient Hundred of Teign- 






The Hundred of North Tawton,^ like that of Listona, includes 
what were formerly two Hundreds — those of North Tawton 
(Tauentona) and Winkleigh (Wincheleia) — the Hundred of 
Winkleigh consisting of the present parish of Winkleigh, of 
the southern portion of the parish of Colridge, including 
Birch, of Loosebeare in the parish of Zeal Monachorum, of 
West Brushford, and perhaps also of Newton in Zeal. 
Although there are several points still obscure about the 
Hundred, it will be well to give a list of the constituents so 
far as they have been at present ascertained, in the hope 
that others may be able to throw further light upon the 
doubtful points. 

I. The *' Doniesday " Constituents, 

The first number represents the Domesday cotlifs, numbered 
consecutively from 1 to 1266, as they follow one another in 
the Exchequer Book, The pages refer to the Association's 
reprint. Ancient Crown and exempt lordships are printed 
in larger capitals. 

1 The Hundred Rolls of 3 Ed. I., a.d. 1274, have this entry, No. 25, p. 75: 
"Before Bartholomew le Young (le Juvene) and hia fellows : Laurence Axe 
[perhaps = Hals], Randolph de Byr [Beer, North tawton], Alured de Porta, 
William le Spek [of Brushford], Richard de Bengin, John de Estleg [in 
Colridge], Waiter de Wassebume [of Hermanest], Reginald de Bera [Cherry - 
beare], Philip de Wyke [Chawley Wick], Robert de Bradenimet, Richard le 
Peffur [Pafford], William de Chenestune [Chenson, Chawley], say upon oath : 
John de Walletorta holds the Hundred of Northtauet, of the Honour of 
Plimpton, by descent and heirship, and it is worth 2 marks yearly." 
According to the Black Book of the Exchequer, p. 94, Juvenis (le Young) was 







I. The King's holding : — 
(Ancient Crown Lordship) No. 4, p. 5 : 

TAUETONE* . . . . 
(Earl Brictric's land) No. 91, p. 85 : 

Edeslege (part of)' 
(Earl Brictric's land) No. 92, p. 85 : 

WINCHELEIE * ( Winkleigh) . 

Norman, under, No. 93, p. 85 

(part of above) : (Hollowcombe) 

Winkleigh .... 

(Earl Brictric's land) No. 94, p. 87 : 

AISSE (Ashreigney) . 
(Earl Brictric's land) No. 95, p. 89 : 

SLAPEFORD (Lapford) 
(Earl Brictric's land) No. 96, p. 89 : 

Ervescome* (Irishcombe, next 

Roseash), an outlier a2)purtenant . 
(Earl Brictric's land) No. 97, p. 89 : 

BICHENTONE (High Bichington) 
(Earl Brictric's land) No. 62, p. 57 : 

BiCHENELiE^ (Atherington) added, 

taken from Tavistock . 

ships. gers'. 
h. V. f. h. V. f. h. V. f. Acres. Value. 
[Honour of Plymton] by wt. 
2 2 — 3115 £15 

[Honour of Gloucester] 
2 2 — 2 2 

520(200 302 4700 i:30 

— 12 300 

132 020 110 1780 £7 

220/0 2 132 1260 £12 12s. 

— 2 100 
122 010 05 2 1808 £12 

12 — 

in above 
1 2 1120 £4 

the name of the barons of Montacute. The After-death Inquests, p. 95, 
shew that in 15 Ed. I., a.d.1286, Alured de la Porta was convicted of felony, 
seized of a tenement in Exeter, and income at Comewille next Wyke. 

' The parish of North, alias Cheping Tawton includes not only the 
King's Tauetone, but also Cruc [Bumell], Gherneslete, and [Nicols] Liraet. 
On 8th March, 1257, Oliver de Tracy was admitted rector of Cheping Tautonci 
on the presentation of Amicia, Countess of Devon {Bronescombe's Reg. 
p. 159) ; but on the death of his successor, Osmund de Valletorta, Joel de 
Valletorta was instituted 23rd Sept., 1274, on the presentation of John de 
Valletorta. In the Kalendar of Papal Registers, p. 551, is a papal mandate 
in 1292 to receive his resignation as a pluralist, and to reinstitute him by 

^ Iddesleigh is in Shebbear Hundred, but Domesday has this entry : " To 
this barton-land belongs half a hide and half a virgate which lie in Tawton 
Hundred." According to After-death Inquests, p. 131, Gilbert de Clare, 
Earl of Gloucester, died in 24 Ed. I., a.d. 1295, seized among other places of 
4 fees in Ydeslegh. Robert de Handlo was confirmed rector of Edwisleghe in 
1260 {Bron^scovMs Reg. p. 145), Reymond de Sully in 1308 {Stapeldo7i,-p. 223), 
and Robert Atteputte in 1310, when dame Joan de Sully was the patron. 

"* Domesday gives the assessment of Wincheleie as 5^ hides, and then states 
that of these 5^ hides Norman, the park keeper, holds 1^ virgates. Inas- 
much as these IJ virgates are stated to have been taken out of the villagers' 
land, the villagers' assessment is entered under two headings as 3 hides and 
J virgate and 1^ virgates. According to Dugdale, Mon. II. 69, the Church 
had been given to Tewkesbury Abbey, and was held by it in 1176 a.d. 

* The missing J virgate probably represents the J virgate of land (No. 
1243, b) given by the Queen to the unfortunate Saxon, Alward Merta. 

^ Eruescombe is situated locally in Witheridge Hundred, and lies next 
Meshaw and Roseash, but for purposes of assessment it counted as an out- 
lying part of North Tawton Hundred, and was included in the 2 hides of the 
villagers. See TraTis. xxvii. 188, n. 44. 

' Bichenelie contributed £4 towards the £12 contributed by Bickington, 
and included a larger area than that of Langleigh. Probably it represents 
Atherington other than Umberleigh, called Winbelegh in the Charter of 


(Earl Brictric's land) No. 98, p. 91 : 

M0RCHET8 (Morchard Bishop, current 

part of) 2 1 1 842 £4 

(Boia's land) No. 102, p. 95 : 

Adolf, under the Kiog, vlwardes- 

DONE^ (Woolfin, alias Wolfbnymet) 

Down St. Mary . . . .012010002 243 10/- 

II. The Bishop of Coutance's holdings :— 

Drojjo, under, No. 157, p. 143 : [Honour of Barnstaple] 

BoLENEi (Bondleigh) . .032010022 1272 40/- 

Drogo, under. No. 158, p. 145 : 

LimetIo (Nymet Tracy, Bow) . 120 020 100 1926 £4 

Drogo, under, No. 159, p. 147: , 

Colrige" (Colridge) . . 1 1 V 2 896 £5 

lugelbald, under Drogo, No. 160, p. < 

147 : 1 virgate thereof (Clotwortby / 

in Colridge) . . . . — — ^ 1 200 

Bishop Bartholomew a.T). 1176, confirming to Tewkesbury Abbey the 
Churches of Winkleigh, High Bickington, and Winbelegh (referred to below, 
note 16). In 1309 Sir John de Wylyntone was patron of High Bickington, 
and also patron of Atherington, which confirms this conjecture. It appears 
as Wymberlegh in After-death Inquests^ 18 Henry VI., p. 194. Mr. Whale 
says that Wellington got it from the Champemowns. Kirby's Quest, No. 
545 : Joanna de Chambernon holds Womberlegh for J fee of the Earl of 
Gloucester, the Earl of the King. 

^ Morchard Bishop, exclusive of Ridge Arundel and Southcot, which are 
in Crediton Hundred, Rolweston in Witheridge Hundred, and of Shobrook in 
this Hundred, but probably inclusive of Eastown, which may be the Herraanest 
and Ash ^ fee held by the heirs of William de Wasseborn, No. 503, 504 in 
Burton's list ; the Aston, No. 652 in Hooker's list ; the Asseton, No. 373 in 
Risdon's list, which paid a comparatively large sum to tenths and fifteenths. 
(See Polwhele, II. 41.) 

^ The sequence in the Exeter Book requires this to be in North Tawton 
Hundred. In Burton's list, Richard de Lou holds \ fee at Wolfsnymet and 
Bradford. In Testa de Nevil (Nos. 223, 224, p. 177) Walter le Lou holds J 
fee at Merdesnymeth and Bradoford. Here Wolfsnymet =Merdesnymeth, 
Merdesnymeth being a contraction for Wolfwerdesnymet, and the w being 
changed into m, just as Jlfameorde in Domesday is now ^em worthy, or as 
the Domesday Le?^;estone, after being expanded into Let^;enestone, appears in 
the Taxation of Pope Nicolas (Hingeston-Randolph's Broiuscomhe^ p. 456) 
as Limenestone, now Lympston. In Kirby's Quest, No. 512, Byi^jood is 
written Bumode ; No. 634, East ^Tbrlington appears as Est J/ulriggton ; 
and Burton, No. 887, writes Meshav; Mesha?n. 

^® In Burton's list quoted below only three estates in North Tawton Hun- 
dred are found held of the Honour of Barnstaple (the Bishop of Coutance's 
Honour), viz. Colrigge, Bonleigh, and Nymet Traci. There can, therefore, 
be no doubt that the Bishop of Coutance's Limet is Nymet Tracey. The 
Hundred Rolls of 3 Ed. I., p. 75, state that *' Nimet Traci is held in chief of 
the King as a member appurtenant to the Barony of Bamastopol, and that 
it is worth £10 a year with the advowson." Henry de Traci died, seized of it 
2 Ed. I. {After-death InquestSy p. 52. ) 

^^ The assessment of Colridge is given as 1 hide, but the amount of the 
lordship and the villagers' assessments together only make up 3 virgates. 
The missing 1 virgate is Ingelbald's holding, which appears to be Clotworthy. 
For Testa de Nevil (No. 68, p. 175, 6) states that Ralph de Siccavilla holds 
Colridge (Courig) of the Honour of Barnstaple, and (No. 955, p. 184) that 
Maurice de Coltesworth holds J fee in Coltesworth [i,e, Clotworthy] of Ralph 
de Siccavilla. 


III. Tavistock Abbrt holdings : — 

Itself, No. 266, p. 241 : BERNIN- [Honour of Tavistock] 
TONE" (Buirington) . .300020220 2588 £7 

William Capra, under. No. 267, p. 
242 : an added thane's land (North- 
cot in Bunington) . . .012 — — 600 20/- 

Grosfrid, under, No. 268, p. 242: an 
added thane's land (Halfsbury in 
Bunington") . . . .010— — 509 15/- 

IV. BucKPAST Abbbt holding: — 
Itself, No. 278, p. 253 : Limet" (Zeal 

Monachomm) . . . .100010030 807 50/- 

V. Ckanbxtrn Abbey holding : — 
Itself, No. 294, p. 269 : LOSBERE ^ 

(Loosebeare, Zeal Monachorum) .020 010 010 639 60/- 

VI. Abbess of the Holy Trinity, Caen's holding:— 
Herself, No. 304, p. 283 : Umberlei ^« 

(IJmberleigh, Atherington) . .110010 100 1420 £11 

" According to the Exeter Book Bernintone was assessed at 4 hides, 
whereof the abbot had i hide in lordship and the villagers 2h hides — total, 
3 hides, or 1 hide short. For this reason the Exchequer scribe may have 
altered the 4 into 3, the Exchequer Book giving the asKessment as 3 hides. 

IS The name Posberry appears in the extract quoted by Mr. Worth in 
Trans, xxv. 312, but probably Posberry was only a part ot Northcot The 
other thane's land may have been Halfsbury. The history of the place seems 
to have been somewhat confused by saying that Burrington was granted to 
Goisfrid. All that Domesday states is that two thanes lands — they appear 
among the terrce occupatce quoted below — had been added to the original 
eatate of Burrington, and that these two lands, not Burrington itself, were 
granted to William Capra and Goisfrid respectively. Burrington is, indeed, 
said to have been filched from the Abbey by the Earl of Mortain ; but if so, 
it was soon recovered; for the Hundred Rolls of 3 Ed. I., a.d. 1274, 
No. 25, say : " Buringtune is held in chief of the King as a member appur- 
tenant to the Barony of the Abbot of Tavistock which he holds of the King 
in chief, and it is worth annually £20 with the advowson of the Church. 
In Testcc de Nevil (time of Henry III., No. 303, p. 178) and in Burton's list 
(A.D. 1302, No. 474) half a knight's fee is said to be held in Northcote of the 
Abbot of the Honour of Tavistock, referring, no doubt, to the two thanes* 
lands. According to the dissolution records in Oliver, p. 109, Burrington 
paid a high rent {alius redditus) of 4/- to North Tawton. 

^^ That this Limet is Zeal Monachorum there can be no doubt ; for the 
Hundred Rolls, quoted Trans, xxvi. 161, state that Sele Monachorum, in 
North Tawton Hundred, was held by the monks by the gift of King Canute. 
(Brooking Rowe, in Trans, viii. 310. ) 

^^ The Abbot of Cranborn had a virgate in lordship, and yet appears to 
have been only allowed J virgate exemption in this Hundred. Possibly the 
total assessment of Losbere may have been only 1 virgate, and the other 
virgate charged on Medland (in Cheriton Bishop), in Wonford Hundred. (See 
Burton's list below, No. 522.) In the Computus of Henry VIII. the manor 
of Losebeare and the manor of Medland are returned as paying to Tewkesbury 
Abbey £1 5s. lO^d. (Dugdale, II. 72.) Losbeare had been given to it in 980 
A.D. by Haylward Mere, grandfather of the dispossessed Earl Brictric. 

^^ The Church of Atherington must have existed here in the 12th century 
under the name of Winbelegh ; for in 1176 A.D., according to an instrument 
in Dugdale, II. 69, Bartholomew, Bishop of Exeter, confirmed to Tewkesbury 
Abbey (1) the Church of Winkleigh, which Roger de Winkelega confessed lie 
held on behalf of the monks of Tewkesbury at an annual rent of 20/- ; (2) that 
of [Bi]Kintonum [High Bickington] ; and (3) that of Winbeleg [Atherington], 














VII. Baldwin the Sheriff's holdiDgs :— 

Baldwin himself, No. 449, p. 423 : [Honour of Okhamton] 

Caluelie (Chawleigh) . . .300 100 200 
William Wimond's son, under, No. 

450, p.423: OvELTONEi7(Doulton) 100 010 030 
Walter, under, No. 451, p. 425 : 

LiMET ^8 (Nymet Rowland) . .020002012 
Walter, under, No. 452, p. 426 : 

LiEQB 19 (Rashley, Wem worthy) . 030 010 020 
Walter, under, No. 453, p. 427: 

Bera19 (Cherrybeare, Doufton) . OIOJOOOJOIO 
Ralph de Bruer, under. No. 454, p. 

429: LiMET 20 (Broad Nymet, Bow) 030 010 020 
Ralph de Bruer, under, No. 455, p. 

both of which he confessed that he held on behalf of the monks at an annual 
rent of J mark ; (4) the Church of Chitelhamton, which Galfrid and Roger, 
clerks, confessed they held on behalf of the monks at an annual rent of i 
mark ; (5) the Church of Edwiesliche [Iddesleigh], which Roger de Cumba 
confessed he held on their behalf at an annual rent of 12 pence ; (6) the 
Church of Chilcunton [Kilkhamton], which Richard, the Clerk, confessed he 
held on their behalf. Four fees in Kilkhamton are returned among the 
Devonshire estates of Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, in 24 Ed. I. 
{After-death Inquests, p. 133.) Atherington appears as Wimbleghe in the 
Close Rolls. (See Bronescomhe Re^isterSj p. 492, where it is erroneously 
identified with Winkleigh.) In the 13th century, as appears from the same 
Begisters, p. 109, William the Chaplain, then vicar of Dawlish, obtained, 
22nd August, a.d. 1272, letters of induction in the Church of Hadrintone, 
to whom the cure of souls was not committed, neither did he take the oath. 

1^ The Exeter Book reads Dueltona, so that the identification is not 
doubtful. Hundred Rolls, a.d. 1274, No. 25 : Chalveleg and Dueltone are 
held in chief of the King as members appurtenant to Hugh de Cortenay's 
barony of Ocumtune, and they are worth annually £30, with the advowsons 
of the Churches. 

1^ Since this Limet was held by the same owner as Liege and Bera, and 
was held under Baldwin the Sherifi^, there can be no doubt that it was the 
Nymet held with Stillandeslegh and Bere of the Honour of Okhamton in 
Testa de Nevil's list, the Nymet Rowland held with Bere and members of the 
same Honour in Burton's list (No. 489). Risdon, p. 294, says that Sir 
Walter de Nymet held 1 fee in Rowlandsleigh and Beer temp, Henry II., 
which suggests that Stillandeslegh in the printed edition of Testa is a tran- 
scriber's error for Rowlandes Legh, and that Rowland belongs to the Nymet 
which preceded. The present parish of Nymet Rowland has an area of 595 
acres, which gives 97i acres to the ploughland, including roadways, mere- 
balks and linches, and proves that Rowlandsleigh does not lie in the parish 
of Nymet Rowland. 

1^ The reasons for identifying Liege with Rashley in Wemworthy, and 
Bere with Cherribeare in Doulton, are that both Rashley and Cherribeare 
appear as separate contributories to the Hundred in Hoker's list, and Rashley 
seems to be a contraction from Rowlandsleigh. Mr. Whale thinks, however, 
that Liege may be East and West Leigh, in Colridge. These appear to the 
writer to be in Winkleigh Hundred. 

^ Since this Limet was held by the same tenant as Appledore, it must 
represent the Brode Nymet held with Apeldore and Nywetone (No. 498), 1 
fee, in Burton's list. The ancient parish of Broad Nymet does not exceed 446 
acres. If the 10 acres of meadow and 50 of pasture are deducted, only 386 
acres remain to represent the 6 ploughlands of Domesday. Is it possible that 
the Domesday scnbe may have written vi for iv ? The latter would give 96J 
acres to the ploughland. It may be added that without this correction we 
have 3185 acres for the parish of Bow, the present area of which does not 













429: Appledobe (an outlier of Bow) 010 002 002 
Modbert Lambert's son, nnder, No. 

456, p. 431 : Hax (Raise, Bow) . 010 003 001 
Ralph de Pomeray, under. No. 457, 

p. 431 : Cloenesbbbg (Clanna- 

borough) 030020010 

Ralph de Pomeray, under, No. 458, 

p. 433: LiMET^i (Walston and 

Thorn, Clannaborough) . .010002002 

Godfrey the Chamberlain, under, No. 

459, p. 433 : BRIGEFORD=' (East 

or Church Brushford) . . .020010010 

exceed 2933. With this correction we have 2985 acres, which shews that the 
whole of that parish must have been under cultivation. 

'^ In the Confessor's time this intake belonged to Wado, so that it may 
have been called after him Wadostone, corrupted into Wallestone. It is now 
called Walson Barton. It will be observed that Clannaborough, Wallston, and 
Thorn are enumerated as together constituting 1 fee in Burton's list, Nos. 
508-510, of which Clannaborough was three parts. This corresponds with 
the Domesday quantities, 3 virgates to Clannaborough, and 1 vlrgate to 
Limet. The parish of Clannaborough, which includes Clannaborough, 
Walson, and Thorn, is 874 acres, and the land at Walson is specially good, 
so that it may be presumed there were no wastes. The Domesday Clanna- 
borough consisted of 6 ploughlands, unless vi is an error for iv, and 24 acres, 
Limet of 4 ploughlands and 30 acres, the two together of 10 ploughlands and 
54 acres. If the 54 acres are deducted, 820 acres remain for the 10 plough- 
lands — giving 82 acres to the ploughland — a result which agrees with what 
has been said, Trails, zxviii. pp. 363, 384. The patrons of Clannaborough 
Rectory were in 1272 the prior and convent of Taunton {Broncscombe Reg. 
p. 124), the same in 1310 and 1323 {Stapeldo)i's Beg, p. 201). 

^ Three places, Brigeford (No. 459), Brigeford (No. 460), and Limet (No. 
461) — for Gherneslete is obviously Greenslade, and it is suggested that 
Nywelond, No. 512 in Burton's list, is probably the moiety of (Jherneslete 
added to Tauetone — are all that are left of Baldwin's estates to represent the 
four remaining fees held of the Honour of Okhamton in this Iluudred, 
according to Burton's list, viz. No. 479, Eggesford, i fee ; No. 485, 486, 
Wemworthy and Britford, 1 fee ; No. 487, 488, Pengeswall and Heghen, ^ 
fee ; and No. 501, Bordeuileston, 1 fee. One of the largest of these is 
Bordeuilestone, a whole fee. This is probably Othelin's Limet, called Nymet 
Bordevyle, No. 16 in Nomina Villarum. Bordeuilestone, which most prob- 
ably takes its name from the man who first "tyned" the intake, now called 
Puddleston, forms the largest part of Eggesford parish. In Saxon times 
Offers held it. Of the two Brigefords, one seems to represent the ^ fee of 
Eggesford, the other the Briggoford which, according to Testa de Nevil (Nos. 
380, 381, p. 179), the heir of Richard le Espet held, together with Wemmeworth, 
of the Honour of Okhamton, for 2 fees, the same being part of the 3 fees which 
Richard Espete, according to the Black Book of the Exchequer (Xo. 76, p. 
120), held of Robert, the King's son, when, in 1165, that Honour was in his 
hands, and including Pengeswall and Heghen ; i.e. Partridge wall in Brush- 
ford, and Hayne in Eggesford. In Burton's time (Nos. 485, 486) AVeniworthy 
and Britford, held by William le Espete, are returned as 1 fee ; but a portion 
of Espete's estates appears to have been then alienated. Richard Peverel and 
Matilda his wife had, with the assent of Robert, de Spec, the heir of the said 
Margaret, bestowed Abbotsham in Brushford, and the advowson of Pirusliford 
Church, upon Hartland Abbey (Oliver, Mon, p. 207), which that Abbey appears 
as holding in 1288 a.d., in the Taxation of Pope Nicolas. This statement 
clearly identifies Spek's Brushford with East or Church Brushford. The 
Hundred Rolls of 4 Ed. I., a.d. 1275, say: **The Abbot of Hartland is 
lately enfeoffed of a certain tenement at Brigford, which used to share with 










Godfrey the ChamberlaiD, under, No. 

460, p. 435 : BRIGEFORD (Egges- 

ford) 020010010 317 10/- 

Othelin, under, No. 461, p. 435 : 

LiMET (Puddleston, Eggesford) .100 010 030 414 40/- 
Rainer the House Steward, under. 

No. 462, p. 437: Ghbkneslete ^3 

(Greenslade, North Tawton) . . 2 OJ OJ 311 10/- 
Richard [de Nouilles], under, No. 463, 

p. 437: MAMEORDE2^(Wembwortby) 100 020 020 1270 40/- 

VIII. Walter de Clavil's holdings: — 

Walter, No. 857, p.825: Duvelande^^ [Honour of Gloucester] 

(Dowland) 2 1 1 463 30/- 

Walter, No. 858, p. 825: LOL- 

LARDEST0NE2« (West Leusdon, 

now Pearson, Dowland) . .020 — — 

Walter, No. 859, p. 827 : Dua^elande 

(Stafford and Upcot, Dowland) . 010 003 001 
Riculf, under, No. 861, p. 829: 

CHETELESCOTE27(Gilscot, Colridge) 010 002 002 
Walter, under, No. 862, p. 829: 

Nimet'8 (Braddeford, Down St. 

Mary?) 010003001 

the land of William le Spek at Brigford in royal services and other contri- 
butions, and the said Abbot no longer allows the King's bailiff to levy royal 
services in the accustomed manner." According to the dissolution records 
(Oliver, p. 214), a fee farm rent of 2s. was then paid by the Abbot for 
Abbotsham to the Duke of Richmonde. 

^ Jpb will be observed that the sum of the lordship and the villagers' 
assessment only amounts to 1 ferling. The other ferling, Domesday says, has 
been added to Tauetone, and it is suggested that it is represented by the i fee 
of Nywelond. For Nyweland, being held of the Honour of Okhamton, 
cannot have been taken out of the King's Taueton, since Tauetone was held 
of the Honour of Plymton. (See note 1.) 

^* According to the Patent Rolls, quoted in Hingeston-Randolph's Brones- 
combe Registers^ p. 495, John Wyger held Wemmeworthe in chief of the 
King in 1279. Mr. Whale suggests that he held it only as custodian of the 
heir of Speke till he came of age. At least it does not appear among the 
estates of which his father, John Wyger, died seized in 6 Ed. I., a.d. 1278, 
in After-death InqitestSy p. 63. For the spelling see note 9. 

^ Dowland Church [i.e, the cure of souls with the right to receive the 
tithes in consequence] was given in 1166 a.d. to the canonesses of Leigh 
in Burlescombe, together with ^ ferling of land charged with a payment of 
12 pence annually towards the building of Exeter Cathedral. From this it 
was discharged by Bishop Bartholomew, Walter de Duelonde giving a sub- 
stitute. (Oliver, Mon. 226.) The vicarage of Dowland was endowed with all 
the altar dues (altalagium) in 1269 A.D. by Bishop Bronescombe. {Registers, 
p. 70.) 

^ It seems probable that Lollardestone lay near Dowland, or Dowland 
could hardly have been added to it as village land. Mr. Whale identifies it 
with Pearson, alias Pewson. 

^ Chetelescote has been identified with Gilscot in Colridge, rather than 
with Collacot in Winkleigh as Mr. Whale suggested, on the ground that 
Collacot is a submanor of j)oat-Domesday creation. (See Burton's list below.) 

^ This Nimet was one of the four thanes' lands held by Walter of the 
King appurtenant to Lapford. Shobrook Farm was another ; and the two 
farms in Dowland, probably Stafford and Upcot, the remaining two. It may 
be the Braddeford held with Woolfin in Down St. Mary. (See above, note 

R 2 


Walter, under, No. 863, p. 881 : 
ScHiPBBROC® (Shobrook Farm, 
Morchard Bishop) ! . .010001003 207 10/- 

IX. Gosoelm's holdiDgs :— 

Groscelm, No. 871, p. 841 : Ridel- [Honour of Gloucester] 

COMS^ (Riddlecombe and Narracot, 

Ashreigney) . . . .100006022 800 40/- 

Goscelm, No. 872, p. 841: Lollakdes- 

DONE (Leusdon, Winkleigh) . .020010010 468 20/- 
Godfrey, under, No. 873, p. 843: 

Brigeford'^ (West Brushford in 

Winkleigh Hundred) . . . 1 IJ 2i 203 6/- 
Hermer, under, No. 874, p. 843 : 

Nimet" (Natson Bow) . . 1 Oi 2 2J 206 12/- 

9, and Pole, 430.) Or it may be Nymthayes in Zeal Monachorum, which, as 
advertised for sale in the Devon and Exeter Gazette^ October 18th, 1895, was 
stated to contain 94 acres ; but it is more probably the former, unless it does 
not appear separately in the list of fees. 

^ The stream which separates Sandford from Morchard Bishop and flows 
past Down St. Mary, now known as the Knathorn Brook, was anciently 
called the Schipebroc, i.e. the sheep brook. Under that name it appears in 
Aedelstan's Charter of A. d. 930, and also in the doubtful Charter of Aedel- 
ward, A.D. 739. In one place the parish boundary leaves the stream and 
encloses a tract of land to the west of it. The land on both sides of the 
stream here constitutes Shobrook Farm, which, together with the village of 
Morchard Bishop, appears to have lain formerly in North Tawton Hundred. 
Above ShobrooK Farm is Knathorn Farm, on the old Ordnance written 
Nathan's Farm, from which the stream takes its present name. Both Mor- 
chard and Schipebroc had been Brictric's land before the Conquest. According 
to After-death Inquests, p. 97, the land of Shepbrok escheated to the King in 
16 Ed. I., A.D. 1287, owing to the felony of Thomas Lamprey. 

^ Although the Domesday assessment of Ridelcome was 1 hide and that of 
Lollardesdone ^ hide, yet Riddlecomb and Northcot are returned as 5 fee in 
Testa de Nevil (Nos. 218, 219), and Lollardestone (No. 220) § fee. 

^^ Baldwin's two Brigefords, we have seen, represent East Brushford and 
Eggesford, leaving West Brushford to be otherwise represented. There can 
be little doubt that it is Goscelm's Brigeford ; for Burton's list, No. 1074- 
1077, under Hairidge Hundred, has the following entry : " Juliane de Wood- 
bear holds Woodbear [in Hairidge Hundred] with Esse [Ash Thomas] in the 
Hundred of Halberton, Peverton in the Hundred of North Melton, and 
Britford in the Hundred of Winkle, for 1 fee of the Honour of Gloucester." 
Woodbeare appears in Domesday (No. 879, p. 849) as Widebere, held by 
Godfrid, under Goscelm ; and Ash Thomas as Aisa (p. 854), also held by 
Godfrid, under Goscelm. Inasmuch as Godfrid was likewise tenant of Brige- 
ford, under Goscelm, it seems reasonable to conclude that Goscelm's 
Domesday Brigeford is Britford in Winkleigh Hundred, and that Juliane 
de Woodbeer was the successor in title to Godfrid. 

^2 Among fees named in the lists as held of the Honour of Gloucester — 
which apparently are the only available ones to represent the Nimets of 
Walter de Clavil and Goscelm — there remain two, assuming our other identi- 
fications to be correct, viz. (1) Nymet Nicoll (No. 502 in Burton's list), i fee 
held by William Lamprey, which is not mentioned by Testa de Nevil, but in 
Hooker's list appears as Nymet Mychell (a very obvious error for Nichol) ; 
and (2) Notteston (No. 506 in Burton's list), \ fee held by William Burnell, 
called Notceston (No. 222) in Testa de Nevil. Presumably Hermer's Nimet 
is Natson, because Natson has the smaller acreage of the two, viz. 
180a. 3r. 30p. 


Osmund, under, No. 875, p. 845 : 

NiMET^3 (Nicoll's Nymet, North 

Tawton ?) 1 2 2 614 30/- 

Osmund, under, No. 876, p. 845 : 

NiWETONE (Newton Cross Farm, 

ZealMonachorum)34 . . . o OJ — — 109 7/- 

X. Ansger of Montacute*s holding : — 

Ansger, No. 1108, p. 1055 : Duvel- [Honour of Gloucester] 

TONERS (Iddlecot, Doulton) . .020002012 619 50/- 

XI. Odo Fitz Gamelin's holding : — 

Aimer, under Odo, No. 1121, p. 1065 : [Honour of Toriton] 

BocHELAND (Halsdou, Buckland 
and Woodtown in Doulton) . .012 no particulars 444 20/- 

XII. Godbold's holdings : — 

Godbold, No. 1159, p. 1099 ; Hoche [Honour of Plympton] 

(Hook, Ashreigny) . . .010— — 286 4/- 

Godbold, No. 1160, p. 1099: Bris- 

FORDE (Bridgeford, Ashreigny) .010 — — 300 20/- 

Godbold, No. 1161, p. 1101 : Newen- 

TONE^* (Newton and Voley, Zeal 

Monachorum) . . . .010 — — 811 

XIII. William the Dispenser's holdings : — 

William, No. 1201, p. 1137 : Cruo [Honour of Plympton] 

(Crook Burnell, alias Stone, North 

Tawton) 030010020 823J 30/- 

Ralph, under William, No. 1202, 

p. 1137 : part of Cruc (Pafford's 

Hou8e)37 1 — — 200 5/- 

XIV. The King's Thanes :— 

Godwin, No. 1223, p. 1157 : [Honour of Gloucester] 

LiMETE^s (in Ashreigney ?) . .010 — — 235 10/- 

Alward Merta,3» No. 1243 b, p. 1175 
(i virg.) (Ashton, Ashreigny) .002 — — 150 

42 3i 45,045^ 

2^ Nicols Nymet, as lately offered for sale, was stated to be 275a. 3r. 35p. 
It was held by William Lamprey, in 1302, and it may be inferred that he 
also held Newton Cross, since both were held by the same tenant in Doviesday. 

^ According to Brooking Rowe, in Trans, viii. 820, Simon Lamprey sold 
7i acres to the Abbot of Bucfast in 1225 a.d., which suggests that Lamprey's 
estate adjoined Zeal Monachorum, which belonged to Bucfast Abbey. 

35 Held by Edric before the Conquest, whence its name Edrichescot. It 
is called Yedescoth in Testa de Nevil (No. 229, p. 177, and No. 1107, p. 189), 
and grouped with Chedeldon, in Witheridge Hundred, as | fee. In Burton's 
list (No. 483) it is called Edrichescot, with members J fee, and also (No. 873) 
ladriscot, now Iddlecot. It has been lately purchased, and divided between 
Canon Furse and Rev. T. Whale. 

•■^•^ The identity of these places seems to be established by the entry No. 
.^j63-566, p. 181,' in Testa, under fees held of the Honour of Plymton : The 
heir of Milo Corbyn holds in Brigeford, Hake, Niweton, and Foldehegh 1 fee. 
Burton, Nos. 494, 495, says : Richard Corbyn holds Milston and Hoke, 1 fee, 
of the Honour of Plymton. 

^7 This may be Lower Stone, or Cottle's Barton, or Pafford's House. 

^ It appears as Godwynescot in Testa, No. 221, J fee. Burton does not 
name it, unless it is identical with Nymet Nicol. 

^^ Alward Merta is mentioned in Domesday i No. 857, p. 824, and No. 862, 
p. 828, as the dispossessed holder in Saxon times of Doulton and Nymet. In 


Deducting for Tawton, No. 4, 

the inland Hundred . .002 
For Alward's i yirgate, No. 

1243, b, included in Ash- 

reigney . . . .002 


There remain 41 3 3^ 

The above list, the reasons for which will be presently 
stated, is submitted subject to verification. Possibly another 
half ferling may represent Hottesdon (Wotton in Zeal), 
which formed part of Kuald Adobed's estate of Crochewelle 
(No. 1032, p. 991). 

The particulars of the GeldroU are as follows : 

A. Exemption was allowed 

(1) To the King in respect of 

(2) To the Abbot of Tavistock, do. 

(3) To Walter de Clavill, do. 

(4) To the Abbot of Cranburn, do. 

(5) To Ansger de Pont Senard, do. 

B. Estates chargeable — 

- (1) Abbess of Caen in arrear on . 

(2) Godfrey in arrear on 

(3) Land in Winkleigh in arrear . 

(4) Walter de Clavill's land in arrear 

(5) Geld received in respect of 

(6) Claimed by feegatherers geld on 




. 3 










. 1 










. 33 


. 1 

— 37 

2 3 

1 1 


A glance at the two lists, by way of comparison, suffices to 
shew (1) that the King's 3J hides of exemption were made 
up of 2 hides in respect of Wincheleia, | hide of Aisse, J 
hide of Slapeford, 1 virgate of Bichentone, and 1 virgate of 
Morchet; (2) that the Abbot of Tavistock's | hide was in 
respect of Bernintone; (3) that Walter de Clavil's ^ hide 
was in respect of Lollardestone, which, as may be gathered 
from the statement in the Terrce Occujpatce, was treated as 
the lordship to which Duelande was appurtenant; (4) that 
the Abbot of Cranburn's \ virgate was in respect of Losbere ; 
and (5) Ansger de Pont Senard's 1 ferling was in respect of 
Dueltone. It will also be seen that the totals of the two 
lists agree within i ferling. 

the latter place he is described as "a freemaD," shewine; that, even in 
Domesday, great Saxon landholders ranked as freemen. 8inco the (^ueen 
gave him that 4 virgate, it may be presumed that it was part of one of 
her estates, and she held Earl Brictric's estates. (See note 5.) 


If we next look at the estates in arrear, it is clear thai the 
Abbess of Caen's 1 hide 1 virgate were in respect of Umberlie 
(No. 304), and Godfrey's -} hide in respect of the two Brige- 
fords (Nos. 459, 460). The land in Winkleigh in arrear was 
no doubt some part of the villagers' land, and Walter de 
Clavil's arrears are accounted for as to 3 virgates by the two 
Duuelandes (Nos. 857, 859). The remaining ferling, it is 
suggested, must be in respect of one of his tenant's lands, 
perhaps Walter's, in respect of Schipebroc (No. 863). 

The following memoranda are found on p. 495 of the 
Exeter Domesday, among Terrco OcctipatcBy or lands held by 
persons who had not been placed in possession of them by 
the sheriff : 

" [34] The King holds Slapeford, to which 4 lands have been 
added, now held to farm by Walter Clavil for 20s. [35] The 
Abbot of Tavistoche holds Bemintone, to which 2 lands have 
been added, which are held by William Capra and Goisfrid. 
[36] Walter de Clavil holds LoUardesdone, to which Duelande 
has been added. [37] The same holds 1 virgate in Duelande. 
39] The Bishop of Coutances holds Colridge, to which 1 virgate 
las been added. [40] Walter de Clavil holds Nimeth. [41] The 
same holds Eschipebrocb. [47] Ansger holds Stadford, which did 
not belong to Brictric's land. [48] Ansger holds Bremelcomb, 
which also did not belong to Brictric's land. [115] Goscelm holds 
J hide added to Brictric's land. [130] Ansger holds Duelton, 
added to Brictric's land." 

It may be added that Earl Brictric's estates belonged to 
his grandfather, Haylward Mere, whom Leland calls Alredus 
Meaw, and who is said to have been also called Snow, or 
Snew. (Dugdale, Mo7i. II. 53.) Excepting Aisbertone, WiUiam 
Eufus gave Brictric's estates, held by the Crown, to Eobert 
Fitz-Hamon, who died in 1107 a.d., leaving four daughters 
co-heiresses. Henry I. thereupon married the eldest, Mabyle, 
alias Maud, to his natural son Eobert, upon whom he 
bestowed her father's Devonshire estates, together with the 
Honour of Gloucester. The four thanes' lands held under 
Lapford by Walter de Clavil, at a fee-farm rent of 20s., 
probably explain the entry in the Geldroll, p. xxiii. : " And 
for 1 hide from which Walter the liegeman of Walter de 
Clavil received the King's geld, 12 pence still remain not 
paid in.'.' Two of these lands seem to have been the farms 
in Dowiand, " which 2 thanes held in King Edward's time " 
(p. 827) ; the other two to have been Nimet and Schipebroc, 
from which Alward Merta and Brictric, " 2 free men, had 
been dispossessed." 


II. Reasons in Support of the Above List 

The following are the reasons for excluding some and 
including other Domesday estates : 

A. As to exclusions. 

1. The Abbot of Bucfast's Done (No. 279, p. 253) has been 
excluded, although Down St. Mary is given in the later lists 
as belonging to North Tawton Hundred, on the ground that, 
according to the Geldroll (xxii. A 2), it must lie in Crediton 
Hundred. No other of the Abbot's estates can complete the 
missing quantity, and account for the Abbot of Bucfast's | 
hide of exemption in Crediton Hundred, except Done. The 
Abbot's estate in the parish of Down St. Mary consisted of 
1090 acres. The rest of the 2229 acres composing the parish, 
consisting of Woolfin and Bradeford, but excepting Chaff- 
combe, was undoubtedly in the Hundred of North Tawton, and 
therefore Down St. Mary may rightly be set down as being in 
North Tawton Hundred, if only the Abbot's portion and 
Chafifcombe are excluded. 

2. Wiburde (No. 336, p. 315) and Lege (No. 337, p. 315) 
have been excluded on the ground that they cannot represent 
Wembworthy and Eashleigh. They were the Earl of 
Mortain's estates, and as such ought to be found held of 
some out-county Honour, whereas, according to Testa de 
Nevil (Nos. 378, 380, p. 179), La Legh and Wemmeworth, 
and according to Burton's list (No. 485, 488, p. 465) 
Wemworthy and Heghen, were held of the Honour of 
Okhamton. It has been suggested that Wiburde might 
possibly be the Wibbeberys of Nicolas Pulan, | fee in 
Fremington Hundred, which appears (No. 914, p. 184) in 
Testa de Nevil as held of Earl Eichard, together with a 
number of other fees easily identified with the Earl of 
Mortain's estates. But against this suggestion it may be 
pointed out (1) that if Wiburde were Wibbeberys, i.e. Web- 
worthy, in the parish of Alverdiscot, there is nothing in that 
neighbourhood to represent the Lege which is so closely 
connected with it ; and (2) that Webworthy is already identi- 
fied with the Wiberie (No. 1174, p. 1113) held in Domesday 
by Nicolas ; for it is clear from the Geldroll (p. xvi. A 6) that 
Nicolas was allowed an exemption of 1 virgate in Fremington 
Hundred, which no other of his estates, except Wiberie, or 
Wibeberia as it is written in the Exeter Book, can account 
for. On carefully looking through the list of fees in Testa de 
Nevil appurtenant to out-county Honours, two entries will be 


found, viz. ; (1) (No. 363, p. 179) Wamberneford [in Colyton 
Hundred], together with Fineton [in Hairidge Hundred], 3 
Mortain fees held by William Malherb of William de 
Montacute, and by him of the King ; and (2) (No. 843, p. 
183) Legh [in Colyton Hundred], f of a Mortain fee held by 
William de Legh. The same two occur in Burton's list, under 
the Hundred of Colyton, as (No. 1000, p. 476) Wombernford, 
i fee mort. held by W. de Wortihele of the Honour of 
Donyeat, and (No. 992, p. 476) Northlegh, f fee mort. held by 
W. de Witewell of the Honour of Odecombe (Chaworth*8, 
De Cadurcis). The Black Book of the Exchequer, in 
enumerating the fees held of Drogo Young, of Montacute 
(p. 94), after stating that William Malherb holds 4 fees in 
Devon and Somerset, continues : " Eobert the son of William 
has entered upon and jvrongfuUy holds the land of Win- 
bumeford, which ranks for ^ fee." There can therefore be no 
doubt that Wiburde and Lege are Wombernford in Cotleigh 
parish, and Northleigh, both of which are in Colyton Hundred. 
It may further be observed, by way of corroboration, that in 
Domesday both Wiburde and Feniton were held by Drogo de 
Montacute, and Testa shews that William de Montacute was 
mesne-lord in his time.^^ Moreover, when Gilbert de Clare, 
to whom Northleigh had come by descent from the countess 
Matilda, granted it to the prioress and convent of Canonsleigh 
in 1314 A.D., 7 Ed. IL, the grant was confirmed by Henry of 
Lancaster (Oliver, Mo7i. p. 230), no doubt because Henry, an 
earlier Earl of Lancaster, the grandson of Henry III., had 
through his marriage with Matilda Chaworth become the 
successor in title to her share in the Honour of Odecombe. 

3. Donevoldehame (No. 343, p. 323), held by the Earl of 
Mortain, and likewise Bradeford and Dimewoldesham (No. 
761, 762, p. 731), held by William de Faleise, have been 
excluded on the ground that the Down-wood, to which 
reference has already been made {Trans, xxvi. p. 161), 
extended further north-east than was then suggested into the 
parish of Woolfardisworthy ; and it appears from Testa de 
Nevil that all these places must be looked for in Witheridge 
Hundred. In his list of fees in Witheridge Hundred, we find 
it stated (No. 1152, p. 190) that "Eoger de PrauUe holds 
Denewoldesham in socage of the heirs of Tikeenbraz, in 
Cornwall, for 1 lb. of cummin (ciminus) a year, rendering no 
military service." This is, of course, the Earl of Mortain's 

^^ William, second Earl of Mortain and Cornwall, son of Earl Robert, built 
the castle and founded the priory of Montacute, in Somersetshire. (Dugdale^ 
Baronage^ I, 25.) 


Donevoldehame, now Densham, in Woolfardisworthy. Then 
follows No. 1153: "Eoger de Munetheneland [i,e, Munekene- 
land] holds Munetheneland — i.e, the minikins' land at Done- 
woldeham — of the Prioress of PoUesle [i,e. Polsloe, near 
Exeter] for 10s. a year in socage and in pure and ancient 
alms." No. 1154: "The same prioress holds Bradeford in 
lordship, similarly in alms." These entries conclusively shew 
that Bradeford and Dimewoldesham are not in North Tawton, 
but in Witheridge Hundred. Minikinland is in the parish 
.of Woolfardisworthy, and still bears that name. Bradford 
appears to be Bradford in Cruwys Morchard. 

4. Croche^velle (No. 1032, p. 997), which appears in the 
printed editions of Risdon as being in North Tawton Hun- 
dred, has also been excluded, and for the following reasons : 

(1) Sir William Pole places it in Wonford Hundred, and Mr. 
Whale suggests that Crochewelle in Eisdon is a transcriber's 
mistake for Crook Burnell — a suggestion confirmed by the 
sequence, for Crochewelle follows North Tawton — ^just as 
elsewhere, by a transcriber's mistake, Gidesham is set down 
in Colyton Hundred instead of Gittishayne {Trans, xxvi. 158). 

(2) I am, however, inclined to think that it may not be 
merely a transcriber's error which has led to this inclu- 
sion of Crochewelle ; for the last entry under Wonford 
Hundred in Burton's list of fees is [No. 76, 77] : " Churiton 
with Hottesdon, in the Hundred of North Tawton, J fee." 
This entry, unfortunately, neither gives the name of the owner 
nor the Honour of which it was held, but it is sufficiently 
clear that it cannot be Godwin's Ceritone (No. 1225, p. 1159), 
nor yet Trebbles, Partridge and Easton farms in Churiton, 
which were also Godwin's and appear in Domesday under the 
name of Lanford (No. 1226, p. 1159); for these are already 
enumerated (Nos. 44-50) as held of the Honour of Gloucester. 
The only part of Cheriton Bishop which is left unaccounted 
for is Crockernwell. Hence it may be concluded that the 
\ fee in Churiton [in Wonford Hundred], with Hottesdon, in 
the Hundred of North Tawton, represents the Domesday 
Crochewelle, i.e. Crockernwell in Cheriton Bishop, with 
Wotton in Zeal Monachorum (Wotton being a contraction 
for Wottesdon, alias Hottesdon), which, although situate in 
North Tawton Hundred, was held appurtenant to Crockern- 
well. Like the rest of Euald Adobed's estates, Crochewelle 
was held of Plymton Honour, and was assessed at 1 virgate. 
If J ferling of that virgate was in respect of the appurtenant 
Wotton, the missing | ferling in North Tawton Hundred 
would be accounted for. 


5. Chenistetone (No. 123, p. 119), which it has been 
suggested might be Chenston in Chawleigh, has been ex- 
cluded on the ground (1) that both Testa de Nevil (No. 375, 
p. 179) and Burton (No. 515) state that Chenston in Chaw- 
leigh was held of the Honour of Okhamton, whereas 
Chenistetone was held of the bishop. (2) Chenston appears 
also to have been a submanor of "post-Domesday creation, 
whereas Chenistetone was the bishop's estate in Domesday, 
(3) Burton's list (No. 119) enumerates a Knighton in Teign- 
bridge Hundred, | fee held by Eobert de Stockhay and- 
William Daunay, of the bishop. There can, therefore, be 
very little doubt that this Knighton, in Hennock, represents 
Chenistetone. Kirby's Quest (No. 534) calls it Knicheton. 

6. Berie (No. 106, p. 101). — Mr. Whale may possibly be 
right in placing this in Lapford ; but it is nevertheless ex- 
cluded on the ground that in Norden's MS. of the Hundred 
of Crediton, written in the year 1597, Berry in Lapford is 
named as a parcel of Crediton Hundred and manor. There are, 
however, other possible identifications. Treasurer's Beare, in 
Honiton Clist, was one of the earliest possessions of the See 
{Trans, xiii. 129), and according to the Taxation of Pope 
Nicholas in 1288 a.d. the Chapter had also an estate in 
Morthoe. Mr. Whale's objection to identifying it with 
Treasurer's Beare on the ground of the sequence seems a 
good one, and it is not impossible that Brichtricestone may 
represent Honiton Clist including Treasurer's Beare. 

7. Other estates here excluded are : (1) Hame (No. 1221, 
p. 1155), which has been placed in Ashreigny, on the ground 
that it is more probably Embury in Buckland Filleigh, in 
Shebbear Hundred ;^i (2) Langhiwis (No! 244, p. 293), which 
Mr. Worth proposed to identify with Langridge, in Athering- 
ton, on the ground that it more probably represents Langage, 
in Plimton St. Mary, which appears as Langhiwis in the 
Taxation of Pope Nicolas, in 1288 a.d.;*^ (3) Burietiscomhe 

41 Testa de Nevil (Nos. 244-246, p. 177) says, "William de Hampteneford 
holds in Haley land [the Alesland, No. 1220, p. 1155, of Domesday^ Dynes- 
bere [the Denesberge, No. 1219, p. 1153J, and in Child edon [Churndown, in 
Buckland Filleigh] ^ fee." Burton says, in "Ayllesdon, AUistone, Duns- 
bear, and Chillesdon" (Nos. 633 and 636), where Allistone appears to represent 
Hame or Hameton, unless it is simply a reduplication, with a different 
spelling, of Ayllesdone. There is a Hasland in Buckland Filleigh as well as 
a Hasland in the adjoining Petrockstow. Hame, or Hamebnry, appears now 
on the map as Embury. 

■*2 Bronescovibc Registers^ p. 478. According to Henry II.*s Charter, in 
Oliver, Mon. p. 135, Langehiwis was given to Plymton Priory by Richard 
Pincerna, with the consent of his lord, Henry de Culture, at a fee-farm rent of 
5s. Its Domesday value is given as lOs. 


(No. 177, p. 161), which Mr. Worth identified with Buriet in 
Atherington, on the ground that it occurs in a sequence of 
names in Sherwell Hundred, and therefore more probably 
represents Burscombe in Challacombe; (4) Hela (No. 186, 
p. 169), which the same writer placed in High Bickington, on 
the ground that it occurs in a sequence of names in Braunton 
Hundred, and is, therefore, more probably to be found in the 
neighbourhood of Ilfracombe; (5) Holecomhe (No. 99, p. 91), 
which he proposed to identify with HoUacombe in Wink- 
leigh, on the double ground — {a) that HoUacombe in 
Winkleigh was a submanor under Winkleigh, and (6) that 
unless this the Queen's Holecombe is Holcombe Burnell, a 
rather important parish in Wonford Hundred is without a 
representative in Domesday}^ 

8. Patford (No. 1143, p. 1085), which has been identified 
with Pafford House in North Tawton, has been excluded for 
the following reasons: (1) Patford and also Escapeleia were 
contributaries to South Tawton. All the contributaries to 
Axminster named in Domesday (No. 16, p. 15) are in 
Axminster Hundred. All the contributaries to Ermyngton 
(No. 36, p. 31) are in Ermyngton Hundred. The presump- 
tion is that all the contributaries to South Tawton, such as 
Patford and Escapeleia, are in South Tawton Hundred also. 
Besides (2) there is not room in North Tawton for an estate 
of 532 acres within a stone's throw of William the Seneschal's 
estate of Crook Burnell (No. 1201, p. 1137), which has an 
area of 823| acres. Indeed, Pafford in North Tawton seems to 
be the name of one person, William le Peffer's house (note 1), 

*' Of the various Holecomes mentioned in Domesday, Holecome (No. 413, 
p. 457) held by Rogo, under Baldwin the Sheriff, is undoubtedly Holcombe 
Rogus, Rogus being a contracted form of Rogonis, just as Potiforde Miles is 
Potiford Milonis. Walter de Dowai's small Holecome (No. 800, p. 771) of 
126 acres is probably HoUacombe in Kentisbury, or some other place in 
Braunton Hundred. The sequence {Trans, xxviii. 430) at least forbids its 
being Upottery. Ralph de Pomeray's Holecome (No. 958, p. 921), also a 
small estate of about 100 acres, but possessing 4 saltworks, seems to be the 
Holcombe in Exminster Hundred of the After-death Inquests held by Ralph 
de Courtney. Tetbald Fitz Berner's Holecome (No. 1052, p. 1007), also a 
small estate of 100 acres, but having 3 saltworks, must have been either in 
Braunton or in Fremington Hundred. Mr. Worth places it in Morthoe 
{Trans, xxv. 320), Mr. AVhale at Bickington {Trans, xxviii. 439), in 
Fremington. The Bodmin presbyters* Holcome (No. 1213, p. 1149), an 
estate of some 410 acres, is HoUacombe, in Blacktorington Hundred, as the 
sequence shews (Whale, No. 1037). Holescome (No. 385, p. 363), an estate 
of 414 acres, must have lain in Ermyngton Hundred, and is also distinguished 
for 4 saltworks. There remains only the King's Holecumbe, with an area of 
810 acres, to represent Holcombe Burnell. From the connection of Ilolcombes 
with saltworks, one feels disposed to ask if there is any Cornish or old 
English word cognate with but not derived from tbe Cfreek (XXs, Latin sal, 


a small portion of the Crook Burnell estate. Mr. Whale 
then proposed, chiefly on the ground of sequence, to look for 
Patford in Torrington Hundred, and has himself identified it 
with Church Putford, or Churchton in West Putford. But 
apart from the fact that a contributary to South Tawton can 
hardly have lain outside of South Tawton Hundred, the 
spelling presents a difficulty in this case. There are several 
Putford estates named in Domesday, but all of them are spelt 
Poteford, Potiforde, Potsforde, or Pudeforde, with either an o or 
a w in the first syllable, not one of them with an a. And 
there is this further difficulty, that the four Domesday estates of 
West Putford account for 1624 out of the 2620 acres of which 
the present parish consists,^* leaving, it is true, still room for 
an estate of 532 acres, but hardly enough room for it besides 
the subsequently created fee of Kismilton and the still 
existing wastes. It seems, therefore, more reasonable to 
identify Patford with Parford in Drewsteignton, and Esca- 
peleia with the adjoining Gidley, and to suppose that in the 
time of Domesday these formed part of the royal lordship, or 
lesser Hundred of South Tawton. Parford is mentioned as a 
boundary of the bishop's lordship of Crediton in a charter 
which, if genuine, takes us back to the year 739 a.d.*^ 

9. The reasons which have led to the exclusion of Patford 
lead also to the exclusion of Tavelande (No. 1200, p. 1135). 
It paid to South Tawton, and lay therefore presumably in 
South Tawton Hundred. That it was situated somewhere on 
the river Taw there can be no doubt. It is suggested that it 
was the northern portion of South Tawton parish, now 
represented by Cocktree and Itton manors. In Burton's list 
(No. 466) Cocktree, in the Hundred of South Tawton, is said 
to be held for ^ fee. The suggestion is confirmed, because 
Tawelande and Cruc were held by the same person — William 
the Seneschal — in Domesday, and Kaktrey and Croke appear 
in the After-death Inquest of 7 Ed. I., a.d. 1278, No. 12, 
p. 66, as held by the same person, John de Mohun ; again in 

^'* East Putford appears among the Earl of Mortain's estates (No. 325, 
p. 303) as Potiforde. It was held of the Honour of Odecombe. {Testa, 
No. 949.) In W^est Putford three estates are named: (1) William Capra's 
Potsforde (No. 708, p. 679), i.e, Eastcot, an estate of 420 acres, held of the 
Honour of Braneys {Testa, No. 800) ; (2) Ralph de Pomeray's Pudeforde 
(No. 954, p. 917), i.e. Jolly Putford, or Driverton, an estate of 334 acres, held 
of the Honour of Berry [Testa, No. 737) ; and (3) Ruald Adobed's Poteford 
(No. 1019, p. 979), i.e. Churchton, an estate of 640 acres, held of the Honour 
of Plimton {Testa, No. 591 ; Kirby's Quest, No. 306) ; besides also (4) 
Alward's Colsovenescote (No. 1243, p. 1175), or Ooldscottown, an estate of 
230 acres. We have thus 1624 acres accounted for. 

■*' In Anecdota Oxoniensia, vol. vii. 


the After-death Inquest of 14 Ed. L, A.D. 1285, No. 23, p. 90, 
as Gruke and Catrew, held by John de Mohun ; and again in 
the After-death Inquest of 4 Ed. III., A.D. 1330, No. 35, p. 31, 
as Cokeremue \i,e. Kokeretnie, m being probably a misreading 
of tr or cr\ and Crokeburnell, held by another John de 

10. Staford (No. 1101, p. 1049) and Bremelcome (No. 1103, 
p. 1051) have been excluded, though not without some mis- 
giving, since Mr. Whale {Trans, xxviii. 443) has included 
them. It is true the sequence of the Exeter Book, which 
places them side by side, would allow of both being either in 
Fremington, or North Tawton, or Shebbear Hundreds, or of 
one being in one and one in another of these Hundreds ; but 
the sequence in the Exchequer Book, which places between 
them Toritone in Fremington Hundred, seems to require 
their being in different Hundreds. There are very many 
Staffords in the county; for instance, Stafford Wick, in 
Langtree, or Stowford in Fremington Hundred, which are 
more likely to represent Stafort than Stafford in Doulton. 
Bremelcome is, no doubt, Brimcomb in Dowland; but, so 
far as I can ascertain, Shebbear Hundred has a better claim 
to it than North Tawton. 

B. The following places have been included : 

11. Ulwardesdone (No. 102, p. 95), which has been iden- 
tified with Woolston in Staverton, has been included on the 
ground suggested by Mr. Whale, that the sequence in the 
Exeter Book requires it to be looked for in North Tawton 
Hundred. {Trans, xxviii. 406.) That it is Woolfin in Down 
St. Mary, seems hardly open to question, since Woolfin has 
been ascertained to be a corruption of Wolfwardisdown, alias 
Wolfwardis Nymet. (See note 9.) 

12. Nimet and Schipebroc (Nos. 862, 863) have been in- 
cluded, not only on the ground that the name of the former 
suggests the neighbourhood of North Tawton, where the 
nymets, or intakes out of the great Down Wood abound, but 
also because the sequence requires them to be looked for 
in North Tawton Hundred. The diminutive size, moreover, 
of Schipebroc, no less than the fact that, as being Clavil's 
estate, it must be looked for among estates held of the 
Honour of Gloucester, prevent its being identified with 
Shobrook, which gave its name to the parish, and was held 
of the Honour of Marshwood. 

13. Newentone (No. 1161, p. 1101), which Mr. Davidson 
proposed to identify with Newton Abbot and Newton Bushel, 
has also been included (1) on the ground that neither Newton 


Abbot nor IsTewton Bushel had any distinct existence before 
King John's time.^^ They cannot, therefore, have been 
separately mentioned in Domesday. Mr. Harris (in Trans, 
xviii. 219) has already pointed out that the name Newton 
could not have become appropriate to Newton Abbot before 
1196 A.D., nor to Newton Bushel before 1261 a.d. (2) In 
Domesday Newton Abbot was part of Baldwin the Sheriff's 
estate of Ulveberie (No. 576, p. 549), Newton Bushel part 
of Highweek, alias Teignwick,*^ Teignwick itself being part 
of the ancient Crown lordship of Teintone (No. 15, p. 13), and 
the two Newtons are in different Hundreds. (3) Wolborough, 
and Newton Abbot were together held of the Honour of 
Okhamton as 1 fee (Kirby, 119), whereas Ne wen tone, as one 
of Godbold's estates, would naturally be held of the same 
Honour as his other estates, viz. Plymton. What is more, 
Newentone is distinctly named in Testa de Nevil (Nos. 
563-566, p. 18) among fees held of the Honour of Plymton: 
Milo Corbyn's heir holds 1 fee in Brigeford, Hak, Niweton, 
and Foldehegh. Here Brigeford and Hak represent God- 
bold's Brisforde and Hoche ; Niweton and Foldehegh stand 
for his Newentone. Burton's list (Nos. 494, 495) more 
briefly describes them as Milo's town and Hook, 1 fee held 
by Richard Corbyn of the Honour of Plymton. Niweton 
and Foldehegh are now known as Newton and Voley in the 
parish of Zeal Monachorum. The addition of Voley in the 
fee list places the locality beyond dispute. 

14. Godwin's Limete (No. 1223, p. 1157) has been in- 
cluded, on the supposition that it represents the Godwinescot 
(No. 221) of Testa de Nevil. The sequence of the Exeter 
Book, as Mr. Whale has already shewn {Trans, xxviii. p. 451), 
points to North Tawton Hundred, where it follows the J 

46 In the Hundred Rolls of 3 Ed. I., a.d. 1274, No. 20, p. 72, it is stated : 
" In the MaDor of AVoUeburghe is a certain new township (villa) in which the 
Abbot and Convent of Thore have a fair and hold pleas of bread and beer by 
Charter from King John and King Henry." In a.d. 1411 the Abbot and 
Convent won in a suit claiming against the borough tenants of Newton 
Abbot the free tenure of the chapel and the land of the stalls and shambles 
there. (Oliver, Mmi. p. 171.) 

*7 In the Hundred Rolls of 3 Ed. I., a.d. 1274 No. 37, p. 82 : Certain 
tenants of Newton (de la Novelevile), in the part belonging to Teyngmck, 
claim to have a borough, and market, and assize of bread and beer from the 
time of King Henry, the present King's father. Ibid, No. 20 : /ri the Manor 
of Wollebrughe (Wolborough) is a certain new town [novella villa = Newton 
Abbot], in which the Abbot and Convent of Thore [Torre] have a fair and 
hold pleas of bread and beer by Charter from King John and King Henry. 
Even in John Hooker's time (Harl. MS. 5827, p. 110, Nos. 374, 375) Wol- 
borough and Newton Abbot are grouped as together contributing 15s. by 
way of tenths and fifteenths. ■ 


virgate of land, which the Queen in pity gave to the dis- 
possessed Alwaid Merta. 

15. Odo Fitz-Gamelin's Bochdand (No. 1121, p. 1065) has 
been included, notwithstanding the claim made elsewhere to 
include it in Hartland Hundred, on the ground that it repre- 
sents the Bocland J fee (No. 94) of Testa de Nevil, held by 
Gralfrid de Bach of the Honour of Torington, the "Halgeston, 
Bokland with the land of la Wood ^ fee " (Nos. 480-482) of 
Burton, held by Eichard Wick of the Honour of Torington. 
On the one hand, the sequence in Testa de Nevil lets it from 
being in Hartland Hundred; on the other, without it the 
solitary ^ fee held of the Honour of Torington in North 
Tawton Hundred would have no Domesday representative. 
There seems very little doubt, from Burton's entry, that it is 
the part of Dowland which skirts the river, including the 
present Halsdon, Buckland, and Woodytown. 

16. Mameorde (No. 463, p. 437), to judge by the sequence, 
must either be the last of a series of places in North Tawton 
Hundred, or the first of a series in Exminster Hundred. 
The proposal to identify it with Manworthy in Holsworthy, 
not only disregards the sequence by introducing a single 
estate in Blacktorington Hundred between two other hun- 
dreds, but also limits the area of the great royal manor of 
Haldeurde. Mr. Whale is more happy in suggesting that 
Mameorde is Wemworthy. Wemworthy would otherwise 
appear to be unrepresented in the Domesday record, for it 
has been already seen that it cannot be Wiburde. More- 
over, there are other examples of the w and m being inter- 
changed. Werdisnymet was written Merdisnymet.^^ Why 
not Mamworthy for Wamworthy ? The identification, more- 
over, so fully agrees with the requirements of sequence 
and area that it has been unhesitatingly adopted here. 

C. Two places have been a cause of much trouble. 

17. Helescane (No. 448, p. 421), or as it is written in the 
Exeter Book, Helescaue, was no doubt pronounced Heleshaw. 
It is a compound of two words, Hele and Scaue, elsewhere 
spelt Scage (pronounced Shaye\ which may have been the 
local pronunciation of the ordinary Saxon word scue, a 
thicket. The Domesday pronunciation scaue still survives in 
the now almost obsolete word shaw. This Helescaue, or 
Hele-thicket, is, to judge by the sequence, either the last of 
a series of estates in Shebbear Hundred, or the first of a 
series in North Tawton Hundred. It has been suggested 

*8 See note 9. 


that it may be North and South Hele, in High Bickington. 
If so, it must have been held in socage, for no such name, 
nor anything which could do duty for it, appears in the list 
of fees in North Tawton Hundred. There is, therefore, 
'prima facie, a presumption against its being in North Tawton 

If we then turn to Shebbear Hundred, we find among 
Burton's list of fees the following entries : (No 651) Hele 
Poure, 1 fee held of the Honour of Plymton [No. 613, p. 
181 a, in Testa de Nevil\ ; (No. 655) Hele Godinge, J fee held 
of the Honour of Plymton [No. 614 in Testa^ ; (Nos. 652- 
654] Stokleg, Hele Satchvil, and CoUelegh, 1 fee mort. held 
of the Honour of Baunton. The last entry appears in Testa 
de Nevil in two parts : [No. 907, p. 184 a] Hele, ^ fee, and 
[Nos. 908-910] Stokelegh, Hele, and Collelegh, f fee. Now 
it is quite clear that the last-named Hele, whether in one or 
two parts held with Stoklegh and Collelegh, is Hele Satchvil, 
and that these three estates represent the Earl of Mortain's 
three estates of Hele (No. 364, p. 341), Stochelie (No. 372, 
p. 349), and Colelie (No. 322, p. 299), all of which were held 
under the Earl of Mortain by Erchenbald in Domesday , and 
in later times were held of the out-county Honour of Mide- 
land or Launceston, so that Burton's Taunton is no doubt an 
error for Zaunton. Of the other Heles named in Domesday, 
the Bishop of Coutances' Hela (No. 186, p. 168), occurring 
as it does in a sequence in Braunton Hundred, must lie in 
Braunton Hundred; and Alured the Breton's Hiele (No. 
1085, p. 1037), it has been already shewn {Trans, xxviii. 
477), must lie in Hairidge Hundred. It follows that 
Godbold's Hele (No. 1158, p. 1099) is aU that is left in 
Domesday to represent the 1 fee of Hele Poure and the \ fee 
of Hele Godinge, unless Helescaue is identified with one of 

A case seems already made out for including Helescaue in 
Shebbear Hundred; in other words, for excluding it from 
North Tawton Hundred. It does not grow weaker as we go 
on, for Godbold's Hele was assessed at 1 virgate, and its 
extent was 503 acres. Helescaue was assessed also at 1 
virgate, and its extent was 805 acres. It seems hardly likely 
that Godbold's Hele, with its 1 virgate, should have grown 
into two estates, one a whole fee, and the other a quarter fee ; 
and since Hele Poure, one of them, must have been a large 
estate to be chargeable as a whole knight's fee, it is more 
probable that Hele Poure and Hele Godding were separately 
represented in DoTaesday, Hele Godding being Godbold's 



Hele,^ Hele Poure being Baldwin's Helescaue. The only 
objection which suggests itself to this identification is, that if 
Hele Poure represents the Domesday Helescaue, Hele Poure 
ought prima fade to be held of the Honour of Okhamton, 
whereas, as a fact, it was held of the Honour of Plymton. 
To this it may be answered that among Baldwin's estates 
other instances are found of estates which are held of the 
Honour of Plymton; for example, Woolley (Uluelie, No. 
447, p. 421), Stockleigh Dabernon (No. 443, p. 417), Woolaton 
(Oladone, No. 444, p. 417), and Witewei (No. 570, p. 543) in 

18. The other place which is open to doubt is Godevecote. 
To judge by the Exchequer Domesday, this may either be the 
last of a series of places in North Tawton Hundred, or the 
first of a series in Bampton Hundred; it might be either, 
according to the Exeter list. (Trans, xxviii. 434.) Still, if it 
be in North Tawton Hundred, one wonders why it did not 
follow Nieuetona (Whale, No. 786) ; whereas if it be in 
Bampton Hundred, one wonders why it did not precede 
Vennacra. (Whale, No. 797.) Supposing it to lie in Bampton 
Hundred, it may possibly be the Domesday representative of 
what is now called Whipcot in Holcombe Eogus. Supposing 
it to be in North Tawton Hundred, Mr. Worth proposes to 
identify it with Goodcot, and Mr. Whale with Cott in 

III. List of Knights' Fees and Estates liable to Tenths and 
Fifteenths in North Tawton Hundred, 

1. Burton's list of knights' fees is the following. For con- 
venience of reference, numbers are prefixed in critical 
parentheses, and the corresponding entries quoted from 
Testa de Nevil, 

A. In North Tawton Hundred. 

[471] Bukinton Clavil (High Bickington), held by W. de 
Fulford; \ fee, held of the honour of Gloucester. 

[472] Lanqlegh (outlying part of High Bickington), held by John 
de Willington ; ^ fee, held of the honour of Gloucester. 

^ It appears that Ralph de Doddiscomb was the successor in title to 
Godbold in Domesday; for his Leuge (No. 1162, p. 1101) is Doddiscombleigh ; 
his Cliforde and Halestou (No. 1169, p. 1107) were held of Ralph de Doddis- 
combe (Kirby's Quest, No. 8) ; his WitechenoUe (No. 1171, p. 1109) was held 
by Godfrey de Maundevil of Ralph de Doddiscorabe {Testa, No. 1140), and 
Hele Godding was called Hele Maundevil, doubtless because it was also held 
by Godfrey de Maundevil of Ralph de Doddiscombe, so that Godbold's Hele 
is shewn to be Hele Godding by descent as well as by name. 


[473] BuKiNTON LoGBS (Sekington, High Bickington), held hy 
William de Loges; ^ fee, held of the honour of 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 215, p. 177): Hugo de Leges holds in Bukin- 
ton \fee of the Earl of Gloucester through a mesne lord,] 

[474] NoRTHCOT, in Burrington, with members; ^ fee, held of the 
honour of Tavistock. 

[See Burton's list. No. 401, in Trans, xxviii. 488. Testa de Nevil 
(No. 303, p. 178) : Galfrid de Northecoth holds in Northecoth \ fee 
of the abbot. ] 

[475] KiDDELConB and [476] Lullardston, held by Walter de 

Lullardeston ; ^ fee, held of the honour of Gloucester. 

[Testa de Nevil (Nos. 218, 219, p. 177): Richard de Lumene 
holds in Ridelcomb and in Northecoth J fee through a tnesne lord. 
(No. 220): Roger Cole holds in Billardeston i + i /ee through a 
mesne lord.] 

[477] Esse Reign y (Ashreigny), held by the heirs of Walter de 

Sully ; 1 fee, held of the honour of Gloucester. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 216, p. 177): John de Reygny of Edwis- 
leghf holds in Esse 1 fee of the honour of Gloucester of Earl Richard's 

[478] DuLAND (Dowland), held by Thomas de Duland; \ fee, 

held of the honour of Gloucester. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 217, p. 177) : Henry de Nuny and Matilday 
his wifcy hold in Bughelandtfi^ through a mesne loid,] 

[479] Eggbsford, held by the heirs of Peter de Reigny; | fee, 

held of the honour of Okhamton. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 377, p. 179): John de Rcgni holds in 
. Eggenesford \ fee.] 

[480] Halgeston (Halsdon), [481] Borland, with the [482] 

Land of La Wood (Woodytown), held by Richard 

Wick; J fee, held of the honour of Toriton. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 94, p. 176) : Galfrid de Bach holds in 
Bocland J fee through a mesne lord.] 

[483] Edrichescot (Iddlecot) with members; J fee, held of the 

honour of Gloucester. 

[Testa de Nevil (Nos. 229, 230, p. 177, and No. 1107, p. 189) : 
William Dalleweye (No. 1107, Calleweye) holds in Chedeldon (in 
WUheridge Hundred, No. 1107) and in Yedescoth i fee through 
mesne lords.] 

[484] CoLRiGGB, held by William de Campo Amulpho; 1 fee, 

held of the honour of Barnstaple. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 68, p. 175) : Ralph de Sicca Villa holds in 
Curig \fee of the honour of Barnstaple.] 

[485] Wbmworthy and [486] Britpord (Brushford), held by 
William le Espek; 1 fee, held of the honour of Ok- 
hamton. (According to the Exchequer Roll, 2 fees.) 

[Testa de Neml (Nos. 380, 381, p. 179) : The heir of Richard le 
Espet holds in Wemmeworth and Briggeford 2 fees,] 

s 2 


[487] Fenoeswall (Partridgewall) and [488] Heghen (Hayne), 
held by Adam de Boys; ^ fee, held of the honour of 

[Testa de Neml (Nos. 378, 379, p. 179) : John FUz-Roger and 
Joel de Boys {de bosco) hold in La Legh and Petrucheswall i/ec] 

[489] Nymet Rowland and [490] Bbre, with members, held by 
William de Wolrington; J fee, held of the honour of 

[Testa de Neml (Nos. 386, 387, p. 179): Walter de Nimeth 
holds in Nimet Stillandeslegh and in Bere, with merribers, 1 /ee.'] 

[491] Wolfs Nymbt and [492] Bradford, held by Eichard de 
Lou ; J fee, held of the honour of Gloucester. 

[Testa de Nevil (Nos. 223, 224, p. 177) : Walter le Lou holds in 
Merdisnymeth and in Bradford ifee.] 

[493] BoNELEGH (Bundleigh), held by Adam de Bonelegh ; 1 fee, 

held of the honour of Barnstaple. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 60, p. 175): Robert de Campellis holds in 
Boneleghf Bstodlegh, and ffamptenes/ord {in Witheridge Hundred), 
2 fees^ He is called Robert de Champaus in Bronescombe*s Reg. , 
p. 115. 

[494] MiLSTON (Newton and Voley, in Zeal), [495] Hok (Hook), 
held by Eichard Corbyn; 1 fee, held of the honour of 

[Testa de Nevil (Nos. 563-6, p. 181) : The heir of Milo Corbyn 
holds in Brigeford, Hak, Niweton, and in Foldehegh, Ifee."} 

[496] Crooke, which Mathew de la Ny welond holds ; 1 fee, held 
of the honour of Plimton. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 562, p. 180) : Robert Burnell holds in CruJc 

[497] Tauton, with members, held by Hugo de Vautort; 1 fee, 
held of the honour of Plimton. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 567, p. 181) : Joel de Valle Torta holds in 
Tauton and in Alfeton i + 'i^ofee.] 

It is suggested that Alfeton may be written for Alseton, 
just as Clift=Clist, and represents Halse, in North Tawton. 
(See Trans, ix. p. 131, No. 38.) It cannot be Afeton in 
Worlington, (1) because that lies in Witheridge Hundred, and 
(2) was held of the honour of Toriton. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 569) : Robert de Stoddon holds in Stoddon 
^fee of the honour of Plimton.] 

[498] Brodb Nymbt, [499] Apeldore, and [500] Niweton, held 
by Eichard de Brodnymet ; 1 fee, held of the honour of 

[Testa de Nevil (Nos. 392-4, p. 179) : Adam de Risford holds in 
Braddemetf in Apeldure and in Niweton^ 1 fee. ] 


[501] BoRDEUiLBSTON (Puddlestone), held by William de Loges ; 
1 fee, held of the honour of Okhamton. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 385, p. 179) : John Bumell and Simon 
Lamprey e hold in Bordeuileston I fee,] 

[502] Nymbt Niooll, held by William Lamprey; ^ fee, held of 
the honour of Gloucester. 

[503] Hbrmanest, and [504] Aysh, held by the heirs of William 
de Washborn ; ^ fee, held of the honour of Gloucester. 

[505] Lappepord, held by John de Unfravil; 1 fee, held of the 
honour of Gloucester. 

[506] NoTTESTON (Natson), held by William Bumell ; ^ fee, held 
of the honour of Gloucester. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 222, p. 177) : John Bumell and Simeon 
Lampree hold in Notceston 1/ee.] 

[507] Nymet Tracy ; 1 fee, held of the honour of Barnstaple. 

[508] Clouenebergh (Clannaborough), [509] Wallbston, and 
[510] Thorn, held by Kichard de Stockhay; 1 fee, held 
of the honour of Okhamton. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 382, p. 179) : Alan de Hallesworth holds in 
Clovenburgh ^fee. (Nos. 383, 384) : William de Punchardon holds 
in Waleston and La Thome ifee»] 

[511] Halse (Halse, in Bow), held by William Tantifer; ^ fee, 
held of the honour of Okhamton. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 389, p. 179) : Mienor de Hause holds in 
Hause ifee.] 

[512] Nywelond, held by Henry de Nywelond ; J fee, held of the 
honour of Okhamton. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 391, p. 179) : Hugo de Nywelav/nde holds in 
Nywelawnde i/ee.] 

[513] Grenslade, held by the heirs of Hugo de Grenslade; ^ fee, 
held of the honour of Okhamton. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 390, p. 179) : Robert de Oreneslade holds in 
Greneslade ^fee.] 

In testimony whereof &c. 

Then follows the copyist's addition : 

It appears by other evidence that 

[514] Harawinesleqh (East and West Lee Chawleigh) is J fee, 
held of the honour of [Okhamton]. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 374, p. 179) : Boger Cole holds in Harde- 
wineslegh i/ee.] 

[515] Cheyneston (Chenson) is held by William de Cheyney; \ 
fee, held of the honour of [Okhamton]. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 375, p. 179) : Thomas de Cherme holds in 
Chenneston ifee.] 



It appears also from another entry in Barton's list, under 
Wonford Hundred, No. 77, that " Hottesdon, in North Tawton 
Hundred, was held with Ghuriton (i,e. some part of Cheriton 
Bishop) for J fee." 

In addition to the above. Testa de NevU mentions the 
following fees not named by Burton in the Hundred of 
North Tawton: 

(No. 221, p. 177) : Godwynbscoth, \ fee, held by Baldwin Level 

of the hononr of Gloucester. 
(No. 376, p. 179) : Wyk (Chawley Week), \ fee, held by William 

de Bray of the honour of OUiamton. 

Hardwinsleigh, Chenson, and Chawleigh Week are sub- 
manors of 'po^t' Domesday creation, but Godwynescot is 
clearly Godwin's limete. 

B. WiNKLEiGH Hundred. 

[516] WiNKLBiGH Tracy ^ is held as 1 fee of the honour of 

[r<wto de Nevil (No. 233, p. 177) : Henry de Tracy holds in 
Winkleigh 1 fee of the honour of Gloucester of Earl Richard's 

[517] Kbynes (Gays, Winkleigh),^^ held by Thomas de Keynes, 
in Winkleigh ; |- fee, held of the honour of Gloucester. 

{Testa de Nevil (No. 232, p. 177) : Henry Gurant holds in 
Winkleigh J fee of the honour of Gloucester of Earl Richard's 

[518] HoLCOMB (Hollacombe, Winkleigh),s2 ^i^i^ by Walter de 

Holcombe ; ^ fee, held of the honour of Gloucester. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 231, p. 177) : Weremmid dc Portemer (de 
Portu mortuo) holds in Halecumh ^ fee of the Jionour of Gloucester 
of Earl Richard's share. ] 

*® Risdon, 262, says: Winckleigh is the chief place of the Honour of 
Gloucester in Devon. In it are two castles. One was granted to Keynes 
by King John, A.r. 1212. Oliver Tracy held 1 fee in Winckleigh temp. 
Richard I., and gave Raddiford to Robert de Bickley, son of Ralph Borne. 

" In the Hundred Rolls, 3 Ed. I., a.d. 1274, p. 87, there appears : Roger 
de Keynes holds \ fee of Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, and it belongs 
to the Honour of Gloucester, and the said Gilbert, Earl of Gloucester, holds 
the said i fee of the King in chief, and it belongs to his barony of Gloucester. 
The Hundred of Wynkeleghe is in the hand of Roger de Keynges, and the 
same Roger holds the said Hundred of Gilbert, Earl of Gloucester, and 
Gilbert of the King in chief. It is worth \ mark per annum ; and the said 
Roger has gallows and assize of bread and beer at Wynkelegb. 

^ Hundred Rolls : Wormund de Bremere [a misreading for Poremere, as 
Hundred Rolls of 4 Ed. I., p. 89, shew] has withdrawn himself, and makes 
his two tithings to withdraw altogether from the outland court of Roger do 
Keynes, lord of Winkleigh. Risdon says that the hamlet of Hollascombe 
was the lands of Wermond de Portu mortuo, since of the Barrys. John 
Mosefeune released all his right in this manor to Henry Barry (3 Ed. I.). 


[519] Brith (Birch, Coleridge), and [520] Southoot (Southcot, 

Winkleigh),^^ held by William de Campo Arnnlfo ; J fee, 

held of the honour of Gloucester. 

[Testa de Nevil (No. 234, 235, p. 177): The heir of Oliver de 
Campo .Eniulphi holds in La Burch and in Suthcoth \ fee of the 
honour of Gloucester of Earl Richard's share,"] 

[521] CoLBTON (Colacot, Winkleigh), held by John de Coleton 

and William de Coleton; \ fee, held of the honour of 


[Testa de Nevil (No. 237, p. 177) : John Nicolaus and Walter de 
Callecoth held there J fee of the honour of Gloitcester of Earl 
Richard's share.] 

[522] LosEBEARB (in Zeal Monachorum), held by the Abbot of 
Tewkesbury with Middelond [in Cheriton Bishop],^* in 
Wonford Hundred ; J fee, held of the honour of 

2. Hooker's list of estates liable to tenths and fifteenths in 
Queen Elizabeth's time, together with the deductions allowed 
upon each, and the names of the principal persons dwelling 
in the places is as follows. For convenience of reference the 
places are numbered as before. 

A. In North Tawton Hundred. 

Deduc- Remains Domesday Burton's list 

[Hooker] Due. tions. payable. Reference. Reference. 

[634] Borington . 33/- ... 6/- ... 27/- ... D. 266-268 ... B. 474 

In this parish dwelleth Stuckley and Callard. 
[Risdon has here 53/-] 

[635] Umberleigh . £4/4/- ... 13/4 . £3/10/8 . D. 304 ... not a fee 

[636] Iderichecot . 11/4 ... 4/- ... 7/4 ... D. 1108 ... B. 483 

(in Doulton) 

[637] Eastraigne . 20/- ... nil ... 20/- ... D. 94, 1223,?... B. 477 


[638] Rydlecombe . 20/- ... 3/4 ... 16/8 ... D. 871 ... B. 475 

(in Ashreigney) 

^'^ Risdon : The lady Rose, wife of Sir Henry Champernon, held Burgh 
and Southcote temp. Henry II. Oliver Champernon, their son, had Burgh. In 
After-death Inquests, 33 Ed. I., No. 66, vol. i., p. 198, William de Campo 
Arnulphi (Champernon) died in a.d. 1304, seized of Wynkeleye manor and in 
La Birche a hamlet of the same of 1 messuage and \ ploughland besides other 
lands. Ihid. 18 Henry VI., iv. p. 194, we have enumerated together La 
Heade, La Birch, Southcote, and Calecote. In 24 Ed. I., Ihid. p. 133, they 
appear as Briche with members. In 4 Henry V., Ihid. iv. p. 25, they are 
Briche, Heade, Southcote, and Colcote. Mr. Whale proposes to identify 
them with West Brushford, Taw Bridge, Collecote, and Southcote. They 
appear to be all submanors of \^^t'Do7nesday creation. 

^ Hundred Rolls, p. 86 : Henry de Stanewe holds Middelond of the Abbot 
of Tukesberi for 100/-, the Abbot of the Earl of Gloucester, and it is not a fee. 
The i fee must, therefore, have been in respect of Losbeare only. 


[639] Eggesford . 10/- ... 4/- ... 6/- ... D. 460 ... B. 479, 488, 

In this parish dwelleth Coplestone. 501 

[Eisdon Jias here 12/-] 

[640] Churchebeere. *12/-»... nil ... 12/- ... D. 453 ... B. 490 

(in Doulton) [Risdon has here 10/-] 

[641] Dowland . 13/4 ... 3/4 ... 10/- ... D. 857-859 ... B. 478, 480- 

[642] Rasheley . 18/- ... 4/4 ...*13/8»« . D. 452 ... — 

(in Wemworthy) 

[643] Hook with ) D. 1159 ... B. 496 

(in Ashreigney) > 5/- ... nil ... 5/- ... 
[644] Hanckford ) D. 1160 ... — 

[646] Dolton . 18/- ... 6/- ... 12/- ... D. 450, 1121 ... — 

In this parish dwelleth Stafford, alias Kellaway. 

[646] Challeigh . 40/- ... 6/8 ... 33/4 ... D. 449 ... B. 614,516 

(Chawleigh) In this parish dwelleth Radford. 

[647] Womeworth . 16/- ... 6/8 ... 9/4 ... D. 463 ... B. 486 

(Wemworthy) In this parish dwelleth Clatworthie of Rashley. 

[648] Crookebumell 9/- ... 2/- ... 7/- ... D. 1201,1202... B. 496 

(in North Tawton) 
[649] North Tauton 38/- ...12/-... 26/- ... D. 462, 876? .B. 497,511,513 

In this parish dwelleth Wood of Ashridge, Cotle of 

Barton, Babbidge, and Sladon. 
[Risdon has here 18/- instead ofZSl-] 

[650] NymetRoland 23/8 ... 6/8 .. 17/- ... D. 451 ... B. 489 

[Risdon hMS here 33/8] 

[661] NymetTracye 40/- ... 8/- ... 32/- ... D. 158 ... B. 498-500, 

{alias Bow) 606, 607 

[652] Aston . 12/- ... nU ... 12/- ... D. 98 ... B. 503, 504 

[653] Seale and ) ( D. 278, 294, ... — 

f 32/- ... 8/- ...*24/-S7 \ 876, 1161 
[654] Downe ) ( D. 279 ... — 

[655] Nymet 8/- ... 3/- ... 5/- ... D. 875 ... B. 502 

Mychell (North Tawton) 

[656] Nymet Brad- 

ford(inDown) 20/- ... 4/- ... 16/- ... D. 102, 862?... B. 492 

[657] Clanabarowe, 
"^Talstowe and 

Thome . ' . 9/- ... nil ... 9/- ... D. 457, 458 ... B. 508-510 

In this parish dwelleth Dylland. 

[658] Coleridge . 13/4 ... 4/- ... 9/4 ... D. 159, 160, ... B. 484 

[Risdon has here 53/4] 861 

[659] [L]Apeford . 18/- ... 6/- ... 12/- ... D. 95, 96 ... B. 505 

[660] Bundleigh . 21/- ... 3/4 ... 17/8 ... D. 157 ... B. 493 

[661] Ashereigne . — ... — ... — ... — ... — 

Amerye dwelleth. 

[662] Asherington . — ... — ... — ... D. 62 ... — 

Basset de Umberly, Isaake, and Ayse. 

^ The reading of the MS. is vii., but the addition shews that this is an 
error for xii. 

^ The reading of the MS. is xiv., but 4/4 deducted from 18/- leaves only 
13/8, and the addition shews that 13/8 must be read here. 

^7 The reading of the MS. is xxviii. shillings, but 8/- deducted from 32/- 
leaves 24/-, and the addition shews that 24/- must be read here. 


[663] Berkangton . — ... — ... — ... D. 97 ... B. 471-473 

[664] Bursherford . — ... — ... — ... D. 459, 873 ... B. 486, 487 
[Risdon has Brushford 20/-, which is suggestive of the 20/- of 
Nymet Bradford] 

[665] Lapfolde • — ... — ... — ... — ... — 

[666] Donne StMarye — ... — ... — ... — ... — 

[667] Monkley Seale — ... — ... — ... — ... — 

Boyer dwelleth. 

The sum . . . £27 4 Sbs 
Deductions . . . 64 8 

There remaineth . . 21 10 

B. In Wynklbigh Hundred. 

[692] Wynkyle . 4 4 11 ... 13/4 ... 71/7 ... D. 92, 93 

"The Hundred with all the profits and receipte thereof did 
appertain to the Duke of Gloucester." 

It is perhaps as well to draw attention to Hooker's usual 
inaccuracy in the above table, apparently copied by him 
from two distinct lists. It never seems to have occurred to 
him that Eastraigue (No. 637) was the same place as Ashe- 
reigne (No. 661) ; that Asherington (No. 662) was included 
in Umberleigh (No. 635); that Apeford (No. 659) was an 
error for Lapford, and was the same place as Lapfolde (No. 
665); that Seale (No. 653) was Zeal Monachorum, and 
identical with Monkley Seale (No. 667); and that Doune 
(No. 654) was identical with Donne St. Marye (No. 666). 
Inaccuracies also occur in the figures, to which attention has 
been drawn in the notes. 

IV. Summary of Besvits, 

The general results may be summed up as follows, and are 
submitted subject to correction by those who will kindly 
undertake that task. 

Parishes with their Domesday holdings in- 
acreages for ecclesi- eluded in these i>arishes, 
astical purposes in 1878. with their acreage. 

[Domes.} acres. 
North Tawton 5357 Nos. 4, 462, 

876,? 1201, 
1202 . . 5063i 

*8 By substituting in No. 640 12/- for 7/-, the addition of the first column 
works out correctly. By substituting 13/8 for 14/- in No. 642, and 24/- for 
28/- in No. 653, the addition of the third column works out correctly. The 
addition of the second column amounts to £5 14s. 8d., which, deducted from 
£27 4s. 8d., gives the correct remainder, £21 10s. It is therefore clear that 
64/8 is an error for 104/8. 

Bisdon's List of places 

contributory to tenths 

and fifteenths. 


[364] North Tawton . 
[365] Crock[en well] bur- 







[866] Nymet Tracye . 2 









Clannaborough . 9 
Down St. Mary . 

cum M 12 



1 1 

2 13 

Nymet Rowland 1 13 
Asseton . . 12 

Chalyelly . 
Rashley . 
Brushford . 
Dowland . 

Doulton . 
Ashreigny . 
Hoke cum . 








Bow, alias \ 

Nymet Tracy f qqqq Nos. 158, 454, 

aud t ^^"^^ 455, 456, 874 3185 

BroadNymet j 
Clannaborough 874 Nos. 457, 458 1054 
( DownStMary»9*560 Nos. 102, 862? 366 
I (part of 2229) 
(Zeal Mona- Nos. 278,294, 

Chorum . 3264 876, 1161 . 1866 
Bondleigh . 1784 No. 157 . 1272 
4 Colridge . 3670 Nos. 159, 160, 

861 . . 1306 
8 NymetRowland 595 No. 451 . 612 
0- Morchard 

Bi8hop«« (part *3480 No. 98, 863 . 1049 
of 7088) 

5478 No. 449 . 3090 
2500 Nos. 460, 461 731 
2411 Nos. 452, 463 1883 


..)0 18 
. JO 10 



Dolton . 



894 Nos. 459, 873 527 
1755 Nos. 857, 858, 

859 . . 1126 
3553 Nos. 450, 453, 

1108, 1121 . 3491 
5663 Nos. 94, 871, 
1159, 1160, 
1223, 1243,? 
b . . 3551 
[under Ashreigny] 
[under Winkleigh] 
5330 Nos. 266-268 3697 


Atherington . 3326 Nos. 62, 304. 2540 

28 17 
part of 

High Bicking- 

ton . . 4194 No. 97 . . 1808 

Lapford. . 3819 Nos. 95, 96 . 1360 

Winkleigh . 9118 Nos.92,93,872 5468 



*^ The parish of Down St. Mary contains 2229 acres, and includes Down 
St Mary, belonging to Bucfast Abbey, and Chaffcombe, as well as Woolfin 
and Braddeford. The Buckfast Abbey estate must have lain in Crediton 
Hundred, to which Chaffcombe still belongs, according to John Norden's 
" Terrier of the Hundred of Crediton, a.d. 1598." For these 1669 acres have 
been deducted. 

^' The parish of Morchard Bishop contains 7088 acres, and includes, 
besides Morchet and Schipebroc in North Tawton Hundred, also Southcot, 
Ridge Arundel, and Rolweston, in Crediton and Witheridge Hundreds. For 
these 3608 acres have been deducted. In John Norden's Terrier (which, by 
the kindness of Sir John Davie, I have had the opportunity of inspecting), 
however, the whole of Morchard is shewn as being in Crediton Hundred. 
Yet not only Burton's list, No. 143, but also Testa, No. 1268, p. 192, b, 
states lliat Rauleston, held of the bishop, lay in Witheridge Hundred. 



(Bead at Kingsbridge, July, 1897.) 

In the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle under date 823 occurs this 
entry: "Her waes Weala gefeoft and Defna at Gafulforda." In 
Petrie's translation, "This year there was a battle between 
the Welsh and the men of Devon at Camelford," and a note 
is given, " in Cornwall." 

In his paper on the Anglo-Saxon Conquest of Devonshire, 
read in this room just twenty years ago, Mr. Davidson said, 
"Wherever Gafulford may have been, the conclusion that 
it was Camelford in Cornwall is not easily to be shaken." 

Mr. Kerslake suggests that the battle took place "near 
a park of great antiquity called 'Fulford,' which is no 
doubt the Gafulforda of the Chronicle." Great Fulford, to 
which place he refers, is not far from the deep ravine 
dominated by the three formidable earthworks called, as 
is our manner in Devon, "Castles" — Prestonbury, Cranbrook, 
and Wooston — ^by which the Teign passes out from the 
Dartmoor highlands to the more open country. 

Mr. Worth says, " And 823, in which the Weala and the 
Defena — that is, the men of Cornwall and the men of Devon 
— fought a battle at Gafulford, probably an ancient passage 
on the Tamar." 

Mr. Freeman speaks merely of a "battle at Gafulford, 
in which the men of Devonshire defeated the Welsh ! " 

Mr. E. J. King, in the course of his Presidential Address 
at Torrington in 1875, said that the site of the battle of 
Gafulford had not been determined. 

Eees's Gyclopcedia is inclined to fix the site of the battle 
near the village "of Camel" (Somerset), "which is within 
sight of Glastonbury Abbey." 


And the Encydopoedia BrUannica is good enough to 
inform us that "Camelford is about seventeen miles west 
from Lancaster!" 

Somewhat analogous to these variations of site and name 
is the late Dr. Curtis's theory that the battle of Heugeston, 
or Hengistdune, generally believed to have taken place on 
Hingston Down, in Cornwall, was really fought at Ingsdon, 
two or three miles from the earthwork on Denbury Down, 
in the neighbourhood of Newton Abbot 

In the face of these diversities of opinion it will not be 
unprecedented heresy if it be sought, in the course of this 
paper, to suggest, as the probable site of this battle of 823, 
some other and more accessible locality. 

If the name of the place was really Camelford. from 
which it got changed into Gafulford by Grimm's law or 
otherwise, and then back again into Camelford by reversing 
the process ; if Camelford or some name of like sound was 
really the name of the place, and not Gafulford at all, it is 
not necessary to go into Cornwall to seek it, for, as will be 
shown in the sequel, there is a place nearer at hand which 
may be found to fulfil all needful requirements, and without 
the bother of going by manifold rugged ways all across 
Devon to get there. 

It is on all hands admitted that there were Saxon settlers 
in East Devon a full century and a half before the recorded 
date of the battle ; and we know that Winfrith, afterwards 
Boniface, the apostle of the Germans and Archbishop of 
Mainz, was born at Crediton about the year 680, and was 
educated first in a monastery at Escancester (Exeter), 
subsequently removing to that of Nutcell, in Hampshire; 
that Exeter had a Christian monastery long before the end 
of the seventh century, which in the time of Boniface was 
governed by the Saxon Abbot Wolphard; and that at the 
same time there was a Christian Saxon family living in the 
eastern suburb of Exeter, one of whom, being martyred, was 
canonized, and the church of St. Sidwell still bears her 

In those days "the intercourse of the church usually 
anteceded the annexations of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms," 
and indeed it was not until 710 that Ina reached even 
within ten miles of the border of the county and defeated 
Gerent; and before this event there is no other recorded 
conquest nearer Devon than that of Searo-byrig (old 
Sarum) by Cynric in 552, and that of Bindon in 614, when 
Cynegils and Cwichelm slew 2065 Welshmen. 


It is quite possible there may have been minor afifairs 
nearer Devon, but they have not been thought of suflBcient 
importance to chronicle or localize; the chief fighting in 
those days being among the Saxons themselves, varied by 
an occasional campaign against the Welsh of Wales 

Before the Saxons had reached South Somerset, West 
Dorset, or Devon they had become Christians ; and then, 
beginning to make progress by colonization instead of 
martial conquest, they attempted a peaceful instead of a 
hostile invasion, most likely by way of Dorset, of the 
conquest of which, by the by, Mr. Freeman says emphatically 
we have no record. The circumstances were probably these : 
parties of Saxons were permitted from time to time to 
enter the British kingdom and to settle, forming their 
"tuns" or fortified cluster of residences on the banks of 
the streams, leaving the Britons for the most part in 
possession of the towns. How this was brought about, 
whether with any licence or permission on the part of the 
British kings, whether subject to any and what duty or 
service, ceremonial or valuable, we have no precise know- 
ledge, but that such a practice prevailed in our county of 
Devon we can entertain no doubt. In no other way can 
we account for the fact that in the year 700 there existed 
in the British city of Exeter a Saxon school capable of 
imparting competent religious instruction to Winfrith, 
afterwards to become St. Boniface, the apostle of the 

In 692 a council was convened by Ina for promoting 
union between the Britons and Saxons ; and amongst other 
advantages, he allowed the old proprietors to retain 
possession of their lands, encouraged marriages between 
them and his ancient subjects, and granted them the 
privilege of being governed by the same laws. From this, 
and in the absence of any evidence to the contrary, it is 
to be assumed that, though there was a continuous succession 
of British kings from the death of Arthur in 542 to that 
of Gerent in or after 710, the West Saxon kings had in 
some way acquired a kind of over - lordship over them, 
similar in kind, it may be, to that exercised by the British 
Crown over the otherwise independent princes of India, or 
to the Pendragonates and Bretwaldaships of the Britons and 
Saxons themselves. 

In 705 we find Aldhelm, Abbot of Malmsbury, the same 
year called to be the first bishop of Sherborne, writing to 


Glerent, and addressing him as the "most glorious lord 
governing the sceptre of the western kingdom, whom I love 
with brotherly affection," &c. &c., on the subject of the 
famous difference between the British and the Saxon clergy 
respecting the date of the observance of Easter and the 
shape of the tonsure. This letter is remarkable, for it treats 
the Britons as men who are to be convinced by reason, and 
shows a very strong desire for union with them. Grerent 
is styled in the Chronicle " King of the Welsh," and in the 
Encyclopcedia Metropolitana " the British king." He appears 
from an old MS. to have been one of the founders and 
benefactors of the new See of Sherborne, to which Aldhelm 
was now summoned by King Ina ; and if so, it may account 
for the affectionate style of Aldhelm's letter. 

How the grievance between Ina and Gerent came about 
there is no evidence to show ; it is clear, however, that Ina 
did punish him, pretty much, it is likely, in the same way 
that we have chastened the Indian princes at times, and 
brought him to his obedience, but the place of the battle 
is unknown, or not recorded. 

Mr. Davidson also said in his paper, "Apart, however, 
from this system of gradual encroachment, a moment must 
have arrived when the sovereignty over Dyfnaint, or 
Dunmonia, passed out of British into Saxon hands " ; and 
he adds, " This could not have been a prolonged or dilatory 
process ; it must have taken place promptly, and once for 
all." The reasons Mr. Davidson gives for this supposition 
— " a uniformity in the nomenclature, a sameness in dialect, 
and a resemblance in race and features" — are not at all 
conclusive of a hasty conquest. On the other hand, these 
very reasons would point to a very slow displacement of 
the ancient race, and an amalgamation with them on the 
part of the intruders. 

The primal dedications of British churches, founded long 
before ever a Saxon set foot in Britain, survive to this day ; 
and the British names of places and localities are yet 
existent in Devon to the extent, as Canon Taylor tells us, 
of one-third of the total number, " not including the rivers, 
whose names are almost entirely British" 

It is certain that the highlands both of Devon and 
Cornwall were in 823, the date of the famous fighting at 
Camelford, exclusively occupied by the British, and these 
almost impassable regions must have been traversed by a 
hostile force before the Cornish town could have been 
reached. This- expedition would have required an able 


leader, but no name of any such warrior is mentioned. He 
would have had to fight his way through a hostile race, but 
no fighting is mentioned until Camelford is reached. 

The first name of note which occurs in the Chronicle 
from the date of Ina's victory over Gerent is that of Egbert 
in 813, who is said by the same authority to have laid 
" waste West Wales from eastward to westward." This, 
however, is not confirmed by the JEncyclopcedia Metropolitana. 
An entry there under 809 says that Egbert commenced 
his long-continued war with the Welsh Britons, and ruled 
over his people — the West Saxons and Dunmonians — in 
the enjoyment of domestic and foreign peace. 

In the critical year 823 he was busily engaged in the 
conquest of the other Saxon kingdoms : himself against 
Beornwulf, king of Mercia, whom he defeated at Wilton, 
and having invaded his country two years afterwards, again 
defeated, and slew him ; and his son Ethelwulf in the same 
year, 823, invaded and conquered the kingdoms of Kent 
and Essex, which Edgar annexed to that of Wessex. Whilst 
engaged upon such enterprises as these, it is far from likely 
he would send a military expedition so far westward as 

The Chronicle's report of the laying waste West Wales, 
as before mentioned, " from eastward to westward " may be 
taken as a parallel "incident" to that of 682, when 
Kentwine is said to have " driven the Britons to the sea " ; 
or that of 473, when the Welsh are reported to " have fled 
from the Angles like fire " — pieces of Saxon bombast 

The line and a half in the Chronicle seems to be the 
only authority for the Camelford campaign, but it does 
not give the result thereof ; so that it is equally open to us 
to assume that it was won by the Wealas as that the 
Defnas were victorious, or would be, were it not contrary 
to the generally accepted belief that the Saxons everywhere 
conquered the Britons, and that it is not permissible to 
suppose that their invincible valour should receive any 
check at the hands of the native Celts who stood in the 
line of march to their goal at Camelford. 

Two or three questions arise in one's mind as to this 
Camelford business. Why did the Defnas^ wish to get to 
Camelford, and what did they propose to themselves to do 
on their arrival ? It would surely have been a momentous 
matter for which they undertook a march of some sixty or 

^ By the by, the Defnas were British. Why, how, and Wherefore did the 
Saxons appropriate the name ? 


seventy miles over the wildest district of the west, and 
could not have been a peaceful one ; but when they arrived 
at Camelford, a Saxon outlier even now in a sea of British 
names, this fighting takes place, with no conspicuous leader 
on either side, with an unrecorded result, and for no apparent 

Now the name of the river was by no means at this time 
the Camel, to which the Saxon "ford" might readily be 
tacked on; but its name was the typical Celtic river-word 
" alan," to which the Celtic adjective *' cam " — crooked — was 
prefixed for description, and by the natural elision of the 
initial " a " of the word " alan " became the composite word 
Camlan, " the crooked river." This is the name used in the 
Encyclopcedia Metropolitana in the record of the fatal battle 
in which Arthur was mortally wounded, and by other 
authorities. The river is known as the Alan to this day, 
and is so named on many maps and in most good gazetteers, 
the Imperial to wit. 

For quite another purpose than the intent of this paper, 
all the place-names of Devon appearing on the. Ordnance 
Geological map of 1806 — ten thousand and over — were 
some time ago copied out and, as far as possible, classified; 
but the name " Kembleford," which appeared among them, 
was rather a stumbling-block. 

The new Ordnance map, however, restores the old 
pronunciation and meaning in the word " Keymelford " ; 
clearly from the Celtic " cae" a field or inclosure, and " mel,'' 
honey — the " honey meadow " ; and the Saxon ''ford " being 
added thereto, the name is complete. The old farmhouse 
which stands close to the still existing ford has been known 
by that name for untold ages, and the carts and wagons 
belonging thereto have "Keymelford" painted on them. 

The place itself is at nearly the head of the valley running 
up from Crediton to Coplestone Cross, along which the 
North Devon Eailway runs from Exeter to Barnstaple, a 
valley unsurpassed in fertility by any even in Devon, and 
therefore especially desirable to the Saxon settlers, many 
of whom, as has already been said, had occupied for a 
very long time the lower part of the same valley about 

Now the county of Devon is divided into two very nearly 
equal districts by the line of water-parting which, com- 
mencing on the highlands of Exmoor, descends in a south- 
westerly direction by leaps and bounds to this valley at 
Coplestone Cross, and then abruptly rises to and crosses 


the Dartmoor plateau very nearly in a straight line to the 
mouth of the Plym, as shown on Peterman's Hydrographical 
map of 1866. 

Another line, that of river -flow, intersects the water- 
parting line at Coplestone Cross at nearly right angles, 
and consequently lies north-west and south-east, leaving 
about one-third the county on the north-east side thereof. 
The highest point of this line and the lowest of the other, 
that is, the point of intersection at Coplestone Cross, is 
365 feet above the sea level, and from it on the south-east 
all streams find their way to the British Yeo and by the 
British Greedy into the British Exe, and so to the English 
Channel, formerly " Mare Britannicum." The waters on the 
north-west flow by way of the British river Taw to St. 
George's Channel, anciently the Severn Sea. 

The approach to Coplestone Cross up these valleys is a 
very gradual slope, and the valleys are fairly open either 
on one side the river or the other, with hills of considerable 
height on both sides; but from Coplestone House, about 
half a mile south-east of the Cross, down to Keymelford, 
a distance of about a mile and a half, the valley is very 
narrow, and the hills rise steeply on each side, from 
almost the water's edge, to an elevation of 200 or 300 feet 
above it. 

This ravine or gorge is an ideal post of defence against 
any invaders coming up the valley, and as Keymelford is at 
the lower end of the pass, it is the very point where the 
hostile forces would first come into collision ; and here it is 
more than likely the mysterious battle of 823 was fought. 

The so-called Coplestone Cross is not a cross at all, but it 
might have become so called from its standing at such an 
important crossway ; it may also have been held in the 
same estimation as Christian crosses so frequently erected in 
similar situations were, and used for the same religious 
purposes. Cross roads are called crosses, and the presence of 
the pillar has nothing to do with it ; the spot being at the 
point of convergence of many ways would infallibly have 
had the name cross, be the prefix for distinction Coplestone 
or Basset's. It is, however, merely a stone pillar, such as 
have from the very earliest times been set up as a landmark 
or boundary, or as a witness to an agreement or compact; 
differing, however, from most in the fact that it is very 
elaborately sculptured on all its surfaces. 

The late Mr. Eichard John King favoured the Association 
in 1876 with a most interesting paper on this Cross, and a 



Charter of Eadgar of 974, in which the Cross was minutely 
described. Its connection with the Charter, which is a grant 
of three hydes or ""mansas" of land, at a place called 
Nymed, by uEdgar the king to his thegn -^Ifhere, is, that it 
forms the starting and closing point of the boundary of the 
land so granted. It has nothing to do with our main 
question, except that it throws an interesting side-light upon 
it in giving the ancient name of the pillar as '* Copelanstane" 
(without the " cross "), which Mr. King takes to mean " the 
head stone of the land " — " the chief stone." 

By borrowing the Celtic name of our Cornish river, 
the river- word "alan," a beautiful composite word can be 
made — " cop-alan-stane," the stone or pillar at the head of 
the waters ; and this, as the monolith stands on the precise 
isthmus connecting the hills whence the rivers flow in 
opposite directions, is about as happy a description as it is 
possible to find: but it will be observed that the first and 
last components thereof are both of Saxon parentage, whilst 
the intermediate one is purely British. 

Mr. King's description of the sculpture on this pillar, 
which is of granite, 10 feet high from the base, and 1 foot 
6 J inches square at the top, and was by him beautifully 
illustrated, shows that the greater part consists of that inter- 
laced pattern generally held to be Celtic work ; it is common 
in Cornwall, and Mr. Borlase tells us it was probably derived 
from India; it is also a favourite design in Mashonaland.^ 
The lowest panel on the south-east side is filled with a 
design Mr. King did not remember to have seen elsewhere ; 
but a careful rubbing of the stone at the end of Gandy 
Street, Exeter, protecting the corner of the shop occupied by 
Mr. Bowden, tobacconist, which is also of granite, 2 feet 
6 inches above the ground, and about a foot square, and 
evidently the top of a similar pillar to the Copelanstane, 
reveals the same pattern, though much defaced. It also 
occurs on an ancient Celtic cross in the cemetery of Tempul 
Breccain, Aranmore, Ireland; and probably in other Celtic 
districts elsewhere. 

On the north-east side of the Copelanstane are two 
Siamese-like figures under a sort of canopy, which Mr. King 
says " may represent Adam and Eve, but doubtfully." In a 
note he adds, " The figures seem to be embracing." 

The Gandy Street stone has a curious history. Dr. Oliver, 
quoting Hoker, writes that "about the end of Nov., 1539, 

2 Their dollasses, or wooden charms, are almost invariably chased in some 
interlaced pattern. — Bent's Ruined Cities of Mash<yiialand. 


one of the mydle arches of JExe-hridge fell dowriy and was now 
hitylded by Edward Bridgman, then Warden of Exebridge, 
for which he bought great store of stones at St. Nicholas, 
'late dissolved'; and then the prophecie was fulfilled, 
which was, as it was then saide, the ry ver of Exe should run 
under St. Nicholas' Church.'* And the Doctor adds, " We sus- 
pect the cut stone at the east corner of Gandy St., and evidently 
the shaft of an ancient cross, was among the dihris of this 
purchase. When this bridge was demolished in 1778, the 
late William Nation, Esq., bought this remarkable shaft for 
one guinea, and fixed it against the corner of his house, 
where it still remains undisturbed." 

It is to be fervently hoped that the Copelanstane will never 
be so degraded, and that the Gandy Street stone may be trans- 
ferred to a more worthy resting-place. 

Without attempting to decide whether Camelford in Corn- 
wall or Keymelford in Devon was the site of the battle of 
823 between the Defnas and the Wealas, it may be pointed 
out that if it were fought at the latter place and neither side 
won a decisive victory, it might well happen that the com- 
batants agreed to settle their dispute by a peaceable division 
of the country, adopting the natural boundary of the water- 
shed where the Copelanstane now stands, and that the pillar 
was raised, with probably also a cairn, to be a witness 
between them that neither would pass the boundary for 
harm to the other ; thus following the example of Jacob and 
Laban of old, as described in Genesis xxxi. 44-52. 

If this be so it would probably account for the two figures 
which seemed to Mr. King to be embracing, as they would 
then symbolize the reconciliation of the lately contending 

Mr. Davidson, in his paper above quoted, says "that a 
moment must have arrived when the sovereignty over 
Dyfnaint or Dunmonia passed out of British into Saxon 
hands"; and he adds, "This could not have been a pro- 
longed or dilatory process ; it must have taken place 
promptly, and once for all." One of his reasons for this 
assumption is "a certain uniformity in the nomenclature 
of the county," and in a note he further says that "he is 
aware that no scientific observations have as yet been 
recorded as to the varieties, if such there be, in the races 
and dialects of Devonshire." Other authors have written 
in the same strain, basing their arguments on the homo- 
geneity of the "nomenclature." 

This theory of conquest in such a summary manner is 

T 2 


not supported, on the ground alleged, by an examination 
and classification of the place-names. There are of these 
on the Ordnance map between 10,000 and 11,000; and if 
we select four Saxon names and terminations which may 
be called " root words," " combe" " cot,' " hay" and " worthy,' 
the difiference is seen to be great. The distribution between 
the two districts separated by Peterman*s "water-parting" 
line is for " Combe " 6*5 per cent, in the south - east 
division and 3*7 in the north-west. "Cot" has 4 per cent, 
in the north-west against 2 per cent, in the south-eastern 
division. "Worthy" has 3*2 in the north-west against '85 
in the other half; whilst "Hay" or "Hayne" numbers in 
the south-eastern division 6 '4 per cent, against 2 per cent, 
in the north-western. 

If we take smaller areas the differences are much greater ; 
for instance, the Axe valley has 20 per cent, of "combes" 
whilst the Tavy has only 1'36 per cent. In the matter of 
**cot" the Axe basin has only '76 against 24*64 per cent, 
in the two Devonian parishes over the Tamar, and the 
Waldon Watershed has 10 per cent, of '' worthy s" to 
contrast with blanks in many river basins on the south- 

These discrepancies surely do not point to a summary 
conquest by one race or nation of Teutons, but rather to 
an inter-penetration of various tribes speaking the same 
fundamental language in divers forms ; and this view coin- 
cides with, and is supported by, the silence of the Chronicle 
as to any conquest or even " fighting " in this region, before 
this "affair" at Camelford. 

What goes before was written on the assumption that 
Camelford was the place-name to be located; but what if 
"Gafulford" should turn out to be the actual name after 
all? Even so, what has been written will apply thereto as 
well as to Camelford, the site being the same. 

The translator of the Chronicle was probably unable to 
find such a name as Gafulford, and it certainly does not 
exist on the Ordnance map of Devon of 1806, already in 
existence when the Chronicle was translated ; but about 
ten miles on the Cornish side of the Tamar there is a town 
well known as Camelford ; and as in Welsh c and g and 
/ and m are mutable letters, Gafulford might, as above 
stated, easily have become Camelford. 

The selection of Camelford by the translator as the scene 
of the conflict, and its general subsequent adoption by 
nearly all writers on what may be styled " the Conquest 


of Devon," has caused a difficulty, if in Cornwall, in 
devising ways and means for the subjugation by the Saxons 
of the Britons intervening between their well - known 
settlements in the rich lands of the valley of the Exe and 
its tributaries, and that which was hereafter to become the 
boundary between our present Devon and Cornwall — the 
Eiver Tamar. The Chronicle gives no hint of any half-way 
house, such as might indicate a possible line of march ; 
as a matter of fact, the entry concerning this fight contains 
the only mention of the Defnaint or any allusion to the 
county down to the date thereof. 

Gafulford was clearly a name, well known at that time in 
its own neighbourhood, and it was faithfully carried to the 
chronicler, who fairly enough recorded the sound in a 
Saxon form, one which conveyed an intelligible enough 
meaning to his mind — a ford where a toll (gafol) or tax 
was taken by somebody, a place essentially prone to be 
the scene of disagreement, and possibly disturbance to the 
extent of serious fighting. A thousand years elapsed before 
the chronicle was translated into English, and the translator, 
looking on Gafulford as a Saxon word, promptly rendered 
it Camelford. 

Now if the chronicler had written the name in its British 
form, "Gafael-Ffordd"^ (the contested way), he would have 
supplied a most apposite name for a coveted pass, for the 
possession of which the local tribes of Britons had likely 
enough fought for ages amongst themselves, and an equally 
fitting one for the spot where the Britons defended their 
great natural highway between the two seas against the 
advance of the aggressive Saxons ; and the error of translating 
it Camelford would have been obviated. 

It will be curious if an accidental stumbling over the word 
" Kembleford *' on the old map should have led to the true 
localization of the " much- vexed " Gafulford ; the coincidence 
is certainly interesting, and deserves full investigation. 

It may be added that none of the remarks herein or any 
deductions therefrom can possibly apply to Camelford in 

3 '*iV. Gafael, 5.m. ; pL t ion (gaf-ael), a hold, a grasp, a holding, a 

*'Gafaeldrin, s.m, (Gafael-trin), a close combat, or grapple ; v,a, to fight 

** Ffordd, 5./., pi. ffyrdd (flfor), a passage, a road, a way." 

Pugh's Welsh Dictionary. 


BY F. T. OOLBY, D.D., F.S.A. 
(Read at KiDgsbridge, July, 1897.) 

The subject of my paper is not one of great importance 
perhaps, but it may not unpleasantly detain you for a few 
minutes. I have observed that some people who look aghast 
at a coat-of-arms as something quite incomprehensible, take 
an interest in family mottoes. One reason, of course, is that 
they are supposed to be characteristic, and such, in some 
way or other, they were intended to be. So people are 
apt to look to the motto somewhat in the way that the 
Greeks of old regarded the name, who "read in the signi- 
ficant name the character or destiny of its bearer." ^ Mottoes, 
however, do not always display the fortunes, the virtues, or 
the failings of the individuals who bear them. Sometimes, 
alas ! they point too painfully to the contrast between the 
present state of things as compared with the glories of the 
past. Sometimes the excellencies which they boast have 
been replaced by others very different, not less useful, more 
amiable. But my task is not to discuss mottoes in general, 
nor their origin, whether, for instance, they arose from the 
war-cries of the great nobles or not, but to say a few words 
about the mottoes of some of our Devonshire families. 
I think we shall find in them examples of all kinds of 
mottoes, and some illustrations of the mistakes which are 
made in interpreting them. 

Now, to begin with the moral and sententious class. 
Among these may be mentioned the motto of the Bastards, 
" Pax potior bello " (Peace better than war) ; Lord Morley's, 
"Fideli certa merces" (Eeward assured to the faithful); 
Lopes', " Quod tibi id alii " (Do as you would be done by ; 
or, Treat another as you would yourself), translated in the 

^ Cope on Arist. Rhet, ii. 23. 


Book of Crests, "That for thee, this for another." ^ I will 
mention only one more, that of Eadclifife, " Ceteris major 
qui melior'' (He is greater than the rest who is letter than 
the rest). 

There are a few which one might regard either as belong- 
ing to this class, or as rallying - cries ; such as LuttrelFs, 
"Qusesita marte tuenda arte" (Skill must keep what arms 
have won); Elton's, "Artibus et armis" (By arts and 
arms) : Lousada, a family of Spanish origin connected with 
Devonshire, " El honor is mi guia " (Honour is my guide). 

Connected with these are the definitely religious mottoes, 
and it so happens that these are borne by some of our most 
important present houses. "Tout vient de Dieu" (All 
comes from God), says Trefusis; "Delectare in Domino" 
(To delight in the Lord), Lord Poltimore; "En suivant la 
verity " (In following the truth). Lord Portsmouth ; " Au 
plaisir fort de Dieu" (With God's good pleasure), 
Edgcumbe ; " Esp^rance en Dieu " (Hope in God), Duntze ; 
" Qualis vita finis ita," Yonge of Puslinch, also Lord 
Coleridge (As is the life, so is the end) ; lastly, the 
profoundly religious motto of the Troytes, **A Deo, in 
Deo" (From God, in God). Even these, serious as they 
may sound to us, may have been formed on the model of 
the old battle-cries. 

There are many of these, or mottoes like these, such as 
"Semper paratus" (Always prepared), Clifford; "Toujours 
preste " (Always ready), Dayman ; " Che sara sara " (What 
will be will be), Eussell ; " Firme en Foy " (Firm in faith), 
Chichester ; " Bienfaitz payerai, malfaitz vengerai " (Kind- 
nesses I will repay, injuries I will avenge), Walrond. 

Some mottoes have distinct reference to historical events. 
Thus Pellew bears " Algiers," the capture of Algiers having 
been the greatest naval exploit of the first Lord Exmouth. 
The motto of Sir C. Graves-Sawle is " Per sinum Codanum " 
(Through the Baltic), Vice- Admiral Sir Thomas Graves 
having been second in command to Nelson at the battle 
of Copenhagen. The somewhat prosaic motto of the old 
family of Coplestone, " Immoto visu invadit hostem " (With 
untroubled aspect he marches on the foe), seems to refer 
to some feat of arms, probably that which won for the 
Coplestone his White Spur.^ 

Some will doubtless remember a better-known historical 
motto, that of Courtenay, "Ubi lapsus quid feci" (Where 

2 Fairbairn's Book of Crests^ revised by A. C. Fox Davies, 1892. 
^ Vide Risdon's Survey y p. 97. Prince's Worthies of Devon, s.v. 


fallen, what have I done?). I cannot forbear quotiiig 
Gibbon's remarks. "The Courtenays'* (he says) "still 
retain the plaintive motto which asserts the innocence 
and deplores the fall of their ancient house. While they 
sigh for past greatness, they are doubtless sensible of 
present blessings; in the long series of the Courtenay 
annals the most splendid era is likewise the most un- 
fortunate ; nor can an opulent peer of Britain be inclined 
to envy the Emperors of Constantinople, who wandered over 
Europe to solicit alms for the support of their dignity and 
the defence of their capital." * 

An historical origin is also ascribed to the motto of the 
Fortescue family, which seems to be a play upon the name. 
In his history of that family Lord Clermont says : " Sir 
Eichard Le Fort, a very strong man, a Norman Knight, 
and Cupbearer to the Duke of Normandy, landed in Endand 
with his master in the year 1066, and, fighting in the great 
battle of Hastings, saved the Duke, who had three horses 
killed under him, from some great peril, protecting him 
with his shield from the blows of an assailant. In allusion 
to this deed of valour, Eichard, before named Le Fort, under 
which name as Fort or Fortz he appears in Grafton's and 
Hollingshed*s copies of the EoUs of Battle Abbey, was 
therefore known as Eichard Le Fort-escu, or the strong 
shield." ^ The motto is, " Forte scutum salus ducum " (A 
strong shield is the safety of leaders or commanders). 

There are many others which undoubtedly allude to the 
family name. Perhaps you might not suspect this one, 
" Amore non vi " (By love, not by force), but be bold enough 
to make a false quantity, and read it " Amore, non vi," and 
you will not be surprised to find that it is the motto of the 

Something like this is the motto of the Tuckers — 
"Auspice Teucro" (Under Teucer's auspices). You must 
pronounce "Teucro" Tucro. "Floret virtus vulnerata" 
(Virtue, or valour, flourishes though wounded) refers, no 
doubt, though not very distinctly, to the family name of 
« Floyer." 

Better specimens are " Sapere aude " (Dare to be wise) for 
"Wise"; "Nee triste nee timide" (Neither sadly nor 
timidly) for "Trist"; "Graves disce mores" (Learn sober 
manners) for "Graves"; "Parle Men" (Speak well) for 
"Parlby"; "Prudhomme et loyal" (A good man and true) 

* Gibbon's Roman Empire, Ed. Bohn, vol. vii. p. 48. 
^ Vide Burke's Peerage, v., s.v. 


for " Pridham " ; and "Eegis donum gratum donum" (The 
king*s gift is a welcome boon) for " Kingdon." 

We have all probably heard of Coke upon Littleton by- 
name, but you do not all know perhaps that Sir Thomas 
littleton^s paternal name was Westcott, and that his 
successors went back to the old name, and bore for their 
motto, " Eenovato nomine " (With recovered name). 

I will mention only one other motto which seems to refer 
to the name. The surname of Acland is supposed to come 
from Acland in the parish of Landkey, and that again 
from a grove of oaks in which the house was situated, the 
name being, according to Westcote, " Aukelond." The motto 
would seem to mean," Unshaken as the oak," " indbranlable." 

If many mottoes allude to the family name, many more 
do so to the arms. So the motto of the Bullerg, " Aquila 
non capit muscas" (The eagle does not catch flies), or 
Worth, "Nee imbellem feroces progenerant aquilse columbam" 
(Nor do the fierce eagles beget the unwarlike dove). The 
crosses of Northcote no doubt suggested " Christi crux est 
mea lux " (The cross of Christ is my light). The Fulfords, 
who have a bear for their crest, cry, "Bear up." The 
Fursdons, "Do not kick against the pricks," alluding to 
their ancient arms, three furze-bundles. The Carys of 
Follaton proclaim that they are as stainless as their swan, 
"Sine macula" (Without spot). The Luxmoores carry a 
battle-axe, and boast, " Securis fecit securum " (The axe 
made me secure). The Strodes trust that the fortunes of 
the race will be evergreen like their savin-tree crest, " Hieme 
viresco " (I flourish in winter). The golden bough in Virgil, 
which ^neas was instructed to obtain before his descent to 
the lower regions, grew again as soon as it was plucked. 

** Primo avulso non deficit alter 
Aureus, et simili frondescit virga metallo."^ 

And the Calmadys, alluding to the golden pears on their 
shield, quote Virgil, " Simili frondescit virga metallo " (The 
bough shoots again with, or of, the same metal) ; incorrectly 
translated in the Book of Crests, "The twig grows covered 
with leaves like metal." There is also a mistake about the 
Cary motto, "Virtute excerptae." If that meant "Con- 
spicuous for virtue," why the feminine? Was virtue, or 
rather valour, conspicuous only among the ladies of the 
house of Cary? No, it means "Gathered, or plucked, by 
valour," and the reference is to the roses in the arms. The 

^ Virgil, JEn. vi. 143-4. 


roses had indeed been plucked by a deed of arms. The 
ancient arms of Gary were " gules, a chevron between three 
swans argent," but in the time of Henry VI. Eobert Gary 
"gave the foils," as it is expressed in the old narrative,'' to 
an Arragon knight, who challenged to do **faits of arms 
with any English gentleman." Eobert Gary " disarmed and 
spoiled him, which his doing so well pleased the Prince that 
he received him into great favour, caused him to be restored 
to most part of his father's lands, and willed him also for a 
perpetual memorie of his victorie, that he should thenceforth 
give the same arms as the Arragon knight, which both he 
and all his successors to this day enjoyed, which is, Argent, 
on a bend sable three roses argent." So the roses of the 
Garys were not plucked by fair hands such as Herrick 
addressed : 

** Gather ye rosebuds while ye may, 
Old Time is still a flying, 
And that same flower, which blooms to-day. 
To-morrow will be dying." 

Strong hands and strong heads were required to put 
together possessions for posterity ; well if they left them 
also without stain and with a fair fame ! Let us not seem 
ungrateful. Hands soft and fair have not unfrequently 
contributed to building the nest, and have brought with 
them ere now roses which retain a lasting bloom, goodly 
mansions, and broad lands, and many a quartering. 

I may be wandering for a moment from my subject, but I 
touched on a theme all too attractive — the roses of Devon. 

The Ilberts warn us that there is no rose without its 
thorn (" Nulla rosa sine spinis "). This, however, refers not 
to the fair ladies, but is, no doubt, one of those mottoes of 
defiance of which there do not seem to be many in this 
county. That is, they would fain have their enemies 
remember that the roses which they bore on their shield 
were not without danger to those who rashly interfered 
with them. How far this may have a wider application I 
forbear to say. 

^ Visitation of Devon, 1620, Ed. Colby, p. 47. 



(Read at Kiiigsbridge, July, 1897.) 

All those who have devoted any special attention to the 
examination of parochial records must feel impressed with 
the circumstance, that several undercurrents in the social life 
history of parishes, especially of rural ones, are noticed in 
them, which have met with scant attention at the hands of 
writers of general or of local history ; and it is the object of 
the present paper to give an account of one of these neglected 
topics, the importance of which is gradually being recognized 
as important factors in the history and development of the 
English people generally, as well as of their local insti- 

1 Abbreviated References to Principal Works Quoted. 

D.A, = Transactions of the Devonshire Association, 

A rch. = Archceologia, 

Tavistock = Tavistock Hecords, R. N. Worth (1887). 

P.S.A, — Proceeditigs of the Society of Antiquaries. 

W.A. = Western A ntiqiiary. 

Hartland =Ch. W, Accounts, 6th Bep. Histor. MSS, Com., 571-575. 

Alwington = Do, Do. 597. 

Bel. = Reliquary, 

D'U. &M. =The Birds of Devon, W. S. M. D'Urban and Rev. M. A. 

Mathew (1892). 
Yarrell =Hist. of British Birds, W. Yarrell (3 vols., 1856). 

Swainswick =Amuds of Swainswick, R. E. M. Peach (1890). 
Ludlow = Ch. W, Accounts, Ludlow, T. Wright (Camden Society, 1869). 
Swainson = Provincial Naiius of British Birds, Rev. C. Swainson {Eng, 

Dial. Soc, 1885). 
Ch. Sheaf = Cheshire Sheaf, 

Ch. Derhysh. = Churches of Derbyshire, Rev. J. C. Cox (4 vols., 1875-1879). 
K Chesh. =East Cheshire, J. P. Earwaker (2 vols., 1877-1880). 
Sclhome =Nat, Hist, of Selbome, Rev. G. White, with Notes by F. 

Buckland (2 vols., 1876). 
The writer desires especially to thank the Rev. J. Ingle Dredge, and the 
Incumbents of Woodbury, Littleham, East Budleigh, Otterton, Okehampton, 
and South Tawton, for the facilities granted him in the examination of the 
records of the various parishes. 


The MS. annals, especially the Wardens' and Overseers* 
Account Books (many of which are happily preserved), of 
every parish, excepting those of towns and cities (and even 
of these having rural suburbs), contain numerous entries of 
payments made out of the local, nearly always out of the 
Church, funds, for the destruction of "vermin" — a very inclu- 
sive term, inasmuch as it comprised beasts, birds, reptiles, 
and even insects. Such entries are found in the latter part 
of the 16th century, but they are infrequent until about the 
middle of the next one, and from this period have extended 
down to the middle of the present century. 

Whatever living things were deemed detrimental to the 
interests of the landlord or the tenant, by feeding on the 
recently-sown seed, on the grain in the living plant, or after 
it had been thrashed from the straw ; by damaging trees and 
shrubs, by picking the buds, or by eating the fruit; by 
destroying game and poultry, as well as feeding on their 
eggs, &c., were included under the head of "vermin," for 
whose destruction payment was made at certain authorized 

It is remarkable that the earliest reference^ to the subject 
yet found is that contained in the Statute of 24 Henry VIII. 
cap. 10 (1533). The preamble is a very interesting one, as 
will be seen in the following transcript, and points out very 
clearly the main objects and cause of the enactment : — 

" An Acta made and ordeyned to dystroye Choughes, Crowes 

and Eokes. 

"For asmoche as innumerable nombre of Eookes Crowes and 
Choughes do daily brede and increase thoroughout this Eealme, 
which Eookes Crowes and Choughes do yerely destroys devoure 
and consume a wonderfull and mervelous greate quantitie of Come 
and Greyne of all kyndes, that is to witte, as well in the sowyng 
of the same Come and Greyne, as also at the ripynge and kemel- 
ynge of the same; and over that a mervelous distruccion and 
decaye of the covertures of thatched houses, hemes, rekes, stakkes 
and other suche like, so that if the said Crowes, Eookes and 
Choughes should be suffered to brede and contynue as they have 
been in certayne yeres paste, they will undoubtedly be the cause of 
the greate distruccion and consumpcion of a greate parte of the 
Corne and Greyne which hereafter shalbe sowen throughe oute 
this Eealme, to the greate prejudice damage and undoyeng of the 
greate nombre of all the Tillers, Husbondes and Sowers of the 
Erthe within the same." 

2 The wolf is probably an exception. Vide post. 


All owners of land and their tenants were to do their best 
to destroy these birds, under a penalty of Amerciaments in 
Courts Leet, &c. Every parish was to provide and keep in 
repair (for ten years — the duration of the Act) Crow-nets, 
under survey of the Courts Leet, &c., with " a Shrape made 
with Chaffe or other thing mete for that purpose."^ The 
rate of payment was fixed at " ij^ for every xij olde Crowes 
Eookes or Choughes," to be paid by the owner or tenant of 
the land on which they were taken. The justices of the 
peace were empowered to authorize the " Money to be levied 
by distres of the goodes and catelles" of those refusing to 

In this Act the evils attributed to the three kinds of birds 
named, appear to us at the present day to be greatly exag- 
gerated. Whether there were any pressing circumstances at 
the time that led to its adoption — such as dread of famine or 
of plague (both common enough in England during that 
period), or an outcry from the possessors and tillers of the 
land, &c. — we know not. That such a subject should have 
engaged the attention of the Legislature at all is singular, 
bearing in mind that the times were sadly out of joint, con- 
sequent upon the great movement of the Eeformation, which 
was then commencing, as well as the troubles of the King in 
his matrimonial matters. 

We know very little as to the working of this Act, 
especially , whether strenuous efforts were made to enforce 
its provisions. That it was not altogether a dead letter is 
shown in the following extract from the Eecords of the 
Court Leets of Leominster: — 

1566. "They [the jury] present the Churchwardens of this 
Towns to have incurred the penalty of the Statute in that case 
made and provided for not keepinge of such netts as whereby 
crowes and such other vermine might be destroyed, which devoure 
and spoyle come to the greate prejudice of many of the inhabitants 
within the Borough. ''^ 

In former times " a large net for the capture of crows and 
choughs . . . was suspended from " the " Western Tower " of 
the Church of the same place.^ 

The next Act relating to it was that of 8 Elizabeth, cap. 15 
(1565-6), and was the one followed for many years. As it 

^ ^^ Shrape f or Scrape, a place baited with Chafif or Com to entice Birds." 
— Did. Rusticum (1717). 
4 Statutes of the Realm, III. (1817), 425-6. 
s Rev. G. F. TowNSEND, Hist, of Leominster (1863), 236. 
« Ihid. , 235. 


was re-enacted by 14 Eliz. cap. 11, and 39 Eliz. cap. 18, it 
was evidently considered to operate beneficially in its dealings 
with the "vermin" pest. It repealed all sections of the 
former Act, excepting that relating to "the Provision Use 
and Mayntenance of Nettes and Shrapes for the Destruccyon 
of Crowes Eookes and Ohoughes." 

By it the churchwardens, with six other parishioners^ were 
required annually during Easter week, "and at every other 
tyme when and as often as it is and shalbe needeful, [to] 
taxe and assesse everie Proprietour Farmour and other 
person having the Possession of any Lande or Tythes within 
their several 1 Parishes, to paye suche soome of Money as they 
shall thinke meete, according to the Quantytie and Portion of 
suche Landes or Tythes as the same person so assessed do or 
shall have or holde." Non-compliance entailed a fine, which, 
with the sums assessed, could be levied by distress of goods, 
&c. The following were the sums authorized to be paid " for 
the destruccion of noyfuU Fowles and Vermyn " : — 

" Heades of olde Crowes, Chaughes, Pyes, or Eookes .... euery 

three of them a penny. 
Heades of euery sixe younge Crowes, Chaughes, Pyes, or Eookes 

.... a penny, 
for euery sixe egges of any of them unbroken a penny, 
for euery twelue Stares heads a penny. 
For everie Heads of Merten Hawkes, Fursekytte, Moldkytte, 

Busarde, S change, Carmerante, or Eyngtayle ii^. 
for every two egges of 'them, one p;Br,y. 
for euery Iron or Osprayes head, foure pence, 
for the head of euery Wood wall, Pye, Jaye, Eauen, or Kyte, 

one penny, 
for the head of euery byrde whiche is called the Kyngs Fysher, 

one penny, 
for the head of everie Bulfynche, or other byrde that deuoureth 

the blowth of fruite, one penny, 
for the heads of euery Foxe or Gray, xij^. 
for the head of euery Fitchewe, Polcatte, Wesell, Stote, Fayre 

Bade, or wylde Catte, i^, 
for the heads of euery Otter or Hedgehogges, ij^. 
For the heads of euery three Eattes, or twelve Myse, i^. 
For the heads of euery Moldwarpe or Wante, a ob." 

There were two stipulations : 1st, that the animals killed, 
and for which payment was claimed, should have been 
"taken within the severall parisshes"; and, 2nd, that the "said 
Heades and Egges " were to be " burned consumed or cut in 
sunder" after they had been paid for. Payments were not 


allowed in certain exceptional instances (detailed in sect. 5), 
one of the principal being " the Head of any Ky te or Baven 
killed in any City or Towne Corporate, or within two Myles 
of the same."^ 

Apart from the interesting list of birds and beasts, there 
are two points in this Act worthy of attention. The first 
refers to the heading, "An Acte for the preservacon of Grain" 
— a remarkable title, seeing that essentially graminivorous 
birds are not included in the list, the majority of the animals 
enumerated being those that prey on poultry and game 
(especially young) and their eggs. The second is the circum- 
stance that, as in the former Statute, all payments were to be 
made by those directly interested in the land, whether as 
proprietors, tenants, or titheowners. We possess but little 
information as to the. maimer of carrying out the statutory 
provision for payment for some years after 1565-6. The 
matter appeared to be outside the ordinary parochial records, 
and hence the remarkably few references to it in them ; we 
can understand this from the fact that the payment was not 
to be made out of the Church or other public funds. One 
good illustration is, however, furnished by a separate account 
found among the parish papers of Bishop's Stortford, and 
entitled, " The Accounte and -Eeconynge of me Edward 
WagUey of Stortford, CoUectore of all man' of veyrmane of 
ij yeres past both of Charge and Dyscharge as here aft' 
folloth frome the xij daye of Applle in a° 1569 to this yere of 
a^ 1571.'* According' to this he received "at v tymes" the 
sum of £2 12s. 7|d., and he paid for the following vermin, all 
according to the Statute rate : — 

" 141 hedgehogs, 53 moles, 6 weasels, 202 crows' eggs, 128 pies* 
eggs, 18 young crows, 80 rats, 18 crows, 2 bullfinches, 5 hawks, 
24 starlings, 5 kingfishers, 1 polecat, 1426 mice; and besides these 
there were 118 heads of crows, hawks, and *cadows* (jackdaws)."' 

But this mode of payment out of private funds appears 
to have been of short duration, and we find that, in direct 

7 statutes of tJie Beahn, IV. (1819), 498-9, the animals' names being tran- 
scribed from the B. L. Act of 1565. Cf. the "Wardens' duties as to the 
Destruction of Vermin," in The Duties of ConstdbleSf &c., by W. Lambarde 
(1587), 52-4. In Mr. Hamilton's Qicarter SessionSy &c., is the following 
notice, sicb James I.: *^ A licence is granted in open court to Thomas Algar of 
Plympton, in the county aforesaid, yeoman, servant and falconer to Sir 
William Strode, Knight, to shoot in hand-gun and birding-piece with hail- 
shot at any Crow, Chough, Pie, Rook, Ringdove, Jay, or smaller birds, for 
hawk's meat only, according to the Statute in that case provided '' (89). A 
licence for this purpose was required by the 7th sect, of the Act 1 Jac I. 
cap. 27, and in no way referred to the Statute of Elizabeth. 

» Jiecords of St. Mich. Ch., Bp.'s Stortford, J. L. Glasscock (1882), 156. 


contravention of the Act, the amounts disbursed by the 
churchwardens for the destruction of vermin were paid out 
of the ordinary Church funds, and this was the practice 
universally followed to the latest period. Occasionally they 
were defrayed out of the Poor Eates, and entered in the 
Overseers' Account Books, as in the following example : — 

E, Bvdleigh Overseers^ Accounts, 
"1712. John Staford for killing chofes 

[choughs] . . . . 10 0.*' 

At Widecombe, in 1736, the parishioners directed the pay- 
ments to be made " out of the Poor Eates." (Vide post.) 

The Poor Eate Accounts of Swainswick, near Bath, contain 
another example : 

"1713. Woon fox-head . . . .0 10." (153) 

It is noteworthy that the earliest payment on account of 
vermin yet found is in the Wardens' Account Book of Wood- 
bury, and the more so as it is dated five years before the Act 
of Elizabeth. It runs thus : — 

1560-1. "paid to John Wescott and John 
Holwell, for a fox nett bought 
this yere iiij* viij** " 

In the Parish Accounts of Minchinhampton is this entry : 

1569. " for makyng the bookes of vermyne 

[etc.] xviij**" 

The same Accounts show that from 1575 " vermin " were 
paid out of the ordinary Church funds.^ 

At Ludlow, in 1569, the heads of 17 dozen **myse," 15 
" krowes," and 6 " chohes " [choughs] were paid for out of 
the Church accounts, there being no allusion to the subject 
in the receipts. (141-2.) Again, the parochial records of 
Eirton, in Lindsey, contain "The accompt ofif dawes and 
crawes, moUes and other vermen brought in July the 2 daye, 
anno Elizebeth 13**" (1571), with the payments out of the 
parish funds.^ 

• Arch. XXXV. 429-31. The following notice appears in the items of that 
year : "1575. payed to John Bawre at Gloucester for the forfatinge of the 
statute of noysome fowles and vermyne lost in the time of John Hawkes and 
Thomas Kembridge xs." (Ihid. 430.) 

• ^ P.S.A. 2nd S. ii. 387. This Act probably led to the publication of 
the work thus noticed in the Registers of the Stationers' Co. : — 

**1583. Sept. 14 was licensed to be printed A booke of Engins for the 
destruction of vermyne, Crowes, and sparrowes.'* (Ed. Arber. ii. 428.) 

Apparently the work by L. Mascal], entitled Sundrie Engines and Trappes 
to take Polecats , . . and all other kindes of Vermine, published in 1590. 


Some difficulty may have been experienced in enforcing 
the payment as prescribed by the Act, but, whatever may 
have been the cause, the practice of its being made out of 
funds that ought to have been restricted to purposes con- 
nected with the Church alone became general throughout 
the land, probably before the close of the 16th century; 
and it is from the entries in the various Wardens' Accounts 
that we obtain our information as to the amount of destruction 
that took place. 

As in the instance of Minchinhampton already cited, a 
separate record was probably kept in most parishes. The 
following is a local one : — 


1 681 . " p<^ for virm*® this yeare as our boocke 

of pertickellers Apeareth . , 00 13 00.*' 

Every parish seems to have acted quite independently of 
th6se contiguous to it, and carried out the purposes of the 
Act in its own way. The local authorities decided for 
themselves what vermin to select for payment, often in- 
cluding in this class some not mentioned in the Act at all, 
and frequently increasing the authorized amount to be paid 
for certain kinds. Even the rate of payment varied con- 
siderably in different parishes, and even in the same parish 
at different periods. For example, at a parish meeting held 
at Otterton on May 15th, 1756 : — 

"It is ordered that the several orders of the 14**^ of May 1764 
and the 10*^ of June '1755. In Eelation to Giving a pern** 
[premium] for killing Birds of prey being Continued for Two 
months w*^ this alteration that for every Eatt and Hoak to be 
kiird 4<^ for each to be paid." (Schedule rate was 2d. each.) 

At one held at East Budleigh, June 2nd, 1802 : — 

"It was this day agreed to Pay double the Price for killing 
small Birds & others abo\re Discribed from Michaelmas to Lady 
day in every year." 

Birds' eggs dis£tppeared from the payment lists at a very 
early period. 

Parish authorities do not appear to have been actuated by 
any general guiding principle, except, perhaps, some local 
exigency, in carrying out what they deemed a beneficial 
object. That their proceedings towards this end were of an 
erratic character will be apparent if the lists of East Bud- 
leigh and of Littleham (neighbouring parishes), given in the 

L. XXIX. u 



Appendix, be examined separately, and also be compared with 
each other. Some Wardens* Accounts do not admit of this 
comparison being made except as to the sums expended, as 
the animals killed are generally included under one term, as 
in the following : — 


1678. " It p«* to sevearall peons for virments 00 06 00." 2 

" 1684-5. paid for killing of farments . 5s." (49) 

In the first-named (East Budleigh) we find that for sixteen 
years (1664-1679) there was a continuous raid against certain 
birds and beasts; then followed a period of comparative 
cessation of rather more than a hundred years, ending in 
1786, confined (excepting for two years) to foxes in the 
earlier and to badgers in the later portion of this time. 
Then commenced a wholesale destruction of small birds. 
When the Littleham list is compared with it, we notice 
that hedgehogs are almost the only animals recorded in 
it from 1699 to 1741, in which last-named year 133 were 
paid for ; but it was during this very period that this animal 
is unmentioned in the East Budleigh record, although the 
subject of many payments in previous years. Hedgehogs 
were disregarded at Otterton, seeing that in the Wardens' 
Accounts from 1733 to 1839 there is only one notice of 
payment made for any. This is a copy of the entry : — 

1 6." 

"1738. Paid for KiUing Hedgehogs . 

Of the extreme variation in the amounts paid annually 
for "vermin" killing, the following abstract from the East 
Budleigh records will suflficiently indicate :- 



No. of years. 







Total payments. 
& s. d. 

13 15 2i 
10 17 6 
81 16 3 
5 14 53 
16 lOf 

Average annual 













How seriously the parish finances were sometimes affected 
by a burden of this kind will be apparent from the following, 
taken from the East Budleigh list : — 

2 Cf. "Ch. W. Ace, Eastington," in GIoc. N. and Q. iii. 247-54. 
^ Of this sum £3 5s. Od. was paid for foxes in two years. 



& 8. 


. 6 


. 8 10 

. 6 9 


. 9 10 


. 3 10 




In 1679, according to the Wardens' Accounts, the total 
receipts for the year were £13 6b,; of this £2 68. Id. was paid 
on account of vermin — about one-sixth of the total income. 

In 1804 the total receipts were £20 Is. 8^d. ; payments for 
vermin, £5 lOs. — rather more than one-fourth of the whole 
amount received. 

In Ashburton, "from a.d. 1761 to 1820 inclusive, the 
churchwardens paid for the destruction of the following 
vermin : — 

18 Foxes, 4 Vixens 

153 Badgers . 

903 Hedgehogs 
2210 Jays 
1661 Hoops 

Whatever opinion may be expressed as to the utility of 
the Act, there can be no doubt that the want of a combined 
action of the various parochial authorities was its grave 
defect, and was the cause of several abuses. In the remarks 
upon hedgehogs being paid for in contiguous parishes and 
not in the same years, those caught in one where no payment 
was made for them would be taken to the next, where a 
capitation fee was granted. A similar operation would be 
likely to take place where there was any dissimilarity in the 
amount allowed for any particular animal in the two parishes. 
Eor example, in East Budleigh, from 1733 to 1773, one 
shilling was allowed for the head of every fox, irrespective 
of sex; whereas in the adjoining parish of Littleham the 
same rule held good during that period for a male fox, but 
the allowance for a female was 3s. 4d. 

Such payments were made on the express stipulation that 
the animal was captured in the parish, and this was fre- 
quently repeated in parish orders. Thus at a "General 
Parish Meeting" held at East Budleigh on March 24th, 1788, 
it was decided that all birds paid for out of the general fund 
" shall be Killed and Destroyed within the aforesaid Parish." 
The Otterton residents on one occasion went a step further ; 
for, at a meeting held on May 15th, 1754, they resolved that 
no " primeme [premium] is to be paid before a VoUentery 
Oath is made by the person or persons bringing the Heads or 
Bodyes before John Duke Esq' that the said Birds for w*'*^ 
the s^ prem™ is Demanded was and were Destroyed within 

'* Ashburton and its Neighbourhood, C. Worthy (1875), App. xiv. 

V 2 


our said parish of Otterton." Despite these precautions, 
there is no doubt the abuses continued, and some of the 
sudden cessations of payments, or great diminution in the 
annual expenses on this head, were probably occasioned by 
them. We find an occasional reference to this subject in 
parish annals ; thus in 1712 the records of Flint report that 
the inhabitants "ordered and agreed that from this time 
forwards, no person whatever shall be payd or allowed 
anything" for killing vermin within that parish.^ A similar 
order was made by the inhabitants of Yolgrave in the same 
year, "by reason y® parish hath been grossly abus'd and 
imposed upon in y* respect." Payment was, however, 
resumed at a subsequent period.® Mr, E. Dymond states 
that at Widecombe-in-the-Moor, late in the present century, 
rewards for the destruction of foxes " were only discontinued 
because the parishioners were imposed upon by people 
bringing in foxes killed in other parishes to claim the 
rewards offered in Widecombe."^ 

Toulmin Smith remarks, "There used to be a standing 
committee in every Parish for the destruction of 'noyfuU 
fowles and vermin.' The practice still exists in some rural 
parishes."® The "standing committee" probably refers to 
the churchwardens and six parishioners being required to 
carry out the Act of Elizabeth, but in the majority of parishes 
this arrangement apparently fell through as soon as the local 
inhabitants agreed to draw upon the Church funds for pay- 
ment, and it was left to the wardens to carry out. The 
following, although of comparatively late date, may serve as 
an illustration : — 

East Budleigh, entry in the Wardens' Account Book. 

"February the 15**^ Day 1762. Wheiras a parrish Meeting on 
Devoviring Birds which are mentioned under as for mag pyes Each 
head one penney Crowes Eookes and Chowefes & Jayes Kits & 
Hawks one penney Each head and the churh [sic] wardens must pay 
the money as it is a greed upon at this parrish meeting out of the 
Church Eates " [subsequent addition] " and Likewise for Sparrows 
and Hopes 2^ a Duzen." 

[Signed by the wardens and eight other parishioners.] 

"When the following order was made, it is evident that the 
inhabitants began to doubt whether the Church finances 
should be devoted to secular purposes. 

5 Hist, of Flint, H. Taylor (1883), 162. 

6 Ch. Derby sh. ii. 338. 

7 Things New and Old (1876), 56. 

8 The Parish (1857), 231. 


Aludngton, N. Devon^ Ch, W. Ace. 

"Memorandum, at a Yestry held Monday 19th of April 1824 
(being Easter Monday). It was agreed that those who kill foxes 
or mischievous birds . . . should produce their account of it at 
Easter next, when their bills will be investigated and paid, as the 
majority of Vestry shall direct, by subscription. W. W[ackeril], 
Church Warden." (697.) 

Payments for objects of this kind made out of parish 
funds gradually fell into desuetude. Crows, rooks, &c. (all 
birds embraced in the Act of Henry VIII.), had disappeared 
at a comparatively early date from the list of payments. As 
shown in the foregoing quotation from the East Budleigh 
books, an attempt was made in 1762 to resuscitate the 
crusade against these birds, but payments were not continued 
beyond two years. The foUowing are transcripts of the 
entries : — 

" 1762. To w* Paid for killing Devouring Birds 06 2 
1763. To w* Paid for killing three Hundred 

& twenty Devouring Birds . . 1. 6 8." 

A rage for slaughtering small birds commenced towards 
the end of last century. In East Budleigh it continued till 
1834, and in Otterton till 1863, when it disappeared from 
their respective parish accounts ; and now the destruction of 
sparrows, &c., is paid for out of private funds, generally 
furnished by small clubs organised for that purpose. Pay- 
ments for weasels and foxes continued up to a recent date. 

Attention may now be directed to an account of the 
various animals for whose destruction payments were made 
out of public funds, citing as examples as many as possible 
gleaned from the records of Devonshire parishes, especially 
of those in the eastern division of the county. 

The Wolf. — It may seem remarkable that the first animal 
to notice is one that finds no place in the list of statutory 
" vermin," nor is there any allusion to it in any parochial 
record yet discovered. It cannot, however, be omitted here, 
as it was the earliest one for whose destruction payment of 
some kind was at one time made in England. It ceased to 
be a denizen of this country from the commencement of 
the 16th century; but its extirpation from Scotland and 
Ireland was not effected for nearly two centuries later. In 
his work on Extinct British Animals, published in 1880, 
Mr. J. E. Harting points out that of the five described in it 


the Wolf was the last to disappear ; the others which had pre- 
ceded it were Bear, Eeindeer, Besiver, and Wild Boar. 

There is plenty of evidence to show that they existed in 
large numbers in this country nearly to the close of the 15th 
century. (It is by no means improbable that the wall of 
enclosure at Grimspound, on Dartmoor, was erected during 
the neolithic period as a protection against wolves.) The 
Peak district of Derbyshire and counties adjoining were 
infested with them ; and it is curious that several early 
Norman tympana, and a font of the same period, are pre- 
served in the churches there, sculptured with representations 
of various animals, among which the wolf is a prominent 
object.® .The enormous tracts of forest and waste lands 
afforded these animals a safe retreat; but the combined 
effects of increased amount of land cultivated, diminution 
of the forests, hunting, capitation grants, &c., led to their 
gradual disappearance. 

When and where the last English wolf was killed is 
doubtful. A curious tradition, related by Mr. Hunt, assigns it 
to Cornwall, but no date is mentioned : — 

" It is not generally known that the last native wolf lived in 
the forests of Ludgvan, near Penzance. The last of his race was a 
gigantic specimen, and terrible was the havoc made by him on the 
locks. Tradition tells us that at last he carried off a child. This 
could not be endured, so the peasantry all turned out, and this 
famous wolf was captured at Eospeith, the name of a farm still 
existing in Ludgvan." ^ 

"While stringent measures,'' remarks Harting (146-7), "were 
being devised for the destruction of Wolves in all or most of the 
inhabited districts which they frequented, in the less populous and 
more remote parts of the country steps were taken by such of the 
principal landowners as were fond of hunting to secure their own 
participation in the sport of findmg and killing them." 

Eegarded from the latter point of view as a "beast of 
venery," two documents relating to the wolf being hunted in 
this county may be cited here. 

1. According to Dugd'ale,^ Eichard I. licensed William 
Briwere *' to inclose his Woods at Toare, Gadelegh, Raddon, 
Ailesberie^ and Burgh-walter ; with free liberty to hunt the 
Hare, Fox, Cat, and Wolf throughout all Devonshire." 

» Ch, Dcrhysh. ii. 45, 410, 450, 492. 

^ Popular Ecnnaihces of the West of England, 2nd S. (1865), 258. HartiDg 
(155) inclines to the opinion that the last was killed in the wolds of 
Yorkshire. '^ Baroiwge, I. 701. 


2. The Chapter Library of Exeter contains the original 
Charter of liberties granted by John, when Earl of Morton, 
to the inhabitants of Devonshire, from which the following 
is transcribed : — 

''Quod habeant canes sues et alias libertates, sicut melius et 
liberius illas haberont tempore ejusdem Henrici regis et reisellos 
SUDS, et quod capiant capreolum, yulpem, cattum, lupum, leporem, 
lutrum, ubicumque ilia iuvenirent extra regardum forestse mense." ^ 

When they became too destructive or dangerous to the 
neighbourhood a price was set on their heads, and they were 
killed whenever and wherever they could be found. In some 
districts lands were held under the tenure of hunting and 
destroying them.* 

By an order of Edward I., dated May 5th, 1281, the King's 
bailiffs were directed to assist Peter Corbet in destroying 
wolves in certain counties.^ 

The Fox, — Of all the animals for whose destruction pay- 
ments were made out of the parish funds the fox was the 
most frequent. While entries relating to the others are more 
fitful in character, often partaking of the nature of raids, 
when the numbers killed were large, its name occurs the 
most regularly and constantly from year to year, although 
never in large numbers, the annual rate rarely exceeding ten. 

Considering the extent of its depredations in the poultry 
yard and amongst game, it is not surprising that, with one 
exception (the badger), it was rated at a much higher pay- 
ment than that of any other kind of " vermin." Every man's 
hand was against it, and its death was sought by any means, 
fair or foul — 

"1669. Paid to Mr. Bann for a fox head 
that was taken in a trappe in 
Westwood ground . . .010"^ 

until the requirements of modern hunting led to its pre- 
servation for sporting purposes alone. 

" Who ever reck'd where, how, or when, 
The prowling fox was trapped or slaia." 

'^ Quoted in Harting's work, 138. The Rev. Canon Edmonds has kindly 
collated it with the original MS. It is also printed in Pennant's British 
Zoology ^ ii. 308, wherein the last word but five is noted as **inveniunt" — 
certainly au error. 

^ Blount's Tenures (1874), 213 ; Journ, of Derby, Arch, Soc xv. 82. 
In Camden's Britannia (1695), Laxton, in Northamptonshire, is stated to 
have been held by a tenure of this kind. (442. ) 

^ Rymer's Foedcraj i. 192. 

^ ** Parish Accounts of Leek," in Reliquary, iii. 215. 


As already stated, the Peak of Derbyshire was formerly 
much infested with wolves; but during the last few centuries 
they have been replaced by foxes, of whose depredations and 
audacity some idea may be formed by the following account 
of their proceedings in the neighbourhood of Hope : — 

*' The foxes of thi£ neighbourhood seem to have been specially 

destructive. In the winter they were so numerous and hard set 

that they seized lambs from the fold. At Twothomfield and 

Crookhill, during one season, fires were kept blazing round the 

folds all night, but Eeynard even rushed through the flames to his 

Of the devastations committed by it in Scotland in 1700, 
James Brome states, " Wolves do here much mischief, foxes 
more";^ and he records the following interesting piece of 
folk-lore : — 

In Scotland, "to prevent them [foxes] from destroying their 
Poultrey, they have found out this device in Glen-moors ; every 
House nourisheth a young Fox, and then, killing the same, they 
mix the Flesh thereof among such meat as they give unto the 
Fowls or other Creatures, and by this means so many fowls or 
Cattle as eat hereof, are safely preserved from the Danger of the 
Fox, by the space of almost two months after, so that they may 
wander whither they will, for the Foxes, smelling the Flesh of 
their Fellows yet in their Crops, will in no wise meddle with them, 
but eschew, and know such a one, although it were among a 
Hundred of others." (187-8.) 

A farmer in East Devonshire informs the writer that he 
either puts strips of red wool or of cotton round the necks 
of lambs, or applies tar to their shoulders, and since he had 
so done, during several years, the foxes had not taken away 
any of them, although before he adopted this plan he lost 
several through them. He also, on finding a hen*s nest in 
the hedgerow, fixes white rags to the bushes close by, with a 
like satisfactory effect. May these measures have, in the 
first instance, been employed as charms on the recommenda- 
tion of some local " wise woman " ? 

In former days, writes the Rev. Dr. Jessopp, "foxes swarmed 
without any need to preserve them. They did not do half 
the mischief they do now, though there were three times as 
many in our grandfathers' time. * You see there was such a 
lot of warmint, they 'd no call to come arter the hens ! ' " ^ 

7 Gh, Derhysh. ii. (1877), 259. 

* Travels over England, &c. (Ed. 1707) 187. 

« Arcady (1887), 57. 


Eut even at the present day, in some parts of Scotland where 
grouse are plentiful, "the fox rarely visits a farmyard/'^ 

The Eev. W. Denton, in his England in the Fifteenth 
Century^ states that " the fox, after escaping the hounds, was, 
at the end of a long run, taken by being netted." (164) 
This seems to explain the following item : — 

Hunstanton Hotcsehold Accounts. 

"c. 1533-4. Itm p^ to John Siff the same 

day for twyn for yo^ f oxe netts 
w*** the breydyng . . • ij® iiij^ " ^ 

The rate of payment for foxes was fixed by the Statute at 
one shilling per head, but in many places a rapid and serious 
increase in the capitation allowance took place early in the 
18th century, and this may serve as an indication of the 
havoc they committed from time to time, among the poultry 
more especially. This was notably the case in the vicinity of 
Dartmoor. In some parishes it varied at different times, and 
frequently there was a much higher payment for female foxes. 
The following will serve to exemplify this statement with 
respect to Devon and Cornwall : — 

In East Budleigh the rate remained at Is. until 1790, 
when it advanced to 5s.; in 1811 9 animals cost the parish 
£2 5s., but in 1814 only £1 3s. was paid for 7. In the last 
three years, 1831-1833, when payment was made for them, 
the rate was 2s. 6d. The sexes were paid for equally. 

At Littleham 2s. is entered for a fox caught in 1688. 
Between 1732 and 1774 the sum charged is invariably Is. 
for a male fox and 3s. 4d. for a vixen ("vexon, vickson, 
vicken "), e.g, : — 

" 1757. To kUKng of two Yexons and a fox 7 8." 

At Ottery St. Mary the rate was 2s. 6d. per head in 
1782-3.^ The sum of Is. each allowed by the Statute was 
paid at Colyton in 1694 ;* also at Tavistock, commencing in 
1566, and continuing until 1673, when the parishioners made 
the following order : — 

**May 19*** 1673. This day it was agreed on by the Masters 
and inhabitants of the towne and parish of Tavystock that who- 
soever shall kill any ffox, within the said parish, shall receiue for 
his or their paynes, in so doing the sume of three shillings & 
fourpence." (64.) 

1 CharnJbert^s Journal (1885), 290. 

^ Arch. XXV. 550. 

3 N, and Q. 6th S. iv. 226. 

* W.A. i. 50. 


These animals must have been common in Hartland parish. 
In the Wardens' Accounts of 1603-4, "foxes* heads are very 
frequently brought in at this time" ; again, in 1654^5 they 
are reported to " be still paid for on a very large scale," one 
shilling each being the amount charged; but in 1668 the 
rate was advanced to 2s. (573-4.) The tariff at Alwington, 
1767-1824, was "at first two shillings, later three, and then 
five shillings per head" (597); whilst. at Otterton it re- 
mained unchanged between 1734 and 1839, 5s. being paid 
for old animals, and 2s. 6d. for cubs. During the 18th 
century 3s. 4d. pier head w^s paid for male foxes and 6s. 8d. 
for vixens at South Tawton and at Okehampton. 

At Liskeard, in 1705, £2 7s. 6d. was expended in killing 
foxes ;^ while the following is recorded in the History of 
Mullion :—'' Vrom 1786 to 1850 Paid for 243 Foxes 
£26 9s. 6d."6 

At Yolgrave, Derbyshire, the price per head ranged from 
Is. *6d. to 6s. 8d. One of the entries in the Wardens' 
Accounts runs thus: — 

" 1708. For 3 Foxee, 2 cubs & the old Bitch . 13 4."^ 

Where the payment is recorded at less than Is. it was for 
a cub, for which 4d. or 6d. was customarily paid, as in this 
instance :— Ecclesfield. 

" 1621. tow fox cub heads . . xij^ "» 

At Alwington, in this county, the following points out a 
curious departure from the conventional form of payment : — 

"1811. To Edward Bale for fox ale . . 5s. 
1816. Paid Edward Bale for fox ale . . 15s." (597) 

Bale appears to have been the recognized fox-catcher of the 
parish, an office not infrequent in other Devonshire places, 
judging from the following : — 


1566-7. " paide to Wfiliam Gaye for takyng 

of ffoxes . . . . x^ 

paide to Willm Gaye more towards 
his charge of kyllyng of foxees x^ *' (28) 

The same name appears in entries down to 1588-9. In 
1574-5 his office is thus recorded : — "paide ffor Willm Gaye 
half yeres rent ffor takyng of foxes ixl" (30.) 

•^ Histoj^j of Liskeard, J. Allen (1856), 150. 

♦^ By the Rev. E. G. Harvey (1875), 120. 

7 Jiel. iv. 192. « N. and Q., 1st S. iv. 390. 



"1662. paid to James Barefoote being the 

foxe killer . . . . 16 0" 

" 1668-9. Disbursed to the fox catcher in the 

behalfe of the parishe. . . 9« 9i<i" (574) 

Houghton-le-Springj Durham. 
" 1606. to the fox catcher for two foxes heades ij^ "^ 

Fox-hunting at the present day is pursued for the sport 
alone, the animal being now specially preserved for that 
purpose. Formerly it was otherwise, and in the larger 
number of instances, as in the case of the wolf, sport was a 
second consideration, the destruction of the animal being the 
great end in view.^ 

In his speech before the House of Lords in 1641, when 
defending the Bill of Attainder, the Solicitor-General (St. 
John) remarked: — 

"It was true, we give Laws to Hares, and Deer, because they 
are Beasts of Chase, but it was never accounted either Cruelty, or 
Foul Play, to knock Foxes and Wolves on the head as they can be 
found, because they are Beasts of Prey."^ 

Where in the Highlands, owing to the vicinity of peat- 
bogs, it cannot be hunted, it is destroyed by any means 

It was the customary practice in North Devon in the 
early part of the. present century, when a fox was known to 
be in the vicinity, for the Church bell to be rung, and the 
villagers, armed with weapons of any kind, hurried off to kill 
it. " This setting the' Church bell going to get the people 
together to destroy foxes was a common custom in Devon- 
shire in those days, and the whole congregation have been 
known to leave the Church during service for that purpose."* 
This was the state of things when the Rev. John Russell 
commenced his clerical duties at Iddesleigh, about the year 
1826, and is thus graphically described in one of his letters : — 

9 Durham Par. Books (Surt. Soc, 1888), 287. 

^ As a sport it was practised in the 16th century. There was published in 
1591 A Short Treatise on Hunting^ by Sir T. Cockaine, containing much 
information on this subject, commencing with "a very good note for any 
yong Gencleman, who will breed Hounds to hunt the Foxe," and illustrated 
with a woodcut of Master Reynard. It was reprinted in Journal of Derbysh. 
Archocol. Soc. iii. 111-128. 

2 Clauendon's Hist, of the Bebellion, I. (1702), 183. 

^ Clmiiibers's Journal (1885), 289. 

-* Land and Water, April 12th, 1884. 


"During the winter of the first year I was at Iddesleigh, the 
snow at the time lying deep on the ground, a native — Bartholomew 
alias Bat Anstey — :came to m&and said, *Hatherley hell is a-ringing, 
sir.' 'Ringing for whati' I inquired, with a strong misgiving as to 
the cause of it. * Well, sir, they've a-traced a fox in somewhere; 
and they Ve a-sot the hell agoing to collect the people to shoot un.' 
.... The very next day after the run from Brimhlecombe, a man 
came to Iddesleigh on purpose to inform me that the bell was 
going at Beaford, and that a fox had been traced into a brake near 
that hamlet."^ 

At the present day the Church funds would not be devoted 
to the object contained in this entry : — 


" 1606. To Richard Beare and John Hellyer 

for stopping of the Fox holes . 13 4."^ 

There can be little doubt that the following extracts from 
Wardens' Accounts refer to animals that were hunted : — 


" 1601-2. Paid for a fox head to Mr. Coffin's 

huntsman xij<^" 


" 1670. Mr. Heskers' Huntsman for a fox- 
head caught in our Parish . . 1 0."(115) 


"1699. To the hunters of St. Neot for 

killing foxes . . . . lOs.'*^ 

Yolgravej Derbysh. 
"1721. Paid for a hunted fox . . .06 8."8 

"1742. p<i Mr. Rolles Huntsman for a vexon 5 0." 

Hargrave, N'hampt. 
"1751. Paid the Lords huntsman for a fox . 2 6."» 

The next extracts show that the bodies of "vermin/* 
more especially of foxes, were often exposed to public view, 
"as a visible proof to the parishioners of the righteous use 
that they [the churchwardens] were making of the parish 

^ Memoirs of the Rev. John Russell^ by Rev, E. W. L. Da vies (1878), 

6 Letters, &c., Dr. F. Halle (1851), 99. 

7 Hist, of, 150. 8 jiqI iv. 192, 
« Northampt. N. arid Q, iv. (1891) 145. 


Pittington, Durham. 

" 1628. Whosoever shall take any fox ... in this parish, and 
bringe the heade to the Church, shall have twelve pence paid by 
the Churchwardens.*' ^ 


1724. Parishioners agree "To pay for every old fox, killed in 
the parish, and produced in the churchyard the Sunday following, 

OS.'* 2 


1736. "Whatsoever foxes are hereafter taken or killed 
within this parish are to be brought to the churchtown [sic] and 
hung up at the parish tree." ^ 

Hope, Derbysh. 

" Within the memory of man the fox has been hunted in this 
district, and the body hung up as a trophy in the niche formerly 
occupied by St. Peter, circa 1820-30." * 

At Sedbergh, Yorkshire, "heads of foxes and other ob- 
noxious creatures used to be nailed to the Church door." ^ 

The number killed in any one year never reached a high 
figure. At Eostheme, in Cheshire, fifteen (the highest 
number yet found) were paid for in 1673.^ Twelve at 
Tavistock, in 1627 (44), and thirteen at East Budleigh, in 
1682, are the highest figures in Devonshire parishes. The 
cessation of payments out of the Church funds for this 
purpose differed greatly throughout the country. Mr. E. 
Dymond records that at Widecombe the last was about 1869, 
and probably in Devonshire none was made after this year. 
At MuUyon the last payment was in 1856. 

The following forms a curious appendix to the foregoing 
account of wolves and foxes. According to Mr. J. Brooking 
Eowe, two kinds of foxes are found on Dartmoor, one known 
" as the * Dartmoor Greyhound,' from his superior length of 
limb, his massive head, and grey neck " ; while the body of 
the second kind "is smaller than the other, the face is 
shorter, the colour more red, and it is said, and we believe 
with truth, that it is of continental extraction."^ It is certain 

^ Durham Parish Books, 91. 

2 Hist, of, 151. 

3 Things New and Old, 55. 

4 Ch. Derbysh, ii. 259. 

« Mist, of, Rev. W. Thompson (1892), 265. 

6 Ch, Sheaf, i. 172. 

7 Perambulation of Dartmoor (1896), 331: "The wild fox, the old 
aborigiDal large grey fox. ... If you want to know Dartmoor as it ought to 
be known . . . you must know this fox." — New Book of Sports (1885), 2. 



that in the early part of this century, when hunting was less 
in vogue than it is at present, while foxes were commonly 
destroyed by the west inhabitants as " vermin," others were 
frequently brought from other places by the promoters of the 
hunt to supply any deficiency. As recently as 1839 Mr. J. 
C. Bellamy remarked that "a variety or smaller species is 
imported hither from France in large numbers to supply 
sport to the fox-hunter." ^ 

The writer is informed that formerly in Cheshire foxes of 
the red kind were frequently supplied from Scotland At 
one time some Bavarian animals were introduced of the wild 
grey variety. None, however, have been imported for some 
years, as those in charge of the hunt have adopted means to 
preserve the animals in their own respective districts ; before, 
however, the importation in another county was stopped 
altogether an unforeseen result occurred. In 1861 it was 
reported by the newspapers that a young wolf had been 
caught at High Ongar, in Essex, and that others had been 
seen in the fox covers of that neighbourhood (Hertfordshire 
was stated to be the scene of a similar occurrence) ; and in 
Chelmsford Museum is preserved "a young wolf killed in 
woods near Ongar after committing several depredations"; 
probably the one noted in the previous paragraph. The 
explanation appears to be that some wolf cubs were included 
among the foxes imported from abroad, and as they grew up 
they soon manifested their natural destructive instincts. This 
accidental inclusion of wolves "has often happened," according 
to one writer.^ 

The Badger. — It is somewhat difficult to determine why 
this nocturnal prowler and last representative of the bear 
tribe in England should have been regarded by our fore- 
fathers as a depredator equal to the fox, judging from the 
fact that the same amount was to be had for killing him. 

His customary food consists of acorns, beech nuts, roots 
and vegetables generally, insects, mice, and small vermin. 
Herrick alludes to the 

"Mice filcht from the binn of the graye farmer." 

Occasionally small birds and eggs are devoured by him ; and 
an East Devon farmer informs the writer that one of his hens 
with her eggs (the nest having been made in a hedgerow) 

^ Natural History of Soitth Devon (1839), 193. This is corroborated by- 
some local enquiries kindly made for the writer by the Rev. S. Baring-Gould. 
^ N. a7id Q. 2nd S. xii. 454-5, 530 ; 3rd S. i. 78 ; 6th S. ill. 253. 


were destroyed by this animal. Our Devonshire poet, W. 
Browne, makes a more serious charge against him : — 

**That Beast hath legs (which Shepherds feare 
Ycleep'd a Badger, which our Lambs doth teare)."^ 

As these lines were written during the first decade of the 
17th century, they probably reflect the popular opinion then 
entertained of the destructive habits of the animal, and may 
serve to explain why such a large price was set upon his 
head, as well as of the numerous entries in parish accounts of 
such payments having been made.^ It is known by several 
names — " the Badger^ otherwise called a Brocke, a Gray, or a 
Bauson " is the heading of a chapter relating to this animal 
in Topsell's History of Fotar -footed Beasts (1658), 26, and 
repeated in R Holme's Acad, of Armory (1688), bk. 2, ch. 9, 
sect. 51. Baud is another synonym noted in Halliweirs 
Dictionary? Until the 18th century it was generally desig- 
nated a Brock in the North of England, and a Gray in the 
South, but many exceptions to this are found in parochial 

Up to a certain date, Gtay was the customary name in 
Devonshire, e,g,:— E^^ Bvdleigh. 

"1664. It°» to William Burch for a grays head 00 01 00." 


" 1772. Paid Jacob how for killing a Grea . Is. 
To W°^ Sandras [sic] for killing 
two Greas . . . .3s." 

In the Accounts of these two parishes, the following show 
the earliest entries when the animal was termed a Badger : — 

East Btidleigh. 
"1772. For killing 4 Badgers . . .04 0." 


" 1775. p^ to Farmer Saunders for killing a 

Bagger 1 0."^ 

^ Britannia* s Pastorals (1868), i. 104. 

2 Under the title of "Bears in Devon," that appeared in Clack (1865), 
201-6, Mr. J. Brooking Rowe has given an interesting account of this much- 
maligned animal. 

2 Bauson is the term used in Fitzherbert's Book of Husbandry , 1534 (re- 
printed E. D. S., 1882, p. 64). Bawson in Catholicon Anglicum (1483). 
The word is erroneously interpreted in Ellis's Spec, of Early English Met, 
Romances (1811), ii. 372, as " Bison, wild bull." 

^ At South Tawton it is spelt in the same way. By a transposition of the 
vowels the word appears as " Bedgar " in the Okehampton records. 



The variant "grea" (or "gree") for "gray" has led to 8ome 
mistakes. Thus, a correspondent of N. and Q. suggests it 
was intended to mean the great shrike, or butcher bird. 
Another, that "greashead" was a provincial term for "the 
female kestrel, or grey-headed falcon."^ Now "greas" is 
simply the plural of grea (vide extract from Littleham 
records) for gray, and there can be no doubt that "grayes 
hedes" and "graies hed," two entries in the East Budleigh 
Wardens' Accounts of 1664, refer to the badger.^ 

Brocky a term once commonly employed in the North of 
England, has gradually fallen into desuetude. One example 
may be cited. gt. Oswald, Durham. 

"1674-5. For 4 Brock heads . . . 2s." ^ 

Mr. El worthy states that it is "still in use in the hill 
district of Somersetshire."® 

Bawson (bawsin, bauson. In Prompt Parv, bawstone)," 
another northern word, has disappeared from modem use. 

1620. "a bawson head .... xij^"! 

Another term that has become obsolete is pate, or pait. 
It is found in parish records in the North of England, e.g. : — 


1649-50. "It. pd to John Newton fo'^ A 

payte Heade . . . . 6d. 
To Anthony Sewertis for 3 paite 
heades*. . . . .Is. 6d."2 

In Bellamy's Nat, Hist of S. Devon, 194, it is also called 
Greypate, but no example of its employment has yet been 

'' 1st S. iv. 389 ; v. '68. Swainson's and other standard works on ornith- 
ology throw no light upon the term. 

^ In the parish books of Swainswick is this item : — " 1653 for to Greas 
0.2.0," and the editor has interpreted this as "Two crease (ridge) tiles." (110.) 
There is a greater probability of the proper rendering being "for two 
Badgers." The charge, 1^ 0^ each, is identical* with that recorded in other 
years of the same accounts for "greyes heads," whereas the price of crease 
tiles was much cheaper, e.g. at East Budleigh, in 1663-4, 1 doz. cost 3^ 6^. 
{D.A. xxiii. 295.) 

7 Durham Par, Books, 204. 

8 W, Som. Word Book, 92. 

• **Bawsand, bawsint, having a white spot on the forehead or face." — 
Jamieson's Scottish Diet. 

1 N. and Q. Ist S. iv. 390. 

2 Northumberland Words, Rd. O. Heslop (E. D. S., 1894), ii. 526. Cf. 
entries in Durham Par, Books, 91-4, 188-196, 344; the latest note of its use 
is dated 1703-4. 


The statutory capitation allowance for killing the badger 
was Is., but in many places during the 17th century much 
less was paid — one of the very few instances where there 
was any diminution in the amount authorized by the Act. 
At Hartland, in 1636-7, 4d. was the allotted sum; 6d. for 
" one gree" at Frithelstock in 1652, and Is. for two of the 
animals in 1655. Possibly some of them may have been 
young ones, but the context in certain of the accounts in the 
Durham Parish Books shows that they were full-grown 
examples. On the other hand, in some parishes there was 
an increase in the amount paid. At Widecombe, Mr. E. 
Dymond states that "dead badgers were assessed at one 
shilling each at first, but the reward was afterwards doubled." 
{b^.) The exceptionally high rate of 5s. per head was 
authorized by the parishioners of East Bergholt, Suffolk, 
in 1730.3 

Unlike many other animals, badgers favour certain districts 
and places, and this will account to a certain extent for the 
great variation in the numbers killed in different parishes. 
In the Woodbury accounts only two are reported, " a gray " 
in 1638, and "a badger" in 1788; but others might have 
been occasionally included under the head of "virments." 
At Littleham seven were paid for between 1641 and 1674, 
one in 1709, and eight between 1770 and 1775 ; whereas at 
Otterton the number was ten between 1779 and 1789. 

Judging from the foUowiug entry, the animal must have 
been common at Colyton : — 

"1694. Paid for ten grays . . . . 10«''4 

In East Budleigh parish (still frequented by them), twenty- 
one badgers were paid for between 1664 and 1679, five being 
the largest number in any twelve months. Excepting two 
solitary specimens in different years, the animal disappears 
from the Accounts for nearly a century. A wholesale destruc- 
tion commenced in 1770, when twenty-one were killed, the 
largest number yet found recorded in any one year in the 
annals of any parish. With few intermissions, annual pay- 
ments were made up to and inclusive of 1832 ; in that year 
two were paid for, after which there are no further entries. 

The Hedgehog, — The belief entertained by our forefathers, 
and still held by the inhabitants of rural districts, that this 
animal is in the habit of robbing cows of their milk when 
lying down, seems to be the main reason why its name forms 

8j;i\r. wnd Q. 2nd S. ii. 122. * W.A, i. 50. 



the subject of so many entries in parish accounts throughout 
the kingdom, and paid for at a rate double that of the weasel 
tribe. "To this belief," remarks Mr. LL Jewitt, "may, in 
great measure, be traced the determination to extirpate 
them," and adds, "they have been made the scapegoats of 
many other animals, including bipeds."^ "I have endea- 
voured to dislodge the fable from the minds of several of the 
unlearned, but my endeavour to do so only tended to increase 
their olden faith." ^ " I do not think you could convince a 
Cheshire farm labourer to the contrary," states Mr. Holland.^ 
Possibly the animal may have been seen to lap up some spilt 
milk where cows have been resting; but whatever may be 
the origin of this widespread idea, authorities regard it as 
being wholly incorrect. The animal feeds largely on the 
smaller forms of insect life and ground vermin. According 
to the Eev. G. White, it is very fond of the root of the 
plantain ; but F. Buckland gives good reason to believe that 
it is for the purpose of feeding on the insects and grubs 
which it there finds.® Eggs, young birds, snakes, toads, and 
frogs, are included in his diet list. 

It is said to rob orchards, gooseberries being its special 
weakness. Topsell affirms, " when he findeth apples or grapes 
on the earth, he rowleth himself upon them, untill he have 
filled all his prickles, and then carryeth them home to his 
den." ^ But he is more of an animal than a vegetable feeder. 

Although generally termed a hedgehog,^ it is known by 
several other names. 

In Cheshire it has almost invariably been known as 
Urchin or Urchant, and curiously enough in that county the 
term Hedgehogs is used to designate " small stunted trees in 
hedgerows." ^ 

Wilmsloio, Cheshire. 

" 1670. Given unto John Downes as a free 

gift for killing several urchins . 4^ " 3 

5 Rel. xxvi. 248-9. 

« The Denham Tracts (F. L. S., 1895), 97. 

^ Lane, and Chesh. Antiq. Notes, i. (1885), 123. 

8 Selborne, i. 97 ; ii. 98. 

» Eist. of Four-footed Beasts, &c. (1658), 218. 

^ The following are the principal variants that have been found in 
Accounts : Hadgehoge, Hadghoge, Hadghoogs, Hadhogs, Haegoges, 
Haggidgs, Haghog, Headge Hoggs, Hedgogs, Hedhogs. The most re- 
markable is the following, transcribed from the Church Accounts of 
Swainswick : 

**1706. 5headgoorg8 .... 1.8." (127.) 

2 Holland's Cheshire Glossary. 

^ Earwaker's E, Chesh. i. 115. 


St. John\ Chester. 
" 1665. paid for seven urchants . . . 00 01 06."* 

In some parts of Devonshire it goes by the name of 
Hedgeboar, or Hedgebore (also Hedgy Boar, according to the 
Hartland Glossary). Hartland. 

" 1659-60. Paid George Trust for 12 hedge- 
bores heads .... Is." (574) 


"1657. receivd oflf Mr. William Hore 
Churchwarden £for 13 hadge- 
bores 28. 2d."5 (47) 

In several entries in the Okehampton Parish Accounts it is 
entered as Furse, or Furze-pig ; thus : — 

"1775-6. paid for three Furse piggs . .00 6." 

Fuz-pig, or Vuz-pig, are variants in the W, Som, Word 
Book, and Fuz man pig in the Gloucester Dialect Glossary. 
(F. L. S.) 

The payment per bead was fixed by the Statute at 2d., but 
in a large number of places it was soon raised to 4d. It is 
singular that in East Budleigh the latter amount was in- 
variably paid, whereas in the adjoining parish of Littleham 
the smaller rate is entered in the majority of cases, extended 
to 3d. in a few instances. In some places the rate varied 
according to the age of the animal ; thus : — 

" 1669. 16 young urchins 2 8. An old one 4."« 

The number paid for varied greatly in different parishes, 
and even in the same one from time to time. In East Budleigh 
the number gradually increased from one in 1666 to 99 in 
1679, when the parishioners changed their views, and the 
hedgehog disappeared from the list of vermin killed at the 
expense of the parish. Something of the same kind occurred 
at Littleham. Prior to 1699 there had been some occasional 
payments for them, but in 1699 three were paid for, and a 

4 Hist, of St John\ Ch. (Rev. J. C. Scott, 107). In R. Holme's Acad, of 
Arm. it is named " Hedg-hog . . . Irchin, or Hiricion " (bk. 2, ch. ix. sec. 
52.) "Orchants" is in the Ormskirk Accounts of 1666. {Trans, Hist, Soc, 
Lane, &c., 3rd S. ij. 12.) 

^ In the W, Som, Word Book Hedgepig is given — a term employed by 
Shakespeare : — 

"Once the hedge-pig whin'd." — Macbeth, IV. 1. 
« Hel, iii. 215. 

X 2 


gradual annual increase took place until 1741, when the 
number killed is entered as 133. Then occurred a long 
interval, broken in 1774, when the accounts record six. At 
Woodbury the earliest entry is in 1675, " for six hadghoogs." 
The largest numbers were twelve in 1703, and twenty in 

At Leominster 35 were killed in 1736,^ and the same 
number at Yolgrave in 1687.® In 1722 65 were destroyed at 
Eastington,® and 47 at Barnstaple in 1752.^ But these are 
far below some of the Cheshire records, e.g. at Bunbury 253 
were paid for in 1656, and 316 at Eostherne in two years 
(1673 and 4).^ These numbers were approximated by Little- 
ham, as shown in the Appendix A, where 456 are recorded 
in the four years 1728-31. 

To a present inhabitant of Westminster the following 
item of payment in the Wardens' Accounts may prove a 
curiosity : — 

St Margarefs, Westm. 

"1689. To Chris. Betty for producmg a 
hedgehogg caught in this parish, 
according to the statute . . 4d." ^ 

The Otter. — This animal is, according to R Holme, " of 
some called the Dog of the Water, and some Cats of the 
Water."* Although an occupant of all Devonshire rivers 
(especially those flowing from Dartmoor) and their estuaries, 
there is not much to be said about it, as entries relating to 
its destruction are, in parish annals, few and far between, 
and, excepting in one instance, one only in any single year. 
The exception is thus noted in the History of Launceston, 

Temp. James I. "for too outores heades , 4:d." ^ 

This is noteworthy for being the rate of payment directed 
by the Statute, but it is the only instance yet found of 

7 Hist, of, 253. 

^ Ch. Derhysh. ii. 339. In Rel. iv. 191 the amount paid is erroneously 
stated as £5 lOs., 5^ 10^ being the proper amount. 
' Oloc. N. and Q. iii. 251. 

1 Hist, of St. Peter's Ch., J. R. Chanter, 90. 

2 Ch. Sheaf, i. 172 ; ii. 187. 

8 Waloott's Mem. of West. 133. 

^ Acad, of Arm. bk. 2, ch. 10, sect. 2. He transcribed this from Topsell's 
work (1658), 444 ; and Camden alludes to them as "Water dogs, which we 
call Otters." {Britannia (1695), 32.) 

* **Orteres" are included in the Account Book of Alwington, but the date 
is not mentioned (597). 


SO small a sum being paid, the customary one being Is., even 
at an earlier date, e,g, at Minchinhampton : — 

"1589. for an otter's head . . . xijd"« 

The following are later examples : — 


" 1776-7. paid Eichard Chudleigh for killing 

an otter , • . . 1* " 

"1727. for and oters head . . .01 0."^ 

At Tavistock Is. 4d. was paid "for a fitch and otter" in 
1787 (134). At Mullyon 3s. was paid for three otters 
between 1786 and 1850.^ It is singular that none of the 
records of parishes along the valley of the river Otter have 
as yet been found to contain any allusion to this animal. 

Occasionally more was paid by the parish; thus at Ash- 
next-Sandwich, 2s. 6d. was given in 1689.® An otter was 
killed at Plymouth in 1706, and " 5s. was paid for the ex- 
ploit."^ And at Prestbury, a vestry meeting in 1731 decided 
"to offer 7s. 6d. for every otter's head."^ 

The following extract from Northampton N. and $., iv. 192, 
is too curious to be passed over : — 

" Hargrave, 

*1712. Pd to Eeebee of Stanwick for an 

ottar 00 01 00.' 

Why otters were paid for by a parish four miles from any river is 
not very apparent; except on the supposition that the killers 
thereof persuaded the churchwardens that otters wandered far 
away from water, and were accountable for the disappearance of 
fowl as well as fish." 

Weasel tribe, — The Mustelidae or Weasel tribe (including 
the Otter, of which a separate notice has just been given) 
may, for our present purpose, be considered under the three 
headings of — 1. Weasel ; 2. Marten ; and 3. Polecat. 

1. Weasel (Stoat, Stout). — Although two kinds are re- 
cognized by naturalists, no difference is made by parish 
recorders, nor is the animal frequently entered in the 
Wardens' Accounts. None are mentioned in those of East 

® Arch. XXXV, 435. 

7 Northampton N. and Q. ii. 23. 

8 Hist, of, 120. 

® A Comer of Keivty J. R. Planch^, 166. 
^ St, Andrews, Plyrfwuth, 48. 
2 E, Chesh, ii. 230. 


Budleigh, and only one in each of the adjoining parishes of 
littleham and Woodbury; in the former " a stote " was killed 
in 1674, and "one stotte" in the latter in 1703. Several 
under this name are note'd in the annals of Wellington, 
Somerset, in 1694 and 1700.^ 

"1740. Paid for wisales . . . . i^ 2d"4 

Vair, as a synonym of the weasel, appears in The Dialect 
of Hartland (118), and, according to Mr. El worthy, it is so 
termed "in North- West Somerset and North Devon; in the 
Vale district of West Somerset always vary'^ Of the latter 
term, he adds in explanation, "a weasel not a stoat." ^ 
According to Bell,® the greater, or ermine, weasel is also 
termed a stoat, the common weasel is not, so that probably 
the " fayre " noted in the Act of Elizabeth may be intended 
for the latter. (This term is considered at length sub " Wild 
Cat," q.v,) As vair, vary, or fayre, no mention has been found 
in any parish books.*^ 

2. Marten. — There are but few entries in parish accounts 
of their destruction, and all varieties are included under one 
term. According to Bellamy (194), " Martern cat " is one of 
its names in Devonshire. 

At Okehampton "a martyn" was killed in 1780, and "a 
marfceil" in 1787. Two were paid for at Wellington in 1609, 
and one ("Marting") in 1700. (125, 129.) In each instance 
Is. was paid. In 1744, "3 marts heads" are entered in the 
Ecclesfield Accounts, but from the context they were probably 

3. Polecat. — The destruction of this animal is recorded in 
the majority of the annals of rural parishes, and it is entered 
under various names — "fichew, polcat, or fulmer,^ or fou- 
mart," polecat being, perhaps, the least frequent. 

Chaucer has " polcat," and Topsell " poul-cat." This, one 

8 Hist, of, A. L. Humphreys (1889), 129. 

4 Qloc. N. and Q. iii. 253. 

^ W. Som. Word Book, 795, 798. These two are the only dialect glossaries 
in which the word " vair " (for weasel) is noted. 

^ Brit. Quadrupeds, 141, 148. Cf. White's Selhorne^ ii. 45-6. 

"^ * * In North Devon the weasel is commonly called a * vair, ' pronounced 
*veer*; in South Devon a 'vare,' *vair,' or *vairy,* pronounced 'ferry,' 
evidently from the French vair = fur ; and, according to Colonel Montague, 
the smew has been given the above name [vare-wigeon] because of its weasel- 
like head." (D'U. & M. 248.) In Norfolk smews **are called weasel ducks, 
or weasel coots." (Swainson, 165.) 

8 N. aihd Q. 1st S. iv. 390. 

» Withal's JJicl. (1608). 


writer affirms to be a corruption of "poultcat," poultry 
having been especially subject to its attacks; but Prof. 
Skeat has shown this to be incorrect. 

In the southern parts of England it is generally desig- 
nated a fitch, or one of its numerous variants. In payments 
noted in the Hartland Wardens' Accounts of the 17th 
century, " Feeches," " Fitchewes," and " Fich " are the terms 
employed ; but in the modern Dialect of Hartland, Mr. Chope 
states that "Fitchy" is most frequently used. At Frithel- 
stock, in 1650, one of the items in the Accounts is for " two 
ffecthees"; and for "a fitchoU" at Wellington, in 1688 (125), 
E. Holme has "fitcher." At East Budleigh the entry is 
always in one or other of the following forms : — 

"1667. To Edmond Hopping for two 

ffitchowes . . . . 00 00 08. 

1668. To Charles Hall for a fichowe . 00 4." 

In the North some variant of "foumart" is most frequent ; 
a corruption of Foul mart or marten (" Foumart " in Jamie- 
son's Scott, Diet) "Fulmer" or "Fulmart"i are not uncommon 
(A. S. ful = foul.) ; both " fulmart " and " foomart " are found 
in the Ecclesfield Accounts,^ and "fulmer" and "folmert" 
in those of Houghton-le-Spring.^ 

Although the weasel tribe generally is one notorious for its 
destruction of poultry and game, there is a considerable differ- 
ence in the respective depredations of each kind. By far the 
worst offender is the Polecat. It is the most determined 
enemy of game preserves, poultry yards,* and rabbit warrens ; 
but while all other animals that prey upon the same birds kill 
what they need, eating it on the spot or carrying it to their 
den, this one appears to destroy for the mere pleasure of 
killing, plundering and destroying all within its reach. (Cf. 
Bell, 157.) It is said to be diminishing in numbers in England, 
the traps of the farmer and the gun of the gamekeeper being 
probably the main cause. It will catch fish, and will kill 
and feed on rats, mice, moles, and small vermin, like the stoat 
and the marten, but not to the same extent as they do. 
Taking all this into consideration, the wonder is, not that 
the animal was killed at the expense of the parish, but that 

^ FulTnar, a bird, "akin to Foumart = a polecat . . . from the peculiar and 
disagreeable odour of the bird, owing to the oil which it emits on being 
seized, and the rankness of its food." (Swainson, 213.) 

'^ N. and Q. 1st, iv. 390. 

^ Durham Par. Books, 344. 

^ " The roofe or upper part of the [hen] house shut in euery night at sun-set 
for feare of fulmers." (1600. Surflet, Countrie Farme, bk. 1, ch. 15, p. 93.) 


payments for its destruction are not more frequent None 
are recorded in the annals of Woodbury and littleham. 
In East Budleigh, twenty were paid for between the years 
1668 and 1674, and one in 1679, but no others are noticed 
in the Wardens' Accounts. 

By the Statute, Id. per head was to be paid for all members 
of the weasel tribe (except otters, rated at double this 
amount) ; and at Liskeard 4d. was the allowance for " four 
fitches" destroyed in 1671 ;^ but the sums paid throughout 
the country were usually much higher than this. At Hart- 
land, in the same century, 2d. was the capitation allowance. 
In one year the number paid for was unusually large : — 

"1672-3. Master Anthony Coffin for 27 

fich beds .... 28. 3d." 

At East Budleigh, Eastington, and many other places the 
rate was 4d., while the customary one at Sedbergh, York- 
shire, was " 8d. for an old foumart, 4d. for a young one. . . . 
In 1824 great slaughter was committed among the foumarts, 
twenty-two seniors and five juniors being duly presented and 
paid for." The last payment was made in 1860, when 8d. 
was given for one foumart.^ From 1688-1700, at Wellington, 
the charge for stoats varied from 2d. to 4d., polecats 4d., and 
martens Is. (125-129), while at Okehampton in the 18th 
century Is. was paid for any kind of the weasel tribe. 

Berkhampstead, Herts, must have been infested with them, 
judging from the numerous entries in the Church Accounts.^ 
From 1733, to 1746 payments for their destruction were 
made in every year save one (the Accounts terminate in 
1748). In 1746 sixteen were killed, and nine in the previous 
year, all at the rate of 4d, each. (Four " wheezells " were 
also paid for in 1736 at the same rate.) 

The Wild Cat, — This destroyer of game is sometimes 
termed the " British Tiger," on account of its ferocity. (In 
an article entitled "Wild Cats," in Chamhers's Journal (1878), 
587, two instances of persons being attacked by them and 
killed are recorded.) In the wooded districts of England it 
must formerly have been a common denizen,^ judging from 
entries in parish accounts during the 17th century ; but it 
has slowly retreated, and, according to Bell, "it is now 

5 Hist, of, 145. 

8 Sedberghf Garsdale^ and Dent, Rev. W. Thompson (1892), 265-6. 

7 Brit. Mus., Addit. MS., 18,773. 

8 "The wild cat . . . in the fifteenth century roamed for its prey in 
almost all our forests." (Rev. "W. Denton, England in the Fifteenth Century 
(1888), 162.) 


almost entirely restricted to Scotland, some of the woods in 
the North of England, the woody mountains of Wales, and 
some parts of Ireland." (178-9. His work was published in 
1837. During the last sixty years the area containing the 
animal has become more restricted.) The following is indi- 
cative of its former presence in Cheshire : — In 1673 a brief 
was collected at Mere, Wilts, for a fire at " Wildcatts Hearth 
[Heath], in the p'ish of Wisterton [Wistaston], in the county 
of Chester."^ 

In Devonshire the animal is not mentioned in any of the 
annals of parishes in the lower part of the valley of the Otter, 
nor at Woodbury. At Littleham, in the Exe Valley, the 
following appear in the Accounts : — 

1668. "p<^ George Channon for destroynge 

a wild cat . . . .01 0." 

In 1672 "a willcate," and in 1674 three "wild cats," are 
charged 6d. each. No others are entered. 
One was destroyed at Frithelstock in 1650. 


1654-5. "paid John Rows for a [wild] 

catts head . . . .2d." (46) 

They are frequently noticed in the Hartland Accounts : — 

1638-9. "Paid Mr. Atkins man for three 

wild cats heads , . . xij<^" 
1654-5, "Heads of fitchews, foxes, wildcats^ etc. ... are still 
paid for on a very large scale." 

No record has yet been found of the sum authorized by the 
Statute, viz. Id., being paid in any instance. The lowest is 
2d., as cited from the Tavistock Records, "A wylde catt 
head " is charged this amount in the Ecclesfield Accounts of 
1626.^ In 1691 three heads cost the Ilkley parishioners 8d. 
each.2 It is singular that no payments during the 18th 
century have yet been met with. 

The wild cat is quite distinct from the tame or domestic 
kind (cf. Bell, 180-1) ; but probably some of the latter were 
occasionally included under the former designation, and paid 
lor as such out of the parish funds. As to its being of larger 
size, it is stated that " one was killed in Cumberland which 
measured five feet from the nose to the end of the tail.^ That 

9 N. and Q. 7th S. xi. 186. 

1 N. and Q, 1st S. iv. 390. 

2 Hist, of, by Collyer and Turner (1885), 190. 

^ Vide " Country Jottings " in Chambers^ 8 Journal (1886). 


domestic ones frequently take to the woods and lead a wild 
predatory life is well known to gamekeepers, who shoot 
them without mercy for being destructive to all kinds of 
game. In a gamekeepers' museum near Brighton, F. 
Buckland saw 53 cats' heads in one row.* 

There are two animals, or two names for the same animal, 
mentioned in the Statute which demand notice here, for 
reasons that will be presently apparent. 

1. The Act of 1565, printed in B. L. in 1566, contains this 
section : — 

"For the head of every Fitchewe, Polcatte, Wesell, Stote, 
Fayre Bade, or wylde Catte, Id." 

2. In the Duties of Constables, &c., by W. Lambarde, 
published in 1587, the words printed in italics (not in the 
original) appear as 

"Faire, Badge, or Wilde cat." (65.) 

3. In the Statutes of the Realm, printed in 1819, as 

"Fayrebade or WUde Catte." (iv. 498-9.) 

4 In The Parish, by Toulmin Smith (1857), as 

" Fayre-bad, Wildcat." (233.) 

In the first two divisions, "Fayre" and "Bade" (as 
* Badge " in the second) are shown as separate words, whereas 
*in the others they are fused into one. This latter proceeding 
was certainly a mistake, and led to the committal of another 
grave one by the last-named author, in giving the following 
extraordinary explanation of the compound word : — 

" Fayre-bad [/are-bad, i.e, bad-goer, Badger]." 

The Devonshire author, G. Pulman, accepts this rendering, 
and affirms the badger to have been " anciently called Fayre- 
bad " (of which there is not the slightest evidence), and, as 
in corroboration, adds, "Shakespeare speaks of *the uneven 
legged badger/ and it is a fact that the badger's legs are 
uneven."^ This statement raises two questions. 1. Does 
Shakespeare use the phrase quoted in any of his plays ? It 
is certainly not mentioned in Mrs. C. Clarke's Concordance, 
2. Are the badger's legs uneven ? Bell does not so report 
them. It is true, he states " the legs are short," but there is 
no allusion to their being uneven. 

•* CiLv. of Nat. Hist. 2nd S. (1879), 72. 
'" Glossary to llKistic Sketches (1871), 09. 


T. Smith had evidently overlooked the fact that in a 
previous section (quoted by him) the Badger is specially 
alluded to as a " Gray," for which the high capitation allow- 
ance of one shilling each was authorized to be paid, whereas 
that of the " Fayre-bade " was only one penny. The latter 
term (except in Pulman's work already noticed) is not 
found in any dictionary or glossary. 

Eegarded as distinct words, they are not difficult of ex- 
planation. Fayre is simply a variant of Vair, an ordinary 
term for the Weasel in North Devon, as already pointed out 
{sxCb " Weasel "). 

Turning to the second word, Bade^ attention must first be 
called to the circumstance that redundant words for the 
same animal are employed several times in the Statute; 
thus : " Fitchewe " and " Polcatte," " Moldwarpe or Wante," 
as though the person who drew it up was not too well 
acquainted with natural history. Now in the original Act 
the words are "Bade, or wylde Catte." (T. Smith in his 
quotation omits the word "or.") That the two words are 
intended for the same animal is fairly evident from the 
following entry in the Wardens' Accounts of Liskeard : — 

"1671. Four wild cats or bades, and four 

fitches 8d."6 

The word Bade has not only become obsolete, but is 
unnoticed in any dictionary or" glossary. It has been sug- 
gested to the writer that hade may possibly be identical with 
'paU, a badger; but apart from the improbability of the 
consonants being so changed, enough has been said to show 
that it could not have been intended for the latter animal. 
" Badge," in the quotation from Lambarde's work, is probably 
a printer's error, although it is perilously near " Badget, a 
badger," according to the Glossary of East Anglia, by W. 


The Mole. — This harmless animal feeder has been included 
in the Statute as one of the "noysome vermine," although 
rated at almost the lowest possible figure, viz. Jd. per head. 
Whether it was so classed owing to the unsightly little 

6 Hist, of, 145. 

^ E. D. S., 1895. The following item appears in the MinGhinhampton 
Records : — 

** 1560. for a pare of bates legges iiijd." {Arch, xxxv. 426.) 

Possibly this may have been intended for pate ; but the peculiarity of the 
entry consists in the circumstance that payment was made on the production 
of the auiiual's legd, the rule being that the head should be supplied. 



hillocks it makes in fields and gardens, or was due to some 
fancied ill engendered by it, of which no account has been 
preserved, is unrecorded. It is known by several names 
additional to that of Mole. In Devonshire and in many 
other counties, more especially in the southern ones, it is 
generally termed either a mole or a want (wont), of which 
these are examples :— ^^^ Budleigh, 

1684. "To John Bedford for killing of 4 
Moles & Casting abroad the Mole 
hills in the Church yard . . 00 01 01." 


1768. "Paid him [John Eogers the Clerk] 
for caching the molls and spreding 
ye hills Is. 6d." (597) 


"1617-8. It'' to George Norley for killing Wantes in the 
church yeard" [leaf defective].^ 

In some of the Midland and Northern Counties it is called 
Moudy-rat, Mould- wart, Mould- warp, Moudy-warp, or some 

v^^^^°^- Nottingham. 

1577. "payd Bakyn and Pyght for takyng 
of movdy warpes, the vijth of 
December, at Maister Mer's com- 
mandemet .... xxv^"^ 

The following notes a curious variant : — 

1666. " 52 Maulderes heads." i 

There must have been a raid on these animals at this 
place, as well as in the following : — 

"1571. Brought in . . . moUes xxx doson."^ 

" The earliest example of the employment of this term in parish accounts 
is the following :— Ludlow. 

1576-7. " Item to Gyles Bruton for xx^^e wontes heades . x^ " (165) 

"Want-knap, a mole-heap. Want-snap, a trap." (Glossary to Ritstic 
Sketches, G. Pulman (1871), 156.) 

^ Records of (lie Roroicgh of, iv. 168. Local phrase, *'as blind as a 

The Rev. John Gee, a Devon writer, in a sermon entitled Holdfast, pub- 
lished in 1624, employs the term " An ti- Christian Molewarps." (63.) It 
appears that he held a living in Lancashire for some time, where he probably 
learned the use of this term. There is an account of him in D.A. xxv. 49. 

^ Trails. Hist. Soc. Lane, and Chesh. 3rd S. ii. 12. 

2 r.S.A. 2ndii. 387. 


The following remarkable account, recorded in the parish 
annals of Prestbury, not only points out the high capitation 
rate paid there at one time, but also that when a parish was 
willing to pay for any number of certain animals, a supply 
was forthcoming, as neighbouring parishes would in all 
probability be ransacked for them when paid for at such a 
high rate. It can be no matter of surprise that the order 
was discontinued. 

Prestbury. "In 1732, in order to ensure the destruction of 
* moles or waunts,' 6d. per dozen was to be paid for them by the 
Churchwardens. In the following year this order was rescinded, 
the wardens having paid *for moles this year' .£11 8s. 4d., repre- 
Benting the enormous number of 5480 moles killed in that year 
alone ! " ^ 

Rats and Mice, — Although the Statute directed that one 
penny was to be paid for every three Eats, or for twelve 
Mice, the parish records contain but few entries relating to 
them. At Ludlow, soon after the Act of Elizabeth, we find 
the following : — 

1569. 17 "dozen of myse heades" at 1*^ per dozen. 

1576. "Paied Giles Bruton for a rattes heade and a wontes, 
jd.'' (139-40, 164.) 

The services of a regular ratcatcher were generally engaged,* 
as in these examples : — 

Wenhaston, Suffolk. 

"1731. Spent at Hales worth, in endeavouring 

to get the Eatcatcher . . . 2'Od"^ 

Glaston, Eutland. 

"1825, Mar. 24. It was this day agreed at a Vestry Meeting 
held that Tho^ Pickering of Laxton was to destroy the Eats at 51, 
per annum." ^ 

According to a correspondent in JV. and Q, (1st S. v. 68), 
at Corsham, Wilts, circ. 1825, rats were paid for at the rate 
of one penny each, and that their " tails only were required 
to be brought." 

^ E, Cfhesh. ii. 230. The services of a recognized mole-catcher were sought 
for in many parishes. Cf. entries relating to mole-traps, mole-catchers, &c. , 
in ''Some Parochial Papers relating to Glaston," Rutland, in Mel. v. n. s. 
(1891), 158-9. There is a curious narration of a contest for the office of 
mole-catcher in a Shropshire village in N, and Q. 6th S. v. 406. 

^ The ratcatcher must have been a recognized form of employment at an 
early period, as in the Vision of Fiers Ploughman he is mentioned as 
*'ratoner." (Ed. Skeat (1886), i. 161.) 

* Curioits Parish JRecords, Rev. J. B. Clare (1894), 21. 

« Bel, v. n.s. (1891), 168. 


Crew tribe, — All of the conridiB, or crow tribe, excepting 
the natcracker^ have occupied a principal place in the Ust of 
"noyfoll fowles" to be destroy^ and no other birds were 
mentioned in the first Statute (1533), although, singular to 
state, the two greatest depredators, the raven and the jay, 
were not included in it. Whether this Statute failed in its 
purpose is unknown ; it is, however, noteworthy that while it 
provided for the payment of one penny for the heads of 
every six old crows, rooks, and choughs, in the second (1565) 
this was increased to twopence for the ssune number, while 
the allowance for ravens and jays was one penny each, a fair 
proof they were considered the worst of their class. 

The tribe may be termed "omnivorous, as there is hardly 
anything which they can swallow which they will not digest, 
and they are ubiquitous in their search after food." ^ This is 
more especially true of ravens and crows, which are the 
detestation of shepherds, as they will watch weakly animals, 
and even attack them before death takes place. They are 
r^arded with similar feelings by farmers' wives and game- 
keepers for attacking young poultry and game, and destroying 
eggs. The rest of the corvidae have these characteristics less 
marked, but all are notorious egg-suckers. The rook destroys 
a large number of insects and their larvsB, wire- worms being 
a favourite article of their food. The magpie and jay are 
especially fond of peas and cherries. Failing their ordinary 
food, all will occasionally feed on grain. In the great 
majority of cases payments for the destruction of this tribe 
were made in the 17th century. 

1. The Baven. — There is no mention of this bird in the 
accounts of Devon parishes yet examined. Has a bad name 
for carrying oflf young chickens, and within a recent period, 
"when one very ancient and powerful raven was shot on 
Brean Down, in Somerset, it was carried round the district to 
be exhibited, its slayer receiving sundry small gratuities to 
reward him for the benefit he had conferred upon the 
henwives." ^ 

At Swainswick, the Statute rate of one penny each was 
paid for three ravens in 1631, for four"younge" ones in 
1632, and for four more in the year following. (99-102.) 
They appear to have been unusually numerous in Derbyshire. 
At Wirksworth, in 1710, " ravens were paid for at 3d. a head 
to the number of 181," an unusually high rate.® The earliest 

7 D'U. & M. 88. 8 Ibid, 96. 

» CK Derbysh. ii. 664. 


notice of payment for one at Youlgreave is dated 1666 ; and 
"between 1724 and 1734 ... 80 ravens were paid for by 
the parish."^ 

2. Grows and Rooks, — In parish books no distinction is 
apparently made between these two, the latter being fre- 
quently entered under the name of the former. The earliest 
notices in Wardens' Account Books are the foUowiDg, dated 
a few years only after the Act of 1565 : — 

1569. 12 " Krowes heades " at 3 for Id. (139-40.) 


"1571. The accompt off dawes and crawes molles and other 
vennen brought inn July the 2 daye, anno Eh'zebethe 13*> 

"Imprimis brought in by Thomas Cresye Crowhedes xxvii 
dosoone at the Eatte off iiij* vj*^ 

" Mor brought in by William P'k xv doson and compounded at 
vj beds j^ — ij» vj<^ 

" Item mor brought in by Watson yonge crowes xij " ^ 

The Statute required that a crow-net was to be furnished, 
and kept in, every parish for common use, of which these are 

^ ' Minchinhampton, 

"1575. for a crowe nett .... ij* iiij**"^ 

Whitegate^ Chesh. 
1640. " for a crow net " .... 58.^ 

At Wenhaston, Suffolk, "a Eook nett very old" is included 
in an inventory of 1686.^ 

Their destruction does not appear to have been continued 
beyond the 17th century, at least, so far as payments out 
of the parish funds are concerned. The following is an 
interesting Devonshire example : — 


" 1622-3. paid John Pearse for ten dozen of 

rookes heades . . . xxd." (573) 

^ Ibid, 338-9. One of the entries is thus quoted in Rel, iv. 192 : — 

" 1723. Pdid for 5 Ravens at 2d. a-piece . 10." 
2 RS.A. 2nd S. ii. 387. 
^ Arch. XXXV. 430. 

4 Ch. Sheaf, i. n.s. 133. 

5 Curious Far. Records, 23. As already noted in an early part of this 
paper, a jury presented the Wardens of Leominster in 1556, for not having 
provided a net of this kind. 


3. The Jackdaw, — ^According to D*U. & M. (90) it is 
known in Devonshire as daw or chauk, and, with Yarrell, 
they restrict the term " chough " to the red-legged crow, or 
Cornish chough. In the New Oxford Dictionary the term 
" chough " is defined as " a bird of the crow family, formerly 
applied somewhat widely to all the smaller chattering species, 
but especially to the common jackdaw [and] now restricted 
to the red-legged crow." 

According to R. Holme,* " the Jack-Daw or Daw ... in 
some places ... is called a Caddesse or Choff "; whereas the 
** Cornish Chough ... is called also a Fulica, or Fulice." 
Caddow (of which caddesse is apparently a variant) is used 
in East Anglia, according to Halliwell and Swainson, but the 
following example shows that it was formerly employed in 
Derbyshire also : — 

Morton Wardens^ Accounts, 

"1599. To John Lye of Wholye for stoping the churche forth 
of the Caddowes the 10th of May." 7 

The terms jackdaw or daw are very rarely used in parish 
books, nor are they employed in the Statutes, the bird being 
nearly always termed a chough or one of its variants. 

It is remarkable that none of the Glossaries of the English 
Dialect Society, &c., yet examined allude to the modern 
employment of "Chough" for Jackdaw. (Halliwell's defi- 
nition points to a distinct bird : — " A bird like a jackdaw.") 
Nevertheless, in East Devonshire, where it is a common 
denizen of the cliffs, the term " Chough " is almost always 
used, and pronounced " Chuff" or " Chow."^ 

Examples : — 

East Bvdleigh, 

"1669. To Thomas Winter for killing of 

chofes 10^ 00." 

(Other examples dated 1712 and 1762, vide ante.) 

Otterton, — The south boundary of this parish is formed entirely 
of clififs, which are tenanted by hosts of Jackdaws. This will 
account for the numerous entries relating to them in the parish 
books : — 

"1734. To John Staford for 18 Doz° 

Choughs . . . . 0. 9 0." 

6 Acad, of Arm. bk. 2, ch. 11, sect. 73. 

7 Bel. XXV. 18. 

8 Caxton has ** Chowe " in his Mirrour of the World. And in the Ludlow 
Wardens' Account we find : — 

1569. •' tfor vi chohes headesi^ ♦' (140) 


" April y« 25*^ 1737. It is agreed at a Parish Meeting y* There 
shall Be Powder and Shot Bought By y® ouerseers of y® Poore for 
y« killing of y« Choffs & y* y« Parsons y* Shout Them Shall Have 
one shilling a Day for Theire attendance Thereon & Likewise one 
penny a head for Oups and Two pence a head for Jeays produsing 
y® Heads to y® Church -Wardens Finding Powder & Shot Them 
Selves for y® Oups & Jeeys'* [Signed by 12 parishioners]. 

"At a Parish Meeting Held April the 20*^ 1741 It's agreed by 
the Parishioners that no more Money "Shall be Paid for Drawing 

of Choffs from the Cleft at South " [South Farm is bounded 

by the CliflGs]. 

The order was rescinded at a later date, as the following 
shows : — 

« 1754. To KiUing 52 Dozen of Chofes & 

Jays &c 16 0." 

Large numbers were paid for in the next three years. 

In 1635 the Jury of the Court Leet of Leominster pre- 
sented the Constables and Churchwardens, "for not having 
a sufficient Chafnet according to the Statute in that case 
provided." ® 

4. The Magpie. — "Pie, Mock-a-pie, Piannet," in Devon- 
shire (D.U. and M. 87) is only occasionally mentioned in 
Parish Accounts. 


1567-8. "ij pyes" form a portion of an entry.^ 

OrmsJcirk^ Lane. 
1666. "50 pianets " paid for.2 

Holmes Chapel, Chesh. 
1809. " Pd Thomas Hackney for 6 Magpie heads, 6d."3 

A remarkably late example. 

5. The Jay, — In Devon and Cornwall known as the Jay 
pie. (Eeported by Swainson to be also the name of the 
Missel Thrush in Wilts, 2.) 

According to the Wardens' Accounts it was for a time a 
special object of destruction in some parishes, while in 
others, even of contiguous ones, it was unnoticed. Illustra- 
tions of this are found in the respective lists of East Budleigh 
and of Littleham. In the former, from the year 1664 (the 

^ Hist, ofy 235-6. A similar presentment was made in 1556, vide ante, 

^ Ch. IF, Ace. 41. 

^ Trams. Hist. Soc, Lane, and Chesh, 8rd S. ii. 12, 

3 Hist, of, 31. 



earliest one that has come down to us) to 1679 large numbers 
were killed almost every year, the most in any one year 
being 107. The following is a transcript of the first entry:— 

" 1664. It™ to John Channon in towne for 

11 gayes heads . . . 00 00 11." 

(Variations of the name in these Accounts : — " Gaies, geies, 
geas, Jeyes, jeys.") 

But between 1680 and 1835 only one payment is recorded, 
and that was for a single bird in 1787. In the Littleham 
list, extending from 1628 to 1775, the name is not mentioned. 

They were less frequently paid for in the 18th century. 
They are noted in that century in the parish annals of 
Alwington (597). The following is another example : — 

"1724. Payed for Joyes . . 2 2." 

"1740. Pd for Joys this year . . 4 0."* 

The Falconidce were all rated at twopence each in the 
Statute of 1565, with the exception of the Osprey, which 
was fourpence, but of this latter no example has yet been 
found entered in parochial accounts. 

In the Statute there is some doubt as to what birds therein 
termed " Moldkytte " are referred to ; and it is probable that 
some of the names given in parish books do not represent 
those by which they are now known. 

They are great feeders on young quadrupeds, birds of any 
kind, and reptiles. 


1. The Kite, — In Devonshire Kitt, Ket, Keet — was formerly 
more common in this county than at present. Mr. Elliot 
states it " was not so very, very long ago the commonest of 
our hawks." ^ With one exception, many were paid for 
annually in East Budleigh between 1664 and 1679, 31 being 
the highest number in any one year. Twopence per head 
was customarily the sum paid for them ; occasionally more, 
as in these examples : — 

1666-7. "to M' Henery Arscotts seruant 

for six kittes heades . . 00 02 00 
to Peter Prew for two kittes heades 00 00 06." 

After 1680 there are no further entries relating to them. 
The Littleham list records eight in 1658, and six in each 

4 Gloc, N, and Q. iii. 251, 253. 
» D.A. xxviii. 506. 


of the years 1664 and 1674; no others. Several are reported 

in the Woodbury Accounts between 1675 and 1712. At 

Liskeard, in 1782, Is. was paid " for six kites."® There can 

be little doubt that the bird under description is the Buzzard 

(the "Busarde" of the Statute), and not the Kite of the 

ornithologists {i,e. the Fork-tailed Kite, a larger and rarer 

bird). Again, the term "Gled," or "Glead," met with in 

some parish accounts, is intended for the former bird, as in 

this example : — 


« 1571. Gled beds vjd. . . . vjd."^ 

2. The Sparrow Hawk. — At Barnstaple, one Sparrow Hawk 
is charged twopence in the parish accounts of 1752.^ Whether 
the following relate to the same bird is uncertain, but as it 
was formerly "the most abundant species of Hawk in Devon- 
shire" (D'Urbau and Mathew, 153), it is probably the one 
intended :- ^^^^^^^^ 

1757. «2Haukes." 

1786. " To John Knowls for Ten Hawks . 5 8." 

This payment was more than three times the Statute rate. 

3. " Merten HawJces*' and " Byngtayles,^' — ^These are in- 
cluded in the Statute of 1565 as distinct birds. The first- 
named term (" Martyn Hawkes " in the edit, of the Statutes 
of 1819) was most probably intended for the Hen Harrier, 
although apparently unknown to English ornithologists. The 
latter bird is, however, known in France as "L'oiseau de 
Saint Martin"^ and "Busard St. Martin,"^ from passing 
through that country about St. Martin's day (Nov. 11th). 
Swainson points out that other birds are also known by the 
same name.^ Under none of these synonyms, or of the 
Devonshire ones — "Blue Hawk, Furze-Kite, Vuzz Kitt" — 
has it been found entered in any parish records. "Furse- 
kytte" is mentioned in the Statute, but is probably an 
alternative term for the "Merten" Hawk. 

« Hist of, 155. 

7 F,S.A. 2nd S. ii. 387. According to Swainson, "Gled," for Buzzard, 
is used in North Scotland ; and " Gled, Glead, or Greedy gled,'' for the fork- 
tailed Kite in Salop, North of England, and Scotland. (183, 137.) Yarrell 
(i. 78) restricts the term " Glead " to the latter. 

8 Hist, ofS. Peter^s Ch., by J. R. Chanter (1882), 90. 
» BuFFON, Hist. Nat. des Oiseaux (1770), i. 298. 

^ C. T. Temminck, Man, cC Omithologie (1820), i. 72. 

' "L'oiseau de St Martin" in France, e,g, the Tree Oeeper at Toulon, 
and the Ein^sher in Normandy (57, 104), but neither of these belongs to 
the Hawk tnbe. 

Y 2 


Although at one time regarded as a distinct species (hence 
the reason of its being mentioned separately in the Statute], 
the term Eingtail is now generally restricted to the female 
Hen Harrier. Swainson notes one exception, viz. at East 
Lothian, where the term is applied to both sexes. (132.) The 
Wardens' Accounts of Goostrey, Cheshire, contain an item 
that in 1669 

" 2d. was paid * for a ringtayle.' "^ 

This is the only notice yet found, excepting a vague one 
referred to by a correspondent in N. and Q, 1st S. iv. 209, 
but neither place nor date is specified. 

The CorTTwrant and the Shag. — These are great destroyers 
of fish, and are regarded as perfect pests by fishermen. 

The cliffs between the mouth of the Otter and Ladram Bay 
are occupied by large numbers of them, and they are all 
included locally under the name of " Shags." Twopence per 
head was allowed by the Statute for killing them, but the 
following is the only Devonshire entry yet found : — 


"1755. To Eobert Bartlett and Stephen 
Hallat for killing Shiggs and 
Choffs 16 Doz" and 5 Birds . 00 08 10." ^ 

The following early notice of payment for their destruction, 
remarkable for being four years prior to the Act, is transcribed 
from the Corporation Accounts of Newcastle : — 

1561. "For two cormorants* heads slain in 

the river [Tyne] . . . id."^ 

Woodpeckers, — The green variety is the only one at all 
common in Devonshire, and is plentiful in severe winters. 
A great devourer of insects and their larvae, in the pursuit of 
which they are said to injure trees; this and fruit-eating 
have probably caused them to be included in the list of 
vermin. They are termed Wood walls in the Statute.^ Parish 
books do not record many payments made for them, and in 

^ Hist, of Saiulbachy J. P. Earwaker (1890), 248. 

* In the Supplement (1895) to D' Urban and Mathew's work is the follow- 
ing statement: — Formerly " ' Shag-shootinf? day' .... was looked forward to 
with the keenest excitement by the farmers whose land adjoined the cliff 
tenanted by these birds. The slain were handed over to the fishermen to be 
cut up and used by them in baiting their crab-pots." (17-8.) 

« R. Welford, Hist, of Newcastle (1885), ii. 372. 

^ In Devonshire there are many variants of this term in common use — 
"Woodawl, Woodwalf, Woodmaul, Hoodall, Hoodwall, Ooodall, Oodmall." 
(D'U. andM. 113.) 


those found the capitation rate is double that of the amount 
authorized, as shown in these examples : — 

Sturminster Marshall, 
" 1729. twopence paid for * one Woodwall.* "^ 


"1722. pd to W Stephens jun^ for seven 

Wood pickers . . . .012 
p*^ John Haynes for hoops and wood 

pickers 16 

1724. Payd for Woodpeckers . . . 3 2 

1740, Pd for Hickwals .... 9 lO."^ 

Of the last four entries, the first three relate to the Green 
Woodpecker, and the Hickwal (not to be confounded with 
Hickmall, a tom-tit) to the lesser spotted variety. 

Kingfisher, — Why the Statute should require the destruc- 
tion " of euery byrd whichc is called the Kyngs Fysher," 
and it be rated equally with the Weasel tribe at one penny 
per head, is not very clear. Although the subject of many 
items of folk-lore, none of them throw any light upon it. 
The following is the only payment found in parish accounts 
after a prolonged search : — 

Bishops Stort/ord, 
1569. " V hedds of the Kyngs fyschers . 5d." » 

Starling, — Is accused of destroying eggs and young birds, 
but this is denied by Yarrell. Worms, insects and their 
larvae, form their staple food, failing which they attack firuit 
and grain. The Statute authorized one penny to be paid 
''for euery twelue Stares heads," of which one example is 
recorded in the Bishops Stortford annals of 1569.^ 

Bullfinch, — Is the bird of all others most complained of 
by gardeners, from its habit of " devouring the flower buds 
of the various sorts of gooseberries, cherries, and plums, in 
succession, to such an extent as to destroy, if unmolested, all 
prospects of any crops of fruit for that season."^ It has a 
few apologists, F. Buckland being, perhaps, the principal, 
who affirms the bullfinch to be " a practical gardener, and by 
his pruning operation does more good than harm — if he does 

' S(yfii. and Dors. N, and Q, i. 240, 254. 
8 Qloc. N, and Q, iii. 250-3. 
^ Records of St. Mich. 156. 

1 Ibid, 156. 

2 Yarrell, i. 602. Cf. D'U. & ML 89. 


any harm at all." ^ This statement does not accord with the 
view of practical gardeners, nor with that of the framers of 
the Statute of 1565, who certainly regarded this bird as a 
great depredator, as shown by the high capitation rate 
allowed : — 

"For the head of euery Bulfynche, or other byrde that 
denoureth the blowth of fruite, one penny/' 

This bud-feeding propensity is embodied in some of its 
synonyms; thus, bud bird, bud finch, bud picker (all Devon), 
plumbudder (Salop). No other bird is so frequently entered 
in parish accounts, and occasionally under its modern name, 
or some variant of it :— Golytm, 

"1694. Paid for fourteen buUfinches . . Is."* 



Paid for " Bullfinns (?) " . 




3 4." 

In Devonshire and counties adjoining its customary name 
is " hoop," or one of its many variants.^ 


1567-8. "iij<^ for iij hopes hedds 

7j^ for vj hopys and ij pyes." ^ 


" 1712. p^ John White for destroying kitts 

and hoops . . . .01 9/' 

" 1783. one penny each for hoops." (597.) 

East Budleigh, 
" 1664. to William mabell for 3 vpes . . 00 00 01 ob." 

This is the earliest entry ; 23 in all were paid for during 
that year. Up to the close of 1679 similar entries were 
made almost annually; total birds killed, 112. No further 
payments were made until 1787, when seven are recorded; 
after that date many were probably included under the in- 
clusive term of "Birds." Other variants of the name in 
the Accounts are these — up, woop, hoop, oope.^ 

8 SeWome, ii. 47. ^ W.A. i. 50. 

* In Bailey's Dictionary (1757) is the entry, *'Hoop, a Bird called a 
Lapwing" — not corroborated in any of the E.D.S. Glossaries. 

« Ch. W, Ace. 41. 

' *' Whoop " and '* Wope '* are noted in other Accounts. R. Holme terms 
the bird "an Alp or Nope" (bk. 2, ch. 11, sect. 64), and the latter synonym 
is employed in Salop. {Shropshire Word-Book^ 303. ) 


In Lancashire and Cheshire it is called Maulp or Mawp, as 
inthefoUowing:- Sandhach. 

1654. " for killing a dozen of maupes , 6d."® 

1666. " Paid for six maupe heads . . 6."» 


1673. "Payd for Maulps Id. each, the 

whole number 180 . . . 00 15 00." 

1674. "Payd for Malpes, &c. the whole 

number 201, at Id. a peece . 00 16 09."i 

Here is one example of its employment in the South of 
England :— Hammoon, Dorset. 

1716. "Moupes" 2d. each.^ 

As late as 1843 bullfinches were paid for out of the parish 
funds of Wrenbury, Cheshire, and at the high rate of 3d. 
each.3 It is noteworthy that but little folk-lore is reported of 
this bird. The following is worth notice: "Pismires . . . 
shun the heart of an Houpe, but neither the head, nor yet 
the wings." * 

Blue Titmouse, generally known as Tomtit. Its customary 
name in Devonshire is Hickmall, or one of its many variants: 
" Hackmal, Heckymal, Hagmall, Hackeymal" (Swainson, 34), 
"Ackmal" (D'Urban, 35). Another Devon synonym for 
it given by each of these authors is " TitmaL" According to 
Swainson, the Great Titmouse is known as " Heckymal " on 
Dartmoor, and is also so named (as " Hickymaul ") in Eowe's 
Perambulation of Dartmoor (1896), 341. Is said by D*U. 
and M. (36) "to be the most carnivorous of the whole 
family" of Tits. Feeds on insects, grubs, and caterpillars, 
" and is said to do injury to fruit trees, when searching for 
food, by destroying the fruit-buds as well as the insects,"^ 
a statement doubted by some ornithologists. One of the 
most intelligent gardeners known to the writer, Mr. Eobert 
Lloyd, of Brookwood, Surrey, who has been in the habit of 

8 Hist, of, 248. » E, CJiesh. i. 115. 

^ Ch, Sheaf, i. 172, where the "Maulps" are erroneously explained to be 
" Moles." It is remarkable that none of the E.D.S. Glossanes, excepting 
the Lancashire one, contain the word ; and in this latter it is stated that in 
the Fylde cUstrict ** maup is the common name for the blue-tit." 

2 S(ym, arid Dors, N. and Q, iii. 117. R. Holme (bk. 2, ch. 11, sect. 65) 
terms the Cole-mouse, or small Titmouse, a "mop." 

^ Ch. Sheaf ii. 201. 

* .1658, tr. Porta's Natural Magick, bk. 1, ch. 13, p. 19. 

^ Yarrell, i. 388. 


observing the practices of birds for many years in the same 
place, affirms the tomtit, equally with the bullfinch, to be 
"the most destructive to plums, cherries, and gooseberries, 
when in the blooili-bud state in early spring." (" We 'ant a 
got no gooseberries de year, the hacky-mals eat all the bud." 
—W, Som. WordrBook, mb "Hack-mal.") 

They are not noticed by name in the Statute of 1565, but 
are probably included, with the bullfinch, among those " that 
deuoureth the blowth of fruite." 

The following are transcribed from parish books : — 

"1740. P* for Sparrows & Tomtits . . 12 0."« 


"1779. Paltridges boy 7 hickmales . . . 34*^ 
1786. paid for 16 Heckmalls & 1 fitch . . 10." 

East Bvdleigh, 

"Hickmauls" receive special mention in the Vestry Order of 
1788, copied in the next section. 

Sparrows and various small birds. 

The following transcript of a Vestry Order recorded in 
the Wardens' Account Book of East Budleigh, contains the 
earliest allusion to the destruction of sparrows in this 
parish :— 

"Memorandum at a General Parish Meeting held this Twenty 
Fourth Day of March one Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty 
Eight. It is unanimously agreed upon by and between the 
Gentleman Payers of the Parish of East Budleigh in the County 
of Devon That from and after the Day and Date hereof it is 
agreed upon That for the Destruction of Ea venous Birds ; Boys or 
any other persons within the aforesaid Parish Shall receive of and 
from the Church-wardens ; Succeeding the Date hereof for Killing 
and Destroying of the following Birds (To wit) for House 
Sparrows ; & Hickmauls or Titmouse Bird for every Dozen to 
receive Two pence and so in proportion for more or lesser Quantity 
than a Dozen; for Every woop one Penny, for every Jay one 
Penny, for every Magpye one Half Penny ; and also Two Pence a 
Dozen for the Bird called Green Finches : All Persons within the 
said Parish of East Budleigh aforesaid carrying the Heads of all 
such Birds above named To the Church-wardens of the said Parish 
Shall receive the above Sums for all such Birds as shall be Killed 
and Destroyed within the aforesaid Parish of East Budleigh." 

• Qloc. N. and Q. iii. 253. 


All the birds above mentioned have been already described, 
excepting greenfinches (for which no parish payment has 
been found recorded) and sparrows. 

All the Finch tribe (of which the sparrow is a member) 
are great devourers of all kinds of seed and grain, but insects 
and fruit are included in their food-list. The house sparrow 
is especially regarded as a pest by the farmer, owing to the 
large flights of these birds that visit his corn-fields ; and 
although large numbers continue to be destroyed, like the 
rabbits in Australia, they apparently suffer no diminution. 

These birds are not alluded to in the Statute, and entries 
in the parish books of the 17th century are infrequent, 
payments being generally made either for a net for the 
parish use, or to a man employed for the purpose of catching 
them. At St. Thomas, Sarum, ^'a Glapnett 6d" is an item 
in the Wardens' Accounts of 1610.^ At Eastington "the 
sparrow catcher" is entered in 1660 and 1663;^ and "the 
Sparrow Ketcher " at Swainswick in the latter and following 
years. (114.) 

Langton Long Blandford^ Dors. 

" 1656. To John Ffackener for tacking 12 

dusson of sparrones ... .1 0." 
In 1659 2s. paid for 16 dozen, and 2s. 6d. for 14 dozen in 

From the middle of the 18th century to the present time, 
enormous numbers of these birds have been killed and their 
eggs destroyed throughout England, for which payments have 
been made out of the parish funds until a recent period, when 
they were furnished from private sources. The destruction 
was most marked during the first half of the present century. 
The following are examples : — 

At Glaston, Eatland, 30 dozen were paid for in 1759 at l^d. 
per dozen, and the same price in the following year for 35 dozen ; 
increased to 2d. ixji 1769 for " 15 Dozen of Sparers."^ A sparrow 
net was purchased at Holmes Chapel, Cheshire, in 1770, and a 
new one at a cost,of 10s. 6d. in 1722.^ 


" 1807. Agreed by the Parishioners of Alwington, to pay three 
pence per dozen for old sparrows, and two pence per dozen for 
young do . . . Provided they are killed in the parish." (597.) 

7 C%. W. Ace. Sarum (Wilts Rec. Soc. 1896), 806. 

8 Gloc, N, and Q. iii. 247. 

* Scrni. and Dors. N. and Q, iii. 57. 

1 Bel. V. n.s. (1891;, 154-5. 

2 Hist, of, 29. 



'*1827. Paid for destroying and killing 
sparrows 121 dozen and three, at 
4d. per doz. as per acct^ . .207 
1828. Paid to different persons for 82 and 

half of Sparrows Eggs at 2d. . 13 9." 3 

At Cam, Gloc, between the years 1819 and 1837, both 
inclusive, the parish paid £37 9s. 6f d. for the destruction of 
22,620 sparrows.* At Slymbridge " in many years the heads 
of nearly 3000 sparrows at a halfpenny each are entered in 
due form." ^ 

It was customary to take the heads only and the eggs to 
the churchwardens for payment, and this led to the practice 
of a curious deception at Corsham, Wilts, about the year 
1825, where the heads of any kind of bird, as well as eggs 
(painted to represent those of sparrows), were submitted for 
payment. This being found out, " the parish agreed only to 
pay for the whole birds, so that no deception could be 
practised." ® Probably the cause of this was the unusually 
high rate of one* shilling per dozen being paid in this parish, 
whereas the ordinary rate elsewhere varied from 2d. to 6d. 

No sparrow is reported^by name in the East Budleigh list 
of entries, although specially mentioned in the Vestry Order 
of 1788 already cited. If the list in the Appendix be 
examined, it will be noticed that immediately afterwards 
there was a great increase in the annual amounts paid for 
vermin, limited, however, to birds, without specifying the 
kind. This lasted until 1809, and then, after an interval of 
twenty years, during which almost the sole payments were 
for badgers (grays) and foxes, the raid on birds recommenced. 
The highest amount in any one year was £4 7s. in 1804, and 
the lowest £1 3s. in 1796. The following are examples of 
the items : — 

"1788. Eor KiUing of Birds . . . 2 3 lOJ 

1796. Paid for Birds . . . . 1 3 10 

1798. ForBbds 18 

1829. Paid for destroying of Birds . 2 14 8 J." 

We may be fairly certain that the various birds described 
in the Vestry Order of 1788 were included in the above. 
Whether birds were more complained of about that time is 
unknown, but it is singular that the following entry is found 
in the Woodbury Accounts : — 

^ Hist, of, 165. ^ Gloc. N, a)id Q. i. 234. 

» Ibid. iii. 246. « N. cnul. Q. 1st S. v. 68. 


1787. " For Catching of Sparrows as we was 

ordered at parish meeting . ,110 7." ^ 

Again at Otterton : — 

" 1787. To KiUing of B^ds of Sipratt Kind , 3 1 11 J 
1788. Paid for killing Birds of seperate kinds . 4 8 3." 

There are a few entries of the same kind, but for much 
smaller amounts, prior to these dates, but none afterwards 
until the following : — 

"1847. pd for killing 1204 Sparrows at 3d per Dozen 1 5 1." 

In the next year the number was 1193. Some were paid 
for annually ; but the number rapidly diminished, and ceased 
altogether after 1862. 

In 1852 the parishioners of Glaston, Kutland, ordered 
"That the Mole Catcher should be discontinued, and that 
the £1 10s. derived from the lanes should be expended in 
Sparrows." ® 

Sparrow killing on a large scale continues to be practised 
in rural districts, chiefly by clubs instituted for that purpose. 
The Stand^ard of May 20th, 1894, reports that "during the 
past season 4195 sparrows have been destroyed by the 
Elsenham (Essex) Sparrow Club." Here is a later example : — 
" A Sussex Village Sparrow Club recently reported that it 
had destroyed 5922 sparrows and tomtits, besides a number 
of hawks' and jays, in the course of twelve months." • 

Serpent tribe, — Not included in the Statute list, but in a 
few instances they were killed at the expense of the parish- 
ioners. Hargrave, N'hampt. 

" 1736. For an adder Ketchen [adder catch- 
ing] 00 10 00 [sic] 

1751. Pad for natter [an adder] . . 1 0." i 

Gorsham, Wilts. 

Girc, 1825. "prices paid ... by the parish: — ^Vipers, 6d. 
each ; slow worms or blind worms, 3d. each." ^ 

^ This raid extended to other parts of England, as indicated by the follow- 
ing items in the Wardens' Accounts of Wrenbury, Cheshire : — 

" In 1786 the Parish paid for 708 dozen of birds' heads ; for 695 dozen, 
and 13 urchins, in 1787 ; for 295i dozen and 21 urchins in 1788." {Ch, 
Sheaf, ii. 201.) 

* Eel. V. n.s. 159. 

» Dev. ajid Ex. Gazette, May 29th, 1896. 

1 NHImmpton N, and Q. iv. (1891), 144-5. 

- N. and Q. 1st S. v. 68. It is affirmed that a snake was killed ** as • it 
was sucking the milk of a cow." (F. A. Knight, In the West Country 
(1896), 1240 



Insects. — Plagues of insects, common in Africa and occa- 
sional in Europe — such, for instance, as the visitation of 
Qermany by locusts in 1730, according to the Monthly 
Chronicle of that year — have very rarely indeed troubled 
this country,^ to the extent of requiring large sums to be laid 
out for their destruction. At present only one instance has 
been found recorded of payment being made at alL Here is 
an account of it : — In the parish accounts of Homsey " we 
are informed there is an item of ' £5 for killing flies.' This 
item will most likely be found in the account of the year 
1782, when the bushes and trees of North London were 
infested by a poisonous fly."* The following throws light 
upon the cause of the payment, and "is copied from the 
minute book of the parish of Hornsey, in the county of 
Middlesex, under date of the 2nd of April, 1782 : — 

** Ordered, that a Committee be appointed, of the following 
persons, namely [etc.], any five or more to proceed to business; to 
meet on Thursday next, at three of the Clock, at [etc.], for the 
purpose of destroying the insects that infest the hedges, etc., in 
this parish."^ 

According to the same authority, this visitation caused 
great alarm throughout the country owing to the ravages 
committed. The Rev. Gilbert White de8crib6s a peculiar 
condition of the atmosphere that took place in the summer 
of 1783, when "the heat was so intense, that butchers' meat 
could hardly be eaten on the day after it was killed ; and the 
flies swarmed so in the lanes and hedges that they rendered 
the horses half frantic, and riding irksome."^ 

Of the various animals enumerated in the statutory list, 
there are only three absent from parish accounts, viz. the 
" Merten " Hawk, the Heron, and the Osprey.^ As the Heron 
was strictly preserved for hawking purposes, it is strange it 
should be included in the list at all. The fish-eating Osprey, 

* Plenty of information on this subject will be found in Kirby and 
S^^nee's Intrixi, to E}Uomolo^, in chapter headed '* Indirect Injuries Caused 
bv Insects. " 

'* Hist, of irii3fhgaU\ J. H. Lloyd (1S8S), 97. In Grnt/a Mag. for July, 
1811, is a letter signed "J. S.," that ** was received from a friend at Harap- 
stead> so far back as the year 1782," giving an account of the x^isonous 
uaturv of the insect. (34-5.) 

* T. Smith. The ParL^h, 236. 

* &'^^l>r/lc•, i. 2S9. 

^ The first>named has already been commented upon. The '* Moldkytte '' 
is probably an alternative term for one of the Faloouidt^ that appears under 
some other designation in the parochial records. 


like the Cormorant and the Shag, could scarcely have 
troubled the rural population. 

The most remarkable part of the Statute of 1565 is its 
title — "An Acte for the preseruation of Grayne" — none of 
the quadrupeds, and but few of the birds, being graminivorous, 
and those few occasional only; whereas the great grain feeders, 
such as sparrows, finches, &c., were not alluded to, nor, as a 
rule, were they destroyed as pests (so far as the cost of their 
destruction was defrayed out of the parish chest) until the 
middle of the 18th century. A modem parallel instance of 
this kind of perverse legislation may be cited here. A friend 
of the writer, E. L, Layard, Esq., C.M.G., informs him that a 
few years since, when he was Consul in New Caledonia, the 
land was devastated by swarms of locusts, that devoured 
every green thing, whereupon the Governor issued a pro- 
clamation forbidding certain birds, which he and his Council 
thought preyed upon the locusts, to be shot. Being too 
proud to consult a practical naturalist on the subject, the 
result was that, with one exception, those birds " that really 
devoured the pest were carefully excluded from the protec- 
tive ordinance !" 

There is no intention in the present paper to consider the 
question whether the various animals to which attention has 
been drawn should, or should not, be regarded and treated as 
pests; whichever view may be taken, the maxim audi 
alteram partem must not be left out in the cold. A few 
remarks may, however, not be deemed out of place. 

As Mr. Elliot has remarked in the case of Jackdaws, " it 
is . . . quite an open question whether their bad traits are 
counterbalanced by their good ones";^ and this applies to all 
" noyfull Fowles and Vermyn." 

Books may do a certain amount of harm, but when there 
is a superabundance of insect life, they prove of the greatest 
service to the agriculturist. For example: — "A flight of 
locusts visited Craven, and they were so numerous as to 
create considerable alarm among the farmers of the district. 
They were, however, soon relieved from their anxiety, for the 
Eooks flocked in from all quarters by thousands and tens of 
thousands, and devoured them so greedily that they were all 
destroyed in a short time."' 

It not unfrequently happens that birds are regarded as 
pests in one place and as blessings in another. To the fruit 

8 D.A. xxviiL 503. » Yarrell, ii: 99. 


grower in Devonshire starlings are reported to have "now 
become a terrible pest . . . being most destructive to cherries, 
pears, apples, &c/'^ On the other hand, the late Mr. Anthony 
Waterer, of the well-known nurseries at Knap Hill, Surrey, 
encouraged their breeding, and had many nest-boxes fixed 
to the trees for that purpose ; he found them of the greatest 
service in digging up and feeding on the grub of the cock- 
chafer, which destroyed much of his nursery stock.2 

The great destruction of one class of birds leads to an 
undue preponderance of another; thus, according to Mr. 
Elliot, "in those districts where the magpie and jay have 
been kept down, the wood-pigeon has greatly increased in 
numbers, as the former birds stole the eggs." ^ Now although 
the wood-pigeon proves of some service in feeding on the 
seeds of noxious weeds, it is termed "the most destructive 
bird to agriculturists of all upon the British list " ; and in 
the Teign Valley has "lately become so numerous as to cause 
serious damage to the growing crops." The authors of the 
work from which these extracts are made state that its 
increase is due " to the destruction by keepers of the sparrow 
hawk, which largely preys upon it." * 

Sparrows are universally complained of by farmers for the 
quantity of grain they devour. But the greatest outcry 
against them is that made by the ofl&cials of the Eegent's 
Park Zoological Gardens, where it is stated that "if not 
caught and destroyed, the poor animals in the gardens, 
especially the water-fowl, would be starved." The large 
quantities killed " are used as food for the serpents, falcons, 
and small mammalia." ^ On the other hand, especially when 
they have young, large quantities of insects and caterpillars 
are captured wherewith to feed the latter, in addition to those 
consumed by the parent bird, so that " it is a question whether 
the benefit thus performed is not a fair equivalent for the 
grain and seeds required at other seasons of the year." ® 

Viewed from each of these aspects, their destruction or 
preservation has formed the subject of much correspondence 
in the Times and other newspapers during a recent period.^ 

1 D'U. & M. 78. 

3 Cf. Selbonie, ii. 109. 
^ D.A. xxviii. 504. 

4 D'U. & M. 351-2. 
^ Selbornej ii. 85. 

^ Yarrell, i. 548. 

^ The following paragraph that appeared in the Times of April 15th, 1897, 
may fittingly be quoted here : — 

"Farmers and Sparrows. — A correspondent recently wrote to the 
Board of Agriculture pointing out that, while in some districts hundreds of 


That the subject is a very important one is certain, and, in 
bringing it to a close, the following instances may be cited to 
show how necessary is the preservation of bird life to keep 
in check any undue development of the insect tribe. 

It is stated that in New Zealand, until the introduction of 
small English birds, it was impossible to grow barley owing 
to the ravages of caterpillars. Also, that in many places on 
the Continent the destruction of small birds has led to an 
overwhelming increase of insects.^ 

Yarrell remarks, that " the attempts occasionally made by 
man to interfere with the balance of powers as arranged and 
sustained by Nature .are seldom successful," and quotes 
several examples, the following being one of local interest: — 

"On some very largQ farms in Devonshire the proprietors 
determined to try the result of offering a great rews^ for the 
heads of Eooks; but the issue proved destructive to the farms, 
for nearly the whole of the crops failed for three successive years, 
and they have since been forced to import Books, and other birds, 
to restock their farms with." (ii. 100.) 

Note. — Advantage has been taken of the present paper to give 
(in App. B) an account of those birds, &c., that have been pests to 
church buildings. 

thousands of sparrows had been slaughtered by the farmers, in other quarters 
there was a belief that the sparrow was a most useful bird, and did more good 
than actual harm. In reply, the secretary of the Board of Agriculture 
writes : — ' I am directed by the Board of Agriculture to advert to your 
letters of February 22 and March 28 last, and to inform you that since the 
receipt of your former letter the Board has been in communication with the 
Home Office, the Secretary of State being the central authority for the 
purposes of the Wild Birds Protection Acts, and with their own technical 
advisers in such matters. . The utility of the house sparrow {passer 
domesticus), as you are aware, has been the subject of controversy, but on 
the whole the weight of opinion appears to be ad^verse to the bird, and the 
Board could certainly not propose that the very limited measure of protection 
afforded to it by the Acts above referred to should be further extended. Nor 
do they see any reason to dissent from the views recently taken by the Home 
Secretary, who decided that an application made by the County Council for 
the West Riding of Yorkshire for an order excluding the bird in question 
from the operation of the Wild Birds Protection Act, 1880, was one which 
micrht be properly complied with.' " 
» Chambers's Journal (1881), 637-8. 




Church Wardens^ AccountSf East Budleigh Parish, 

Tears. Foxes, gers. 

1664 . — 

1665 . — 

1666 . — 

1667 . — 

1668 . — 

1669 . — 

1670 . 1 

1671 . 10 

1672 . — 

1673 . 8 

1674 . 6 

1675 . — 

1676 . 7 

1677 . 1 

1678 . 3 

1679 . — 

1680 . 5 

1681 . 3 

1682 . 13 

Hedge- Fitch- 
hogs, ows. 

. 4 .. 

» ^^^ • • • 

. — .. 

. — ... 

. 1 .. 

. 1 ... 

. 1 ... 

6 ... 

. 1 ... 

. 1 ... 

• — .. 

. 1 ... 

. — ... 

5 ... 

. 4 ... 

12 ... 

. 21 ... 

. 3 ... 

11 ... 

. — ... 

19 ... 

. 1 ... 

. 26 ... 

. 5 ... 

13 ... 

• — ... 

43 ... 

94 ... 

. 1 .. 

99 ... 

. — ... 

— ... 

. — .. 

. — •.« 

. 3 .. 







Kites, finches. Choughs. 















10/. pc 




15 4i 

5 8 

5 10 

6 5 
9 8^ 
9 6 
6 11 


1 1 10 
8 8 
8 2 

19 6i 
12 7 

1 16 8 

2 6 1 




Years. Foxes. 

1683 . — .. 

1684 . 2 .. 

1685 . 1 .. 
1688 . 8 .. 

1691 .No.? 

1692 . — .. 
1696 . — .. 
1707 . 2 .. 
1712 . — .. 
1716 . 2 .. 
1719 . 2 .. 
1725 . 6 .. 

1733 . 4 .. 

1734 . 2 .. 
1738 . 4 .. 

1740 . 2 .. 

1741 . 3 .. 

1743 . 1 .. 

1744 . 1 .. 

1746 . 3 .. 

1747 . 2 .. 
1754 . 1 .. 





Miscel. Amounts. 


...0 6 

,..0 10 

...0 8 

...10 8 

...0 10 

,..0 10 

...0 2 

choughs . 20 10 

...0 2 

..0 3 
..0 6 


Tears. Foxes, gers 























d ... — 

O •• • ■-"" 

O ... —~ 

6 ...— 

. 6 ... — 

• ^ ... — 

. — ...21 

• "^ • • • U 

• ■ • • • * 

. — ... 10 

. — ... 1 


• "^~ • • • X 

• ^^~ • • • * 


« • • • 1^ 

. — ... 2 

• — ... o 

. ~~~ ... ^ 


• . • . 1^ 

Miscel. Amounts. 

• ■ ■ " 












" birds ' 




320 do. 

... 1 









.. 1 




























1 " Layd out for trauellers & foxes as by our pticulars may appeare 00 08 00." 

2 "John Staford for kUling chofes 10 0." (Overseers' Accounts.) 

3 " To w' Paid for killing Devouring Birds 06 2." 

* ** To w* Paid for killing three Hundred & twenty Devouring Birds 1 6 8." 






Foxes, gers. Miscel. 



Foxes, gers. 




• • t • 4U » 9 • • 



. 1 ... 1 . 




• ~"^ ••• X •••^J ^J • 

^s} 1 « 


. 3 .. 

5 .. 

' » 

...4 8 7 

7 buUfincb 


. 2 .. 

, — .. 


...4 7 8 


. ... 15 ."birds" 

.2 4 lOJ 


. — ... 

— ... 


... 2 12 lOi 


1 ^ 

.. 1 14 3 


. 9 .. 

...2 6 


• X •••0««* •• • 



. — .. 

7 .. 

— . 

...0 7 


.10 ... 9 ... „ . 

.. 4 13 10 


. — ... 

4 .. 


...0 4 


• X •••XiS««* •• • 

.. 2 18 11 


. 7 ... 

3 .. 



• 0«*«4»*« ya • 

.. 3 14 


• — .. 

2 .. 


...0 2 


9 $ •••^••« ^1 • 

.. 4 5 4i 


1 .. 

. birds . 

...0 5 3 


• /■••X •• ij • 

.. 3 6 OJ 


1 .. 

M ' 

... 16 2 


• •■•0**t yy • 

.. 1 6 10 


. — ... 

2 .. 

...0 2 


• • 9 9 V • • • •• • 

.. 2 12 Oi 


• — .. 

. 4 .. 

...0 4 


• d*..^*»« jy • 



. 1 .. 

— , 

...0 5 


• •••0»«« jy • 

,. 2 19 3i 


* — ... 

. birds 

... 2 14 8i 


• X*«*X«»« ■• • 

.. 1 14 li 


. — .. 


... 2 19 8i 


• X**«X*»t y« • 

..3 8 lOi 


. 2 .. 

. 1 .. 


... 1 14 2 


9 ^ • • • md 9 • 9 fttt • 

.. 3 10 6 


. 4 .. 

. 2 .. 


... 2 3 9i 


• X ■ ■ • ' • • • «A • 

.. 1 16 


. 2 .. 

. — .. 


... 3 2 llj 


• 4 ••(/••• •• • 

.. 5 10 


1 — .. 


...3 5 7 


• ^••t ••• •« • 

.. 4 16 4 


• — .. 

— .. 


Church Wardens' Accounts, lAMUham Parish. 









Badgers. Hedgehogs 
1 ... — 






















8 kites 


6 kites 

20 sparrows, " 

min," 1/5 
1 wild cat 
1 wild cat and 1 stoat 
8d.; "farmeiits,"l/6 
3 wild cats, 6 kites . 






2 10 

2 11 
6 11 




18 10 
1 4 

17 10 

8 6 

8 10 

5 2 

6 6 
11 4 
10 6 

7 8 

5 From this year to the end of the Accounts no details are given either of the 
number or kind killed. 





Foxes. Badgers. Hedgehogs 



... 63 


... 133 





































... 6 



... 5 



13 10 
16 2 





6 8 

7 8 





Churches were formerly much infested with birds, &c., much 
more than at the present time, owing to more effectual means 
being adopted to prevent their entrance. The Wardens' Accounts 
contain many entries of payment for their destruction — fair 
evidence of the nuisance they caused. It may be noted that the 
provisions of the Statute of Elizabeth did not apply to them. 

The Church tower was generally the place they occupied, but 
that they also frequently made abiding-places in the roof of the 
main building, as well as in the walls, both interior and exterior, 
of the latter, is certain. Dean Hole remarks that in his Church 
" sparrows twittered and bats floated beneath the rotten timbers of 
the roof."^ Entrance to the tower was easy enough through the 
unguarded window-openings of the belfry, while defective roofs, 
and walls with unglazed or broken windows, afforded ready access 
into the rest of the structure. These latter tokens of neglect were 
commonly accompanied with much uncleanliness, fitful attempts to 
amend both being made from time to time. At Leominster, for 
example, "spiders were allowed to accumulate until they were 
destroyed in large numbers," and at considerable expense, judging 
from this entry in the parish records of 1624 : — 

"Paid.. to Tho. Howton for swepinge off the 

uf mj 

(1 " 7 

6 Memoirs (1893), 119. 
" Hist, of, 235, 237. 


Examples of the disgraceful condition of the Churches in 
England, during the latter part of the 17th centuiy, will be found 
painfully recorded in "the Episcopal Visitation of the Arch- 
deaconry of Ely in 1685," brought under the notice of the 
Cambridge Antiquarian Society on May 24th, 1875, by Henry 
Bradshaw, and printed at length in his Collected Papers (1889), 
297-332. In each of four instances the Church is reputed to be 
used as dove or pigeon houses. Holes in other Churches are 
ordered to be stopped, "that no Vermine or Birds may gett in." 
The following are two of the entries : — 

^^Ahington Magna, — The whole Church pittifull and thatcht 
and that extream ill great Holes in it at w*'^ y® Pidgeons come in." 

^^Rampton, — The Windows all over - broaken, the Pidgeons 
horribly as well as Owls bedaub y® Church." 

Rats were often very troublesome. In the Eecords of St. 
Michael's, ComhiU, is the following item: — 

"1469. payed for iij rat trappes for the 

chirche vjd"8 

The following curious notice is transcribed from the Wardens' 
Accounts of St. Mary Woolnoth, London : — 

"1592-3. paide for carriage of three dead 

cats from the church wall . jjd"9 

Jackdaivs often made their abiding-place in the Church tower, 
and this is probably the part referred to in this entry : — 


" 1586-7. Item paied to Richard Higges for 

stoppinge choughes out of the 
churche .... iiij^"! (167) 

At Chester Cathedral they formed resting-places in the external 
face of " the crumbling and crannied walls." It is stated that the 
nests were constructed " far away out of ordinary reach, .... and 
the birds made such havoc in the spongy and perishing stone, that 
a raid had each season to be made upon them to keep the colony 
down." 2 

Pigeons were a constant source of trouble in many Churches, 
and many devices, including shooting, were adopted to keep them 
out of the building. 

8 Ch. W. Ace. 40. 

" Registers, by Brooke and Hallen (1886), xxv. 

^ A similar notice will be found extracted from the Accounts of Morton, 
Derby, ante. 
2 Ch. Sheaf, ii. 317. 

z 2 


St Edmund*8, Salisbury. 

Temp. Edw. VI. "to Richard rede for iij 
latyses in y® est end of the 
Chnrche to kepe owt pygens . ij^ yj*^"^ 


"1663. to Robt. Walwyn for hanginge of 
netts ~c stopping of y® wyndowes 
to kepe owt y® pygeons . . x*^"^ 


" 1616. Paid to John Exley, for boordes and 
nailes for the windows of the back 
side of the Church to keep out 
the pigeons .... iij^iiij*^"^ 

All Saints, Derby. 

"1627. Item for powder & ahott to kill 

pigeons in the Church . . 7jd."^ 


"1670. Paid for a new door to set up in 

the top of the steeple to keepe 

forth the Piggens from fowleinge 

the Church . . . .4s. 8d. 
1676. Paid for a nett to keep the Pigeons 

forth of ye Church . . . Is. Od. 
1678. Spent for shott and powder to kill 

the Pigeons in the Church . . 2d."'^ 

Starlings, — Extracts from the records of one Church will suffice 
to show how persistent were the efforts made to get rid of them : — 

St. MartirCs^ Leicester. 

"1560-1. pdforbirdUme .... iiij^ 
1562-3. payd to Mr. Hereke for ij pownd 

and a half of bird-lyme for to 

kyll the starlynges abowt the 

chorche xx*^ 

1563-4. pd for gunpowder to beate y*^ 

starlings fro y® churche . . ij^ 

3 Ch. W, Ace. 75. 
* Surrey Arch. Coll. viii. 100. 

^ Hist, of^ 237. Payment for a similar purpose made in 1668. (237.) Also 
at Stamford, Berks, in 1573. (AtUiqiuiry, viii. 170.) 

6 Hist, of, Cox and St. John Hope (1881), 200. 

7 JS. Chcsh. i. 115-6. In Boys* History of Sand inch (1792) is the following 
entry in the Accounts, undated, Init probably of the 16th century : — 

" for ye caryyng down of culuer dung onght of ye stepyll. viij^ " (363) 


1564-5. pade for iiij boltes for to shoute a 

starlins . . . . vj*^ 

Payde to Mr. clarke for halfe a 

pound of gonpouther for to 

shout at starlins a Harte to 

shoute at am . . . . ix*^ 
Pade to Kychar fletcher for lime 

Rodes to take sterlins . . vj*^ 
1565-6. payd for Lyme to Catche y® 

sterlings in y« churche . . vij^ 
1568-9. payd to Rychard Cald wells man 

for settyng Lyme Rodds in the 

Churche to take starlings . xvj*^ 

1583-4. Payed to John clarke ffor kylling 

the starlings . . • ij^ 

1586-7. payd for lime rodes to katch 

starlinges . . . . ij*^ 
1625-6. Pd. for powther & shott to kill 

starlings in the Church . iij'* '* ® 

Owls. — At Wrenbury, "in 1755 and 1758, the owls were cleared 
out of the Church Tower." » 

St JohvUsy Chester. 
" 1759. Paid for bird lime to catch Owles in 

the Church . . . . 00 00 02." 

The Rev. S. C. Scott, the author of the work from which this 
is taken, 1 states that a friend of his, " when a boy, saw the body of 
an owl, found in the Clerestory of the Cathedral of Chester, 
choked by a mouse." He adds the following : — 

" In Wilton Church the owk appear to have made their resting- 
place on the Royal Arms . . . and the Churchwardens treated 
them as sacred birds, and erected a resting-place of boards above 
the Royal Arms, on which the owls might roost." (162.) 

Sparrows.^ qI^^^^^ Rutland. 

"1744. For Mason work . . . where the 
Sparrows went Into the Church, 
3 days and half ... 4 8." 2 


" 1746. for shooting sparrows in y® Church 

and powder . . . .02 6." ^ 

What would be thought at the present day if the churchwardens 
allowed persons to shoot birds within the Church ? Angry letters 
to newspapers would certainly be one of the first results. 

8 Ch. W. Ace. 90 172. » Gh. Sheaf, ii. 201. 

1 Hist, of St. Johihs Church (1892), 161. 

2 Eel. V. n.s. (1891), 156. 

^ Leic. and Rut. N. and Q. i. 31.1. 


(Read at EiDgsbridge, Jaly, 1897.) 

It is well known that the late Mr. Robert Dymond, f.s.a., 
left a great many notes upon antiquarian matters, chiefly 
relating to Exeter; his widow, with ready kindness, often 
places these at the service of his old friends, wishing that 
the information so carefully gleaned by him should not lie 
idle. In going through his manuscripts recently with Mrs. 
Dymond in search of information on another point, we were 
struck by the vast number of references to Ignatius Jourdain 
and Ferdinando Nicolls, and we were led to believe that it 
had been his intention to publish an account in some form 
of these two worthies, whose names occur so prominently in 
the Exeter records. 

It was suggested that the unaccomplished work should be 
taken up, and that I should put his notes into the form of a 
paper for presentation to the Devonshire Association, adding 
such further information as I was able to obtain. 

However imperfectly I may have carried out the work he 
planned, I must say that I have found it a particularly 
congenial task, and I have the satisfaction of thinking that, 
should my work meet with approbation, I have in some 
measure repaid my first friend among the county antiquaries 
for the many kindnesses he showed me when I came a 
stranger to Devonshire. With unvarying courtesy he en- 
couraged me in my studies connected with the history of 
Devon worthies, and he extended a helping hand whenever 
I sought his aid in any matter of antiquarian interest. 


Ignatius Jourdain was a native of Lyme Eegis, Dorset, 
where his family held a good position.^ His cousin, John 
Jourdain,^ of Lyme, was a captain in the service of the East 
India Company, and in 1618 was President of the Council 
of India, while the brother of Ignatius, Silvester Jourdain,^ 
accompanied his townsmen, Sir George Summers, Sir Thomas 
Gates, and Captain Newport, Deputy-Governors of Virginia, 
on their voyage to America in 1609, and was wrecked with 
them at Bermuda. On his return he wrote A Discovery of 
the BarmudaSy otherivise called the He of Divels^ from which 
book Shakespeare undoubtedly drew much of his material for 
The Tempest Ignatius was as clever and as successful in his 
way as his relatives, and exercised as much influence as they 

He was the son of William Jourdain, and was baptized in 
the parish church of Lyme Eegis^ on August 17th, 1561. 
His father is said to have been blessed with what is known 
in local parlance as a long, soft family, but the names of 
eight children only have bee;i recovered. However, it became 
necessary for Ignatius at an early age to seek his fortunes ; 
this he proceeded to do with most remarkable success in the 
city of Exeter. The exact date of his arrival there with 
actually nothing more than the proverbial groat in his pocket 
,is not known, but undoubtedly he was but a small boy at 
the time. Although poor, he could hardly have been friend- 
less, as there were several of his kinsmen already settled in 
that city. As early as 1565 the name of Thomas Jourdain 
appears in the register of St. Paul's Church, probably his 
uncle ; and seven years later in the same register occurs the 
baptism of the daughter of William Jourdain; while his 
uncle Eichard* had risen to suflSicient prominence by 1583 
to become a Bailiff of the city of Exeter, and shortly after 
he was appointed Eeceiver. 

At the age of fifteen (in 1576) Ignatius Jourdain was sent 
by his employer to Guernsey; and it was while there, no 

^ We find John Jurden presented among *' divers merchants and other 
honest men" of Lyme for bowling in 1577, and later Silvester Jurden was 
among those fined for a similar offence, and he also acted as one of the jury 
on that occasion. (See Roberts' Social History of the Southern Counties^ 
pp. 120-1.) The Jourdain arms are: 1. Azure ; a lion rampant between five 
crosslets fitchy, or ; a chief of the 2nd. 2. Azure ; a bend between two water 
boudges, or. Motto, ** Potestate et formidine." (See Izaoke's Legacies to the 
Poor of Exeter. ) 

- Dictionary of National Biography ^ xxx. 214. 

^ Register of St. Michael's, Lyme Regis: 

^ His name occurs as one of the Guild of Merchant Adventurers of Exeter 
as early as 1571. (See An Elizabethan Guild, &.C., by W. Cotton.) 


doubt through the influence of some one of the banished 
preachers of God's Word, that he experienced that religious 
awakening which made such a deep impression upon him, 
and affected in so great a degree his whole future lite. Even 
sixty years after, when lying upon what he believed was his 
death-bed, he recalled that experience, and then wrote in his 
will that a legacy should be given to the " poor of Gernezey, 
where I was * new borne/ " 

Years passed away, occupied by Ignatius in successful 
business transactions and a steady advance in the esteem 
and affection of his fellow-citizens. At the age of twenty- 
eight he considered himself in a position to take unto himself 
a wife, and found one bearing an honoured name. In St. 
Mary Arches Church, on June 24th, 1589,^ he was married 
to Katherine, daughter of John Budley,^ or Bodlie, who 
annually presented him with a fresh olive branch until her 
untimely death. Susan, the eldest, scarcely survived her 
birth, but Elizabeth and Joseph lived many years. On May 
4th, 1693, he followed his wife. Katherine to her grave in 
the church in which they had been married, and then with 
haste — a haste that we in modern days would think showed 
but scant respect for the departed, but which was less 
noticeable then — he provided his motherless children with a 
step-mother, selecting another bride from a well-known, 
family. On August 5th, 1593,^ he was married in the same 
church to Elizabeth,^ daughter of Thomas Baskerville, and 
sister of the famous physician, Sir Simon Baskerville.^ She 
bore him fourteen children, but at least five of these did not 
survive their childhood. 

In 1599^ Ignatius Jourdain was appointed one of the 
Bailiffs or Stewards of Exeter, and from this time onward he 
proceeded to fill various municipal offices. He was elected 
member of the Chamber on September 6th, 1608 ; he was 
appointed Receiver of the city in 1610, Sheriff of Exeter in 
1611, and Mayor in 1617.^ 

^ Registers of St. Mary Arches. 

** John Bodlie, goldsmith, was one of the merchants who obtained money 
to assist Lord Russell, and enabled him to raise the siege of Exeter, August 
6th, 1549. He was nearly related to Sir Thomas Bodley, of Bodleian Library 
fame. His daughter Katherine was baptized at St. Petrock's Church, Exeter, 
October 17th, 1570. 

7 Registers of St. Mary Arches. 

8 Baptized at St: Mary Arches April 19th, 1576. 

^ He was appointed physician to J^mes I. and Charles I., and was known 
as Sir Simon Baskerville the Rich. 
^ Iz acre's History of Exeter ^ p. 142. 
- Ibid. 


During the time of his connection with the municipal 
offices various events of more or less interest took place. 

"The wealth of the city being considerable, and the citizens 
prosperous, the attention of the Chamber is turned in the direction 
of local improvements, not forgetting its own dignity and comfort. 
Northeruhay is levelled and planted with trees, and a place set 
apart for the private recreation of the Mayor, Aldermen, and 
twenty-four of the city. A new hat of maintenance and an 
embroidered scabbard are bestowed upon the Swordbearer, and, 
to be in keeping with this splendour, the younger sort of the 
twenty -four are to wear their better gowns ^ at morning service 
of the Cathedral, as well for their own respects as for the support 
uf the honour of the city. The waits have new gowns and coats 
provided for them, and a new player is appointed with a 'testi- 
monial of his good demeanour and carriage.'"^ 

But what thought the worthy Ignatius of all these 
frivolities? We can scarcely imagine that they met with 
his cordial approval, though the same writer says : 

" Later on persecution drove Puritanism into a system of hate- 
ful bigotry and fanaticism, but the Puritanism of Ignatius Jurdain 
and the Crossings was a very different thing — they were good 
Churchmen according to the principles of the Eeformation, loyal 
to the King, in charity with all men, and, albeit of somewhat 
grave and sober demeanour, not averse to civic festivity on 

But we have a pen-picture of Ignatius Jourdain repre- 
senting him as rising, even in his old age, 

" betwixt two and three of the clock in the morning, and that in 
the coldest season of the year, and then to meditate and pray in 
secret until sixe a clock, the appointed time of the morning 
sacrifice in the family, when he was called from secret devotions 
to the exercise of religious family duties . . . and if at any time 
he had overslept himself, and did not rise until four a clock, he 
would much bemoan himself for that he had lost so much time of 
sweet and comfortable communion with God."^ 

Then we see him taking his way from his residence to 
church for the morning service, accompanied by some of his 
children, and as he passed along the street, meeting the 

^ Jourdain once suggested the sale of their gowns for the sake of the 

■* Cotton and Woolacombe's Oleanings from the Municipal and 
Cathedral Records ^ p. 75. 

5 Ibid. p. 74. 

^ Life and Death of Ignatius Jourdain^ by Fekdinando Nicolls. 


market people, he would pause to inquire how far they had 
come to attend the market, and on their replying, he would 
ask them how they could rise so early to get the world, and 
not rise as early to get interest in Jesus Christ, and would 
then turn to his children and dilate upon the suhject. Or, 
again, on returning from London with a nobleman, he was 
invited to spend the night and the following Sunday at his 
companion's house, but refused to do so until his proposed 
host promised that he, his wife, his menservants, and his 
maidservants should refrain from profane swearing and 
behave decorously on the Lord's day. Or we find him 
patrolling the streets at night and visiting ale-houses, until 
his name was sufficient to strike terror into disturbers of the 

Throughout the little volume by Ferdinando Mcolls we 
find references that indicate that he was a Puritan of the 
strictest sort, yet we are assured that " it never entered his 
heart to cast off ordinances." 

His actions during his mayoralty, and, indeed, throughout 
his public career, show that he was stern and uncompro- 
mising in the suppression of vice, and yet, especially towards 
the poor, he tempered justice with mercy, and he was ever 
forward in good works. 

In 1603 the plague prevailed to such an extent in Exeter 
that the Lammas and Magdalen fairs were not held, and the 
pest-house was rebuilt. Again in 1624 that terrible scourge 
swept through the city and continued into the following year 
so fiercely that the Mayor, Thomas Walker, to his lasting 
infamy, fled from his post, leaving the city to its own devices, 
without its appointed leader ; but, undeterred by the perils 
surrounding him, Ignatius stepped into the breach and acted 
as deputy-mayor. The task was not an easy one, and it is 
difficult for us to imagine all the troubles he encountered, 
alone and almost unaided. He obtained money for the 
support of the poor afflicted inhabitants, and attended to 
its distribution himself. The scene depicted by an eye- 
witness, and recorded by Mr. NicoUs, is best reproduced 
word for word : 

" He had seen morning after morniDg coming to his door, some- 
times thirty, sometimes fourty, fifty, or three score, or more ; some 
wringing their hands, and crying that their husbands were dead ; 
others that their wives were dead, others that their Children were 
dead, and they had not anything to bury them. Some again, that 
their families were sick, and they had not wherewithal to relieve 
them; Others, that they had divers Children, but they had no 


bread, nor money to buy it for them; some cryed for bread, 
some for Physick, some for shrouds. And he not onely gave them 
the hearing, but his bowels yern'd towards them, and his hands 
were stretched out for their relief; For standing within his shop, 
with his own hands he gave supplies unto them all, and sent them 
to their homes for the present ; and then the next morning there 
was a renewing of the sad complaints of the poor, and his renew- 
ing of his charitable care of them, and so Morning after Morning 
for near three moneths, untill the Mayor came into the City."^ 

Sir Bevill GrenviUe's lady, who was visiting her mother, 
Lady (Grace) Smyth, at Great Madford, Heavitree, wrote of 
this visitation of the plague to her husband on August 20th, 

*' The sickness increases here, and is much dispersed abroad in 
the city ; and when it comes, it goes through the house and ends 
all. I am determined to leave to-morrow on account of the 

Yet Ignatius Jourdain was not frightened. "What,'* 
saith he, "afraid of God's visitation? Let us fear rather 
the plague-sore of our own hearts." His biographer, com- 
menting on the fact that "he feared not, but rather hoped 
for death," adds 

" that when the Plague was very hot in the City, and he being 
in the highest place of Authority there at that time, and the poor 
flocked about his house for relief, though he would not carelessly 
expose himself to danger ; yet being in the discharge of his duty 
he feared not the plague, but he often professed That if the Plague 
should (by God's disposing) seize upon him, he would have kissed 
and welcomed it as the Messenger of death."^ 

It appears that he and all his household were preserved 
from the dread disease. 

To carry on the charitable task that fell to him on this 
occasion, he wrote to the principal people and to the chief 
towns in the neighbouring counties for monetary assistance. 
Among the documents preserved at the Exeter Guildhall 
is a letter from Dr. Barnaby Gooche, dated Cullompton, 
Oct. 5th, 1625. He writes, "*God Almighty send help to 
yo"* Citie,' and encloses £20."^ We find in the papers of 
a Dorchester merchant an entry that shows how promptly 
and generously his request was acceded to : " 1625, Oct. 26. 

^ Life, It should be added that the Mayor only returned when 
threatened with dire punishment by the King. 
^ Oliver's History of Exeter, p. 109. 
^ Life, p. 34. 
^ Exeter City Muniments. 


£40 sent to Mr. Ignatius Jordan who was left alone in the 
city (Exeter), all the Magistrates having lieA" ^ 

A pest-house was built at Lion's Holt, St. Sidwell's, and 
every precaution then known was adopted. But when the 
plague ceased, Jourdain found other tasks ready to his hand ; 
those who had survived the epidemic were for the most 
part much impoverished. Yet, in the words of Izacke, 
"No common beggars in the open streets of the City were 
permitted, but presently sent to the Workhouse or house 
of Correction to get their bread by the sweat of their brows, 
idleness being the root of all evil, it being no less true than 
a witty saying, That the Devil tempts all men but the idle 
man, who tempts the Devil, the idle man's brain being a 
shop for the Devil to work in."^ 

It is probable that Jourdain, who doubtless was instru- 
mental in establishing this Workhouse, took as his model 
the similar institution at Dorchester, which is said to have 
been the only successful establishment of its kind at that 
period. It was originated by the Kev. John White,* the 
rector of Holy Trinity Church, Dorchester, a person who 
must have been much in sympathy with Jourdain, and 
quite possibly they were personal friends. 

In 1627 Ignatius Jourdain was summoned before the 
Court of High Commission to answer some charge con- 
cerning an act of overstrictness during his mayoralty, 
presumably during the time he was deputy for Walker. 
As his biographer puts it, " He went besides the Letter of 
the Law,"^ and the friends of the delinquent put him to 
great charges and trouble. Before attending the Court he 
spent a day and night in fasting and prayer. Some friend 
expressed sorrow that the Lord Keeper was against him, 
but, firm in his faith, Jourdain replied, " I have a greater 
Lord Keeper than him ; the Lord is my Keeper, I shall not 
be afraid." The result of the trial was his acquittal, and, 
moreover, he was "commended by the Lord Keeper, and 
God stirred up the hearts of divers of that high Arbitrary 
Court to speak in his behalf." A quaint account is added 

2 Whiteway's Diary MS. 

^ Izacke's History of Exeter^ p 150. 

^ This clergyman was one of the founders of the Massachusetts Bay 
Colony in New England, and we find among the Exeter City Muniments 
several letters in 1623 relating to the " Plantation in New England." With 
his sympathies with the Puritan clergy, and his intimate association with those 
in Exeter concerned in this early emigration, we cannot but think that 
Jourdain was deeply interested in the same subject. 

» Life, p. 78. 


of his preservation of the mass of papers connected with 
the affair under a cupboard in his parlour, for he said, 
"These I keep in my sight as memorials and monuments 
of 6od*s mercy in freeing me from my troubles." ^ 

Already Ignatius Jourdain had risen to a position of 
great esteem among his townspeople; and when it became 
necessary for them to elect a burgess for the Parliament^ 
summoned to meet in 1625, they selected, as a colleague 
of Nicholas Duck, Ignatius Jourdain. Even those not of 
his way of thinking said, " Choose Jourdain ; he will be 
right for the Commonwealth, and do the City service."^ 
We find by a letter dated from London, Nov. 30th, 1621,® 
that he had previously been closely watching the movements 
of that body, and had reported to the Mayor of Exeter the 
grant of supplies for the Palatinate. He mentions the desire 
that His Majesty should proclaim war against the Spaniards, 
and the hope that "o' gracious prince may not be matched 
with any out of o' owne Eeligion." He also refers to the 
rumour that munition had been provided for the Papists in 

In the Parliamentary returns we find Ignatius Jourdain 
and his fellow-burgess entered as present in the Parliament 
that was opened on May 17th, 1625, though no date of their 
arrival is given. However, we find him speaking in the 
House on July 9th, 1625: "Mr. Jorden, for some punishment 
upon the party who stood Committed for speakinge words 
against the Parliament for makinge the Bill of swearinge," ^ 
and he also spoke on the reform of certain other forms of 
vice. Touching the latter, he and others " were ordered to 
make knowen the complaynte to my L[ord] Chief Justice, 
that it may please him to take some speciall care for the 
redress of these disorders." ^ Indeed, his speeches in 
Parliament seem to have been confined to three or four 
subjects of a kindred nature, for the reform of profane 
swearing, for punishing divers abuses of the Lord's day, 
against one hundred Papists baptized in the Queen's house, 
" which ought not to be," and a Bill for the infliction of 
capital punishment of those convicted of adultery. This 
latter Bill was so much associated with his name, that 

8 Ufe, p. 80. 

7 Oliver's History of Exeter ^ p. 247. 

^ Letter prefacing Life. 

^ Exeter City Muniments. 

^ His hatred of Papists a^ain cropped up in the Parliament in 1628. 

2 Commons' Debates in 1625, published by Camden Society. 

3 Ibid. 


when it was brought up afterwards it was known as 
"Mr. Jourdain's Bill." He was appointed to serve on 
several Committees in this and the succeeding Parliament. 

His fellow-burgess, Nicholas Duck, died in 1628, and in 
the Parliament that met on March 4th, 1627-8, we find that 
Ignatius Jourdain and John Lynn represented the city of 
Exeter. A difficulty arose through the election of John 
Lynn as Mayor while he was still burgess; and on Jan. 30th, 
1628-9 " Mr. Jourdain moved to know the pleasure of the 
House, whether inasmuch as his fellow-burgess was chosen 
Mayor of [blank] whether he might serve here or was tied 
to attendance there. Eesolved that he should attend here, 
and all particular service to cease for the general." * In 
accordance with this the Speaker wrote to the Mayor, 
John Lynn, under date of Feb. 2nd, 1628-9, requiring his 
presence in the House.^ But scarcely more than a month 
elapsed before this Parliament was dissolved, and no 
Parliament was summoned until 1639-40. 

The payment of Parliamentary expenses seems to have 
been a source of trouble. In the accounts of Thomas Flay, 
Eeceiver of Exeter from 1624 to 1625, Mr. Ignatius 
Jourdain's fees and expenses as burgess of Parliament are 
entered under July 26th, 1625,^ as £18 5s. Od., with a further 
charge on Oct. 4th for expenses at Parliament kept at Oxford, 
£5 16s. Od., a total of £24 Is. Od., while his colleague's 
expenses exceeded that amount by four shillings. But 
later on there was a hitch about passing his account, for 
on Feb. 5th, 1628-9,^ we learn that a resolution was carried 
"that two Aldermen of Exeter and the Town Clerk shall 
attend the Committee for election Eeturns and Privileges, 
to answer the demand of Mr. Ignatius Jourdain, one of the 
members for Exeter, for his wages." The copy of this 
resolution among the city archives has ''Xotes of objections 
to Mr. Jurdain's claim" in the Town Clerk's handwriting 
upon the fly-sheet. 

It was while he was a member of Parliament that he 
received a letter from a certain Giles Carpenter, dated 
Feb. 5th, 1628, unfolding an elaborate plot for obtaining 
possession of Kougemont Castle, to the great danger of the 

In 1632 Ignatius Jourdain, having the benefit of the 

^ Hist. MSS. Com. Rept. XIII. : Lonsdale MS. Notes in Parliament, 

^ Exeter City Muniments. 

^ Oliver's History of Exeter ^ pp. 245-6. 

7 Exeter City Muniments. 

8 Ihid. 


poor at heart, and also wishing to remove a cause of 
drunkenness and swearing, wrote to the Council of State 
concerning the evasion of the law by Exeter brewers, and 
their illegal combination for forcing up the price of beer, 
" whereby, the drink being strong, drunkenness and swearing 
abound."® His efforts to crush out these two vices were 
attended with such marked success that his very name 
became a terror to evil-doers ; it is reported that those who 
lingered in the ale-houses would at last exclaim, " It is time 
to be gone ; Mr. Jourdain will come by-and-by." 

To one of his strict principles, especially with his abhor- 
rence of breaking the fourth commandment, the Book of 
Sports was a fearful thing. His horror thereat was so great 
that he wrote a letter to the King concerning it, and in some 
way induced Bishop Valentine Carey to deliver it. When 
the King read it he declared the writer ought to be hanged, 
but though evidently in much trepidation on his own account, 
the worthy Bishop besought the King's leniency and asserted 
that in Mr. Jourdain " God had not a better servant nor His 
Majesty a better subject in the whole land." But when he 
returned to Exeter, and Mr. Jourdain called upon him to pay 
his respects, he did not fail to remonstrate with that same 
good servant, pointing out that he, the Bishop, was already 
accused of favouring the Puritans, and exclaiming, ** Ah, Mr. 
Jourdain, how could you put me on so hot a service ? You 
know there are many eyes upon me " (meaning Bishop Laud's 
faction). " Yes, my lord," replied Mr. Jourdain, " there are 
eyes upon you — the eyes of God and His holy angels, to see 
how you discharge your office and duty as the King's chaplain 
and a Bishop of the Church." ^ 

But by 1631 another Bishop ruled over the See, and we find 
him complaining of our worthy. Bishop Hall in that year 
wrote to the Mayor of Exeter, " desiring him to take some 
course to prevent a further violation of the Church's privi- 
leges by Mr. Jourdain." ^ The letter contains no indication 
of what privilege had been violated, but we may safely 
assume that he referred to some one of the petty troubles 
that constantly arose between the Cathedral body and the 
municipal authorities. 

Mr. Jourdain was guilty of what was considered a most 
serious offence in 1638-9, on the occasion of the reading 
of the King's proclamation touching the seditious practices 

^ Calendar of Staie Papers^ Dom , 1632, p. 345. 
^ Letter prefacing Life. 
^ Exeter City Muniments. 


of some in Scotland in matters of religioiL The Mayor and 
Corporation attended the Cathedral in state to hear the 
reading of this proclamation on a cold winter's day, and 
a vast concourse of people was also present, and the edict 
" excited the sorrowful indignation of the faithfuL" Ignatius 
Jonrdain, now a man of advanced age, was one of tihe 
municipal body. It was noticed that the Mayor, James 
Tucker, Alderman Crossing, and Alderman Jonrdain pat on 
their hats when the reading took place, thus solemnly and 
silently protesting against the manifesto. This was looked 
upon as a defiance of the King's authority and a refusal to 
admit that the Scotch "practices" were seditious. With 
a promptitude that indicated that these men had enemies 
in the city, and which was an evidence of the loyalty of 
some person or persons unknown, this action was immediately 
reported to the proper authorities, and the delinquents were 
summoned to appear in the Star Chamber. Ignatius 
Jourdain was now nearly eighty years of age, and had been 
for some time in feeble health ; indeed, four years previously, 
when making his will, he states that "I daily expect to 
depart this life," so a certificate was readily obtained, signed 
by his pastor and future biographer and his medical adviser, 
Dr. Anthony Salter, to the effect that he was " so weak and 
infirm,, and withal troubled with the stone, that to undertake 
so great a journey would endanger his life."^ 

The Mayor had excused himself because of his many 
employments, while Alderman Crossing urged his great age. 
But these excuses were unavailing ; the Council forthwith 
wrote to the Mayor complaining of their non-attendance and 
reminding him that " the occasion of their sending for being 
their irreverent carriage with their hatts on in the Cathedral 
Church in Exeter at such tymes as his Maties Proclamation 
touching the seditious practices of some in Scotland was read, 
the rest of the congregation being uncovered."^ 

However, the Council, on April 26th, consented to modify 
their order to a command that they should " make their 
humble submission in writing, acknowledging their fault and 
desiring pardon, and to present the same in their own persons 
to the hands of the Bishop of Exeter, or in default thereof to 
attend the board of the 12th inst." (May). ^ 

Ignatius Jourdain continued contumacious, but Tucker and 
Crossing meanwhile evidently decided that discretion was 

■^ Calendar of state Faiiers^ Dom., 1639, p. 53. 

** Exeter City Muuimeuts. 

5 Caletidar of State Papers^ Dom., 1639, p. 160. 


the better part of valour, and set ofif to London to make their 
humble submission, but owing to the delay in the posts in 
those days the order of April 26th had not been received 
before their departure. As they drew near London the 
substance of this order was communicated to them, so they 
proceeded to attend the Council on the 12th May. Here 
they ate humble pie with what grace they coidd. They 
acknowledged the Lords' favour in modifying the order, and 
they explained that 

''they were both uncovered at the readhig of the beginning and 
ending of the proclamation, but in respect of the coldness of the 
season, and there beuig a multitude that had put on their hats 
before, they acknowledge they did put on their hats also whilst 
some portion of the proclamation was being read, but without the 
least thought or intention of irreverence or disrespect either to the 
place or the proclamation, much less to give any ill example to 
others, and thereupon besought the Lords' favourable construction 
of their mission and likewise the acceptance of their submission.'' ^ 

This their lordships, being satisfied with their acknow- 
ledgment and submission, were graciously pleased to do, and 
discharged the parties named, but they demanded that 
Ignatius Jourdain, the remaining delinquent, should "perform 
his part of the former order without fail." It appears as if 
he did not wish to withdraw from his position of protestation 
against the proclamation, and as we can discover no more 
about it, we may presume that the matter was allowed to 
drop, and his declining days were no further molested. 

In the following year, 1640, he had no longer to wait 
until " the Lord will call mee hence, and free mee from this 
body of sinne," as he pathetically wrote in his will five 
years before. Early in June he breathed his last, and was 
buried, probably with appropriate state, on the 18th^ day of 
that month in the church of St. Mary Arches. 

His pastor and admiring friend, Ferdinando Nicolls, 
preached a funeral sermon, wherein he dwelt upon the 
virtues of our worthy, his piety, justice, and charity. 
"Look," he said, "upon his will, and you will think him 
the richest man in this city." Yet it would seem that heavy 
losses and the calls of charity in his latter years had 
greatly reduced his worldly wealth. 

Although Mr. Nicolls kept the parish registers with great 
exactitude and neatness, it is singular that he should have 

' Calendar of State PaperSf Dom., 1639, p. 160. 

7 Register of St. Mary Arches, kindly verified by the present rector, 
tLc Rev. A. H. Hamilton. 



made such an error about a dozen yean afterwards, when 1m 
published the biography of Jourdain, as to give the date of 
his death upon the title-page of his little volume as Jdj 
15th, a mistake that has been perpetuated by snbeeqiMnt 

Ignatius Jourdain had sustained heavy losses^^.as hM 
been said, and his family was large. In his will he divided 
his property into three parts — one part for his wife, another 
for his unmarried children, and the third to be distributed 
among the poor. But his wife was eventually in somewhifc 
straitened circumstances, certain debts, that he counted 
upon, proving bad, and her brother, Sir Simon Baskerrilh^ 
is said to have failed to assist her as Ignatius bid 

It is a strange fact that, although Ignatius Jourdain, hiB 
uncle Bichard, and that uncle's son George, had all up 
to this period been prominent in municipal matters, the only 
other occurrence of the name in this connection is that d 
John Jordan in 1610 and 1622. And although the name 
appears with great frequency in the parish records of Exeter 
between the years 1565 and 1674, it then suddenly ceasee^ 
and, with the exception of two burials in 1797 and 1799, 
it does not occur again, except as Jordan in the nineteenth 
century. It seems probable most of the Jourdains left 
Exeter, some, perhaps, going to New England,® whither 
Ignatius Jourdain's grandchildren, the Duncans and HiUs, 
had emigrated, while others were scattered throughout the 
old country. 

His son and namesake, Ignatius Jourdain, undoubtedly 
removed from Exeter. There exists a curious letter^ 
purporting to be written by Ignatius Jourdain to his son, 
then resident in Chester. Many doubts have been cast upon 
its genuineness, and one sceptic went so far as to assert that 
the very name was an impossible combination which dis- 
credited the letter at sight. Yet from internal evidence we 
are led to doubt its authenticity. However, Ignatius 
Jourdain the youDger was admitted to Wadham College, 
Oxford, in 1625,'^ and was instituted to the vicarage of 

8 Among the State Papers is a document dated September 3rd, 1627, in 
which the Mayor of Exeter solicits favour on behalf of Ignatius Jourdain and 
others because of their recent losses. Calendar of State Paper Sy Dom., 1627, 
p. 329. 

^ Among the early settlers were Samuel, Thomas, and Robert Jourdain ; 
the latter is said to have come from the West of England. 

^ Notes and Qiieries, 5th Series, vol. iii. p. 445. 

' Clark's Oxford Univ. Reg. vol. ii. pt. ii. 405. 


Cranham, Essex, September 2nd, 1639, his uncle, Sir Simon 
Baskerville, being patron.^ He was still living in that place 
more than twenty years later, as his name as a petitioner to 
Parliament occurs in 1660.* He succeeded John Mortimore 
as Eector of Sowton, Devon, September 26th, 1662, and was 
buried at that place September 2nd, 1680.^ John, another 
son, was, I believe, Eector of Musbury until 1630,^ and was 
buried at St. Mary Arches, January 27th, 1643-4. 

The prophecy of Mr. Nicolls has been in too great a 
measure fulfilled, and I cannot do better than to conclude 
this account of Ignatius Jourdain in his words, adding the 
expression of a wish that my attempts to revive the memory 
of his name may prove successful : 

'^He lives with much honour in the hearts of those that saw 
and acknowledged the true worth which was in him . . . but 
there may a generation arise which knew him not, and that which 
hath been received by tradition may be forgotten. That therefore 
his name may live . . . and that he may be a pattern of Piety 
and Charity to succeeding generations, it hath been thought fit to 
commit to writmg, and to publish to the world those singular 
graces, and memorable acts that did shine forth in him both living 
and dying.*' 


Although not a native of this county, Ferdinando Mcolls 
challenges our attention as the biographer of Ignatius 
Jourdain, and in looking into his history we find that he 
was such a prominent figure in Exeter in the days of the 
Commonwealth that he may well be claimed as a celebrity 
of Devon. 

He was the son of a " Buckinghamshire gentleman," ^ in 
which county the name was well known. He was born in 
1598, and at the age of seventeen, November 10th, 1615, he 
matriculated at Magdalen College, Oxford ; received his degree 
of B.A. on December 15th, 1618, and of m.a. June 14th, 

During the ensuing eight years we find no trace of him; 
but in 1629 he, with Mr. Matthews, of Dartmouth, and John 

' ''Genealogical Gleanings," by H. F. Waters, in New Eng, Hist, Oen. 
Begister, vol. xlix. p. 495. 

^ Hist MSS, Ccm., 7th Report, p. 106, b. 

^ Oliver's Eccles. Arvtiq. ii. p. 46. 

^ Bishop HalVs JtegisteTf May 6th, 1630, Matthew Drake inst., vice John 

'' Wood's Atheria, vol. iii. col. 620. 

^ Clark's Os^ford Univ. Beg, pp. 308, 344. 

2 ▲ 2 


White, minister of Doicliestar * applied to Sir ASkaoL Afkj 
to see certain prisoners in the Tower. In fhe letter €i ds 
subject to Secretary Dorchester, dated 9th May, I6299IBB 
described as ** Ferdinando Nicholls, of Sherborne."^ 

Two years later he was married at Sherbooie^ Mw HA, 
1631, to Mary, daughter of Oliver Lottisham,* of Eoimifta 
Somerset, and immediately after we have the first leeoid rf 
him in Exeter. In the Act Book of Bishop Hall* it moB 
under date of June 15th, 1631, that he was gaukim As 
sequestration of the Church of St Mary Arches^ £zefea; aid 
he was collated on the November 12ih following.^ nemdni 
time onward until his death he was associated with Hk 
parish. Here we find the records of the baptisms of hk v 
children,^ and here they, as well as his wife and himself, iren 

It must have been soon after his arrival in Exeter fhath 
made the acquaintance of Ignatius Jourdain, one of hs 
parishioners, in whom he saw so much to admire, and irlio 
m his turn must have found in the new rector, Niodls, t 
minister after his own heart, for Ferdinando NicoUs was of 
the strict Puritan school, and eventually became a Ken- 
conformist. At the funeral of his esteemed parishioner in 
June, 1640, Mr. Nicolls preached a sermon worthy of the 
occasion, and some years later he was moved to vmte sod 
publish his biography. 

His association with that worthy Puritan, John White, of 
Dorchester, stamped him as one of the new school of religioa 
Dr. Oliver writes : " At an early period it seems that he had 
imbibed Puritanical feelings, and had ingratiated himself with 
the party of Covenanters and Independents, who were work- 
ing their way to ascendancy in the councils of the nation."* 
This is confirmed by the fact that on " 22nd August, 1641, 
being the Lord's day, in his own parish church, he had caused 
a protestation to be performed, according to the order of the 
House of Commons."^ 

* See previous note on Rev. John White. 

' Caletidar of State Papers^ Dom., 1629, p. 543. 

' See Brown's Somerset Wills, Ser. I, p. 16, note. She was baptized at 
Sherborne Jan. 23rd, 1610-11. Dates kindly verified for me by Canon Mayo. 
3 Transcribed from Act Book by R. Dymond, f.s.a. 

* Dr. Oliver gives this collation as Nov. 12th, 1634, from Register of Bishop 
Hall, folio 36. 

* His children were— John, bapt. 26 Feb., 1631-2, minister of the gospel, 
bur. 23 Jan., 1660-1; Mary, bapt. 20 Oct., 1633, bur. 10 Mar., 1681; Sarah, 
bapt. 30 Aug., 1636, bur. 4 April, 1639 ; Elizabeth, bapt. 16 April, 1637, 
bur. 12 Oct., 1638; Sarah, bapt. 28 July, 1639, bur. 31 Oct. 1643; Matthias, 
bapt. 2 Oct., 1642, d. 11 June, 1662. 

* Oliver's Biography of Exonians. ^ Hid. 


In this he protested that he would maintain the Reformed 
Protestant Eeligion against all Popery and Popish innovation. 
Furthermore, he was one of those who subscribed to the 
" Testimony against Toleration of Eeligion " in 1648. So it 
is quite apparent that he was a decided Puritan — " a grand 
Presbyterian, if not worse," as Anthony k Wood^ has quaintly 
put it. Nor was he a passive spectator of current events; 
we find him constantly embroiled with the authorities, or 
those who sought to be the authorities. He was an assistant 
to the Commissioners of Devonshire and of the city of Exeter 
in 1654 for the ejectment of so-called "scandalous, ignorant, 
insufficient ministers and schoolmasters." ® He was a member 
of the Exeter Assembly, and was chosen Moderator of that 
body in 1657.i 

It is said that the Westminster Assembly appointed him 
Vicar of Twickenham,^ Middlesex, in 1645; but his tenure of 
that living must have been brief, as we find that he was made 
Bodleian Lecturer June 25th, 1646, a position he retained for 
"divers years." 

He was held in great esteem by the rulers of the city of 
Exeter. When it was determined to reduce the number of 
the churches in the city, in 1657 — for the cost of maintaining 
the clergy had at this time fallen upon the people, and as 
they grumbled at the burden, this method of reducing the 
expenses was adopted — St. Mary Arches headed the list of 
four churches which were to continue in use, and Ferdinando 
Nicolls, the late incumbent, was presented by the Corporation 
to the enlarged living on August 11th. But as early as 1646, 
when the Chamber was seeking for a minister for " Peters " 
(ix, the Cathedral), Mr. Mcolls, on one occasion at least, filled 
the pulpit, as we find he was paid " twenty shillings for the 
sermon preached on Jesus day last." 

But he was not viewed with equal favour by the Council 
of State. In April, 1650, "the ministers who had been 
very active in exciting discontent and opposition to the 
Government" are seriously taken to task. These ministers, 
or preachers, were engaged by the Chamber, and to explain 
its policy it must be stated that although it was mainly 
composed of Puritan members, they were men who were in 
favour of the old constitution of King, Lords, and Commons, 
and if they took the side of the Parliament against the King, 

^ AtheTUB, vol. iii. col. 620. • Ibid, 

^ Trans, Devon, Assoc, vol. ix. p. 279. 

^ I can find no record of this appointment, but Wood refers to it, and the 
writer in the Did. Nat. Biog. (xli. p. 49) mentions it, and says he experienced 
difficulty in obtaining the profits of the vicarage. 


it was in the hope and expectation that His Majesty could 
be compelled to give way and rule in a more constitutional 
manner. Since the King's death there was some hope that a 
compromise might be effected with his son ; what was most 
.feared was a despotic military rule, to which things were fast 

It was at this juncture that the Council of State saw fit 
to write, April 1st, 1650, to Major Blackmore, who was then 
in command of the Castle of Exeter, calling attention to the 
fact that : 

" The Commonwealth suffers much both in safety and reputation 
by the intemperate declarations and seditious invective of some 
men in their pulpits; wherein not knowing, or forgetting the 
duty of men in those places, they have endeavoured, for the 
setting up of an interest of their own, destructive of that of the 
public, to stir up the people to disobedience, and again to embroil 
us in new troubles, and enflame the nation into another war. The 
men have been long forborne, hoping they might have come to 
themselves, seen their error, and desisted from those dangerous 
courses; but this forbearance has added to their boldness, and 
they have gone on to such a degree that the commonwealth can 
not be safe, if they be suffered, under the veil of their learning 
and knowledge, and their pretended calling to abuse and mislead 
the people. Mr. Ford and Mr. Nicolls, preachers of Exeter, are 
principally active, but that we may have a more full information 
of their miscarriages, and take the best course for the public 
peace, we desire you to repair to some justices of the peace with 
this letter, and desire them to take information of the miscarriage 
of these men, both by examination of themselves, and of witnesses 
who offer to testify concerning the expressions in their preaching 
or praying against the present Government, or about any matters 
of State ; and to certify those examinations under your hand to 
Council, with all expedition, that a speedy course may be taken 
to prevent those mischiefs which, by so long continuing at their 
seditious practices, may dangerously interrupt the public peace. "^ 

Again, on June 17th following it was required that in- 
formation concerning the Exeter ministers who had not 
kept the fast were to be sent to the Committee of Plundered 
Ministers, and a week later " if the matter of the miscarriage 
of the Exeter ministers is proved, they are to be required to 
leave the town." It seems doubtful whether any of these 
offences were proved against Mr. Nicolls, but at all events 
his position in the esteem of the Chamber seems to have 

^ WooLACOMBE and Cotton, Gleanings from Munici2ml and CatherWal 
Records^ p. 144. 
■* Calendar of State Papers , Dom., 1660, p. 74. 


been unimpaired, for he was again appointed Bodleian Lecturer 
in 1654. 

But there were enemies within the city as well as with- 
out, for we find in this latter year that Israel Tranch was 
summoned before the magistrates because "he spoke of 
Bishop Mcholls in a scoffing and jeering manner," and " said 
that he would make him as mute as Mr. Lowe had done, and 

as much ashamed as when he left his sermon notes behind 

We have not been able to discover how Mr. Lowe silenced 
him; but Calamy, in his Nonconformist's Memorial, says, 
that "though he (Mr Mcolls) wrote his sermons, he com- 
monly preached without using his papers, but always took 
them with him into the pulpit. Being once called upon to 
preach before the judges, he went to church without his 
notes. But perceiving his mistake before he began, he went 
back and fetched them, as the very thought of being without 
them, he said, would have thrown him into confusion. But 
he preached with great freedom, without once looking upon 

Another enemy of his was summoned on August 11th, 
1656, Mary Thome, of St. Thomas, who "said of Mr. 
NichoUs, minister, that he was a false prophet, that he did 
teach for lucre, and that she would be one of those to bear 
witness against him at the day of judgment." After this 
comes the brief entry of the retribution awarded her — 
"Committed with hard labour." ^ 

Evil days were approaching, but not before Ferdinando 
Nicolls had the sorrow of seeing his eldest son, already a 
minister, cut off in his youth. In the registers of St. Mary 
Arches on January 23rd, 1660-61 is recorded the burial 
of "Mr. John Nicolls, minister of the Gospel."^ And on 
June 11th, 1662, he saw his only remaining son, Matthias, 
committed to the grave.^ His wife and one daughter, Mary, 
were the only ones left to him. But sorrows increased upon 
him. His heart was no doubt wrapped up in the parish 
wherein he had so long ministered among the manifold 
changes that had taken place; and now the "Bartholomew 
Act" was to be enforced on August 24th, 1662, and under 
this he was ejected from St. Mary Arches. But even now 
he was not witTiout friends in high places. The Chamber 

^ WooLACOMBE and Cotton's Gleanings, &c. p. 170. 
^ Calamt's Nonconformist's Memorial, ii. p. 36. 
7 WooLAcoMBE and Cotton's Gleanings^ p. 170. 
^ Register of St. Mary Arches. 


of Exeter passed a lesolatdoti that ** Mr. Fexdinando I^didli; 
derk, who hath for divers years performed the Bodlqr 
Lectures and others in this city and so hath done until tfa 
last harvest shall receive the profits of the Bectoiy d 
Hennock given for that purpose for this last harvest"* 

It is evident that he continued his services in the citf , 
if not in one of the vacant churches, then in some otlis 
edifice. The following touching account of his death k 
given by Calamy : 

** He often expressed a great desire to die in sight of his e» 
gregation, to which he had so long been pastor, and he had Ui 
request. For in the November after his being ejected tui 
silenced, going towards his churdi on a Lord's Day in ike ilts- 
nooD, he met a brother minister in the street^ with whom In 
exchanged a few words and took a solemn farewell of him. He 
was ob^rved to walk towards the church more briskly than ubuL 
He found the people singing, and he joined them with a londei 
and more cheeidful voice than ordinary, hot stopped on a sudden. 
Some who observed this went up to him and found him dead 
before the Psalm was done."^ 

We are inclined to think that Calamy has fallen into an 
error as regards the date he gives, for the following in- 
scription was on his tombstone, near the communion table 
in St. Mary Arches Church, and all but the date of the year 
is still legible : 

"Here lyeth the body of Mr. Ferdinando Nicolls, who upon 
the 14th of Decemb. 1662, being the 64th year of his age, and 
the thirtieth of his ministry in this church, dyed in the face of 
his congregation, whilst the Psalm was singing/'^ 

But he was not laid to rest quietly. As Oliver Cromwell 
died during a fearful storm, so it seems not inappropriate 
that Nicolls was buried during a tumult. In the Magistrates* 
Minute Book is found this entry, under April 13th, 1663: 
A dozen men " were bound over for disturbance of the public 
peace and committing a rout in the Parish Church of St. 
Mary Arches within this city at the interring of the corpse 
of Mr. Ferdinando NichoUs, late minister of that parish; 
without the presence of a minister to do the same in the 
right time, and disturbance of the minister when he had 
come to do his ofiBce, carrying away the lights and making 
such a noise by hemming etc., as hath not been heard ; and 

• Oliver's Biography of Eoconians from Minutes of the Chamber of Exeter, 
^ Calamy*s Nonconformist's Memorial, ii. p. 37. 

* Wood's Athena, vol. iii. col. 621. 


divers of the persons there present laying of violent hands 
on the gravemaker and others."^ 

Calamy describes him as " a man of considerable learning, 
a grave divine and a laborious minister.* He is said to have 
been a fluent and eloquent preacher, yet the story is told 
of him that on one occasion while in the pulpit he saw 
" several of the Aldermen asleep, and thereupon sat down." 
Upon his silence and the noise that was presently made in 
the church by the people getting up, they awoke, and stood 
up with the rest, upon which he rose up again and said, 
"The sermon is not yet done, but now you are awake, I 
hope youll hearken more diligently," and so went on,^ 

Oliver, with some bitterness, says, "As a party zealot he 
distinguished himself above his fellows."® 

His wife was granted letters of administration on his 
estate, February 26th, 1663,^ and survived him many years. 
She was buried in St. Mary Arches January Ist, 1679,® and 
their daughter Mary was buried in the same place two years 
later, on March 10th, 1681.8 

^ Oliver's Biography of JSxonicms. 

* Calamy's Nonconformist's Memorial, u. p. 37. 

« Ibid, p. 36. 

' Oliver's Biography of Exonians, 

^ P.C.C. Administration Act Book. 

^ Register of St Mary Arches. 




The first edition of the Life of Ignatius Jurdain, by 
Ferdinando Nicolls, is thus described in the catalogue of 
the Bodleian Library. 

"THE LIFE AND DEATH I OF | Mr. Ignatins JnidainJ 
ONE OF THE | Aldermen of the CITY OF EXETER : | who 
departed this Life | July Idthy 1640. (Qaotationa) 

" Drawn up and published by FEED. NICOLLS, Minister of 
the I Gospel at MARY AR0HE8, EXON. | 

" LONDON, I Printed for THO. NEWBERRY, and are to be 
sold at his shop | at the three GOLDEN LIONS on Corn-hill by 
the I Royal Exchange, 1654. | 

" 4^, Title, 1 leaf ; Dedication to Simon Snow, Esquire, Mayor 
of the City of Exeter, the Aldermen, etc., dated December 24th, 
1653, 6 pp.; 'To the Reader,' signed 'Thomas Manton';^ 6 pp.; 
' Errata,' 1 p. ; blank page; Text, pp. 1-22 ; blank leaf; or A in 
four ; a in four ; B to D in fours." 

The title-page of the second edition, a copy of which has 
most kindly been lent to me by my esteemed friend, the 
Rev. J. Ingle Dredge, is as follows: 

"The Life and Death of | Mr. Ignatius Jurdain^ \ One of the 
Aldermen of the City | of Exeter: Who departed this Life, | 
July 15tb, 1640. | Psal. 37. 37. Mark the perfect man, and be- 
hold I the upright; for the end of that man is peace. | PsaL 112. 9. 
He hath dispersed, he hath given to | the poor, his righteousness 
endureth for ever. | 1 Cor. 15.55. death where is thy sting? 
I grave where is thy victory 1 | Drawn up and published by 
Ferdinando NichoUs, Minister of the Gospel at | Mary Arches^ 
Exon, I The second Edition, enlarged | by the Author. | 
LONDON, I Printed for Thomas Newberry, and are | to be 
sold at his Shop at the three Golden Lions on Corn-hiU, by 
the I Royal Exchange, | 1655." | 

It is 12®, title, 1 leaf; dedication to "Simon Snow, Esquire, 
Mayor of the City of Exeter, the Aldermen, and the rest of the 

• Thomas Man ton, a celebrated Puritan divine, bom at Lydiard St. 
Lawrence, Somerset, in 1620, and died October 18th, 1677. 


Common Council of that Citie," dated "Exon., December 24th, 
1653," 15 pp.j blank p.; "To the Reader," signed "Thomas 
Manton," 16 pp. Text, pp. 1-86 ; Or A to E in twelves. 

Dr. Brushfield very courteously lent Mrs. Dymond a copy 
of the second edition which he possesses. It differs from 
Mr. Dredge's in the lettering and the ornamentation of the 
title-page, and the headings of the divisions, and indeed all 
through the volume the appearance of the type is slightly 
different, still it is not considered another edition. Mr. 
Mayor, in Notes and Queries} asserts that the book went 
through three editions. It is said also to have been copied 
literally by Clarke in his Lives, 


P. 0.0. 130 Coventry. 

"Ignatius Dated in Exeter 1 March, 1635. 
Jourdain. Whereas I dayly expect to depart this life I have 
therefore heere now made my last will & Testament. 
To my wife Elizabeth one third part of all my goods. 
To my children who are unmarried one other third part. 
The other third part I leave as follows : 
To aU the poor of this city who have pay of parishes & those 

that dwell in almshouses I give five shillings each to be 

paid at my burial. 
To 100 other poor people I give lOs. each, the honest poore 

to bee chiefly lookt onto. 
To Eichard Greeder, Widow Trewman & Elizabeth Fishe, 

widow, 40s. each. 
To the poor of Lyme where I was bom & to the poor of 

Gemezey where I was new borne £5 to each place. 
To my sister Wackley's children £6 between them. 
To Eichard Slade in St. Thomas parish £2. 
To Mrs. Manton widow, £3. 
To my cousin William Eyder's wife £3. 
To my maidservant Alice £2, & to Grace Webber £1 if they 

are living here when I die. 
To Eobert Trossett £2. 
To my brother Synckler £3. 
To the poor of Topsom £2. 
To Mr. Painter, Mr. Nichols, Mr. Turlinge, Mr. WhyneU, 

Mr. Shute, Mr. Slaughter, & Mr. Hopkins Ministers of 

this city 403. each. Also to Mr. Bartlett Minister of St. 

Thomas & to Mr. Allen Minister of Sidwells & to Mr. 

Nosery the School Master 40s. each. 
To Widow Lathy and Widow Beedle 20?. each. 

^ 5th Series, vi. p. 277. 


To the childien of my son Nathaniel Duncan £100. 

To the children of my son William Hill £100. 

The said money to be deliyeied to their fathers who are to 

keep it without patting in any sureties for it» & to pay it 

to their children at their ages of 24 years if they are well 

able to pay it. 
I forgive all moneys owing to me if it be under the value of 

20s. each. 
I request Mr. Nicholls our Minister, Bobert Trescott^ Nicholas 

Gregory & Charles Hopping to be overseers of this my 

willy & pray them to receive from my executrix the £50 

for the 100 poor people & to give lOs. each where they see 

most need. 
I make my wife Executrix. 
To Bichard Pittes 20s. 
As to my son Joseph I pray my said Executrix to take some 

pains for the placing of hun with hjs portion during his life. 
And soe waitinge when the Lord will call mee hence & free 

mee from this body of sinne doe heere end my last will & 

Dated at Exeter 1 March 1635. Ignatius Jurdain. 

To Stephen Pittman, 20s. 

Witnesses : Thomas Enott, Bobert Trescott, Nicholas Gregory, 

Balph Confe. 
I give now £50 more to be given to 50 poor people of this 

city & county by 20s. to each, a good part to them of St. 

Whereas I have given to my son Duncan's children £100 & 

to my son Hill's children £100 ; my will now is that they 

shall only have £80 each for that some losses I have had. 
Alsoe I will that all those pawnes which I have that are not 

above Twenty shillings each shalbe given them back againe 

for nothinge. Ig. Jurdain." 
Proved 16 October, 1640, by Elizabeth Jurdaine the relict. 


'* Elizabeth Jurdaine of the City and County of Exeter 
widow, 20 June 1645, proved 9 March 1649. John 
Painter of London, merchant oweth me, Hugh Sowden of 
London, merchant, oweth me. Fifty pounds to the poor of 
Exeter in such manner as by the last will and testament of 
my late deceased husband Ignatius Jurdaine is ordained. 
To my grandchild Joseph Hill twenty pounds. The residue 
to my son Ignatius Jurdaine whom I make sole executor." 

Pembroke 42 (P.C.C.) 

• From ** Genealo^cal Gleanings,'' by H. F. Waters, in New Rug. HisL 
Gen. Register, vol. xlix. p. 494. 



For notes see page 877. 

. . . . JouRDAiN, of Lyme Eegis. 

John Jourdain, of Lyme Regis, merchant. Will dated 23rd 
Sept., 1588; proved 13th Nov., 1588. (P.C.C. Leicester, 
7. ^ ) Married Thomazine 

Silvester, bp. Uth Feb., 1564-5.2 Living 1588. 

Robert, bp. 22nd June, 1568.2 Living 1588. 

John, of London, merchant, in service of the East India 
Company.8 WiU dated 8th Feb., 1617-8; proved 27th 
Sept., 1620. Married Susan^ d,8,p. 

Charles. Living 1588 and 1620. 

Susan, bp. 19th Dec, 1562.2 Married first John WoodrofiF, 
and had John, Henry, and Anthony WoodrofiF j^ second, 

Viney, and had Robert and Hester Viney.^ The latter 

married her cousin John, son of John Jourdain, of Exeter, 
whom see. 

Mary married and had a daughter; both mentioned in her 
brother John's will.^ 

Judith, bp. 20th Nov., 1566.2 

Richard Jourdain, merchant, of Exeter ; BailifiF 1583, 
Receiver of Exeter 1596, member of the Society of 
Merchant Adventurers of Exeter before 1571. Buried 
at St. Mary Arches, 5th June, 1597.* Married first 

Elizabeth Webber, 14th Aug., 1575;* second, Agnes 

buried 15th Feb., 1588 ;* third, Susan Mallett (or Mallock) 
13th Sept., 1589.* 

William Jourdain, of Lyme Regis. 

, daughter, married Kerridge, and had a son, William 

Kerridge, who married Elizabeth Hill, of Lyme Regis; 

see Mar. Lie, 16th Oct., 1616.^ 


Elizabeth, bp. 30th Jan., and buried 3rd Feb., 1577.^ 
Tamsin, bp. 12th June, 1578 ;7 buried 15th July, 1597.8 
Richard Jourdain, bp. 12th May, 1579.^ 
Elizabeth, bp. 16th March, 1 580-1. ^ 
Anne, bp. 7th July, 1582.^ 


George Jourdain, grocer, of Exeter, bp. 20th June, 1586;* 
Bailiff of Exeter 1625; buried 30th Dec, 1633.^ Will 
dated 22nd Aug., 1632.^0 Married Elizabeth, daughter 
of Walter Coker, of Ashebosom, in Stourpaine, Dorset.^^ 
She was buried 29th Aug., 1633.» Her will dated 
27th Sept., 1633 (1 1632); proved 3l8t Oct, 1633. 
(P.C.C. Russell, 89.12) 



Joan, bp. 29th Oct, 1592.8 


John Jourdain, merchant, of Exeter; buried 15th May, 1628.^ 
WiU dated 28th July, 1627; proved 2nd July, 1628. 

(P.C.C. Barrington, 67.^2) Married first Mary ; 

buried 30th Aug., 1614 ;8 second, Joane Osmund, buried 
21st June, 1649.8 Her will dated 21st Oct., 1648; 
proved 25th Aug., 1649. (P.C.C. Fairfax, 123.12) 

Ignatius Jourdain, bp. 17th Aug., 1561. ^^ (see Life); buried 
18th June, 1640.8 Will dated 1st March, 1635; proved 
16th Oct., 1640. (P.C.C. Coventry, 130.) Married first 
Katherine, daughter of John Bodley (bp. 17th Oct., 1570^) 
24th June, 1589,8 buried 4th May, 1593:8 second, 
Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas BaskerviUe (bp. Iftth April, 
1576.8) Married 5th Aug., 1563,8 Juried 18th Oct., 
1649.8 Her will dated 20th June, 1645; proved 9th 
March, 1649-50.12 (P.C.C. Pembroke, 42.) 

Silvester Jourdain, companion of Sir George Summers, and 
author of A Discovery of the Barmicdas, otherwise called 
the He of DivelSy 4to, London, 1610. Died unmarried 
in the parish of St. Sepulchre, beyond Newgate, London, 
in the spring of 1650, his estate being administered on 
28th May of that year by his brother John Jourdain the 
younger. (Admin. Act Book, P.C.C, p. 83b. i^) 

Joseph Jourdain, bp. 17th March, 1565-6.1^ 

Elizabeth, bp. 24th Aug., 1572 ; married Crowe.i^ 

Christian, married Lathy, i^ 

Joan, married Sinkler.i^ 

married Wackley.i^ 


Elizabeth, bp. 7th May, leiSi'' (1 married Eichard Sweet at 

St. Mary Arches, 4th Feb., 1634-5). 
Susanna, bp. 10th May, leie.i*^ Married at St. Kerrian's, 

Christopher Parr, 19th Oct., 1634. 
Sara, bp. 28th Sept., 1617.1^ 
John Jourdain, bp. 1st Jan., 1618-19.1'' 
Lydia, bp. 6th Aug., 1620 ;i'' married John, son of Henry 

Painter, rector of St. Petrock's, on 7th Sept., 1652. 
EuTH, bp. 14th July, 1622.17 
George Jourdain, buried 30th Dec, 1626.1*^ 


Elizabeth, bp. 21st Oct , 1598 i^ 

Katherine, bp. 15th April, 1601 ^i'^ married by licence to 
Francis Mapowder, 6th Jan., 1622-3. i^ Had two daughters, 
Mary and Katherine, mentioned in her father's will. 


Samuel Jourdain, bp. 27th Feb., 1602-3;^^ married and 

John, bp. 18th Oct., 1629.1^ 
Mary, bp. 8 March, 1631.19 

John Jourdain, bp. 1st March, 1603-4. Perhaps he was the 
John Jourdain who served under John Jourdain the elder 
in the East India Company, and on his return incorporated 
at Cambridge, 1624.^0 The living of Exboume was left to 
him in his father's will. He was presented to the living 
of Stoke Canon, Devon, by Lord Chief Baron Steel and 
Sir J. Thoroughgood in 1655. He was warned by the 
Dean and Chapter on 21st Feb., 1662, to leave. He lived 
to be upwards of 80 years of age.^i He married his cousin, 
Hester Viney; the marriage licence dated 6th May, 1629.^^ 

Zaohary Jourdain, bp. 27th Dec, 1607.^^ 

Mary, bp. 12th Nov., 1609 ;i» buried 11th Sept., 1652.i» 
Married 23rd Nov., 1635,i9 Christopher Lethbridge (will 
dated 17th Nov., 166922), and had 
Joan married William Trevill. 

Joseph Jourdain, bp. 2nd June, 1611.^^ 

Sara, bp. 15th March, 1612.19 Married Samuel Clarke, M.P. 

for Exeter 1646-9 (d. 165323), 9th July, 1638. 
Grace, bp. 11th Aug., 1614; buried 14th Dec, 1620. i« 


Susan, bp. 5th, buried 6th June, 1590.2* 

Elizabeth, bp. 1st June, 1591 j24 married 6th Jan., 1616-17,2* 
Nathaniel Duncan, of Exeter, merchant, and had 


Nathaniel. 25 
Joseph, bp. 2nd July, 1592.2* 


Mary, bp. 5th April, 1595.2* 

JosuAH, bp. 25th Dec, 1597; 2* buried 22nd March, 1597-8.2* 
Sara, bp. 4th March, 1598-9; 24 married 28th Oct., 1619,2* 
William Hill, and had 
James. 27 
Ignatius. 27 

She married secondly Edmund Greenleaf.27 She apparently 
went to New England with her first husband, and was there 
ijQarried to her second husband. 

Hester, bp. 1st March, 1600-1 .2* 


John Jourdain, bp. 2nd. Feb., 1602-3 j Hector of Musbmy 
until 1630; 28 buried 27th Jan., 1643-4.2* 

Ignatius Jourdain, bp. 30tb March, 1604; 24 admitted to 
Wadham College, Oxford, 1625,2» Vicar of Cranham, 
Essex, 1639,27 to circa 1662, succeeded John Mortimoie 
(said to have been son-in-law to the elder Ignatius ^) in the 
Eectory of Sowton, 26th Sept., 1662,^^ and was buried in 
that place 2nd Sept., 1680.81 

Easthor, bp. 2nd March, 1605.2* 

Samuel Jourdain, bp. 30th June, 1607; 2* buried 14th May, 

JoziAS Jourdain, bp. 9th Nov., 1609.2* 

Nathaniel Jourdain, bp. 13th Feb., 1611 ;2* buried 3rd Oct, 

Hannagh, bp. 28th May, 1614; buried 12th Oct., 1615.2* 

Ruth, bp. 26th Sept., 1616 ; buried 2nd April, 1621.2* 

Elyas Jourdain, bp. 30th May, 1619.2* 

Elizabeth, bp. 24th Dec, 1620.2* 

The following Jourdains I have not been able to place in this 
pedigree : 

John Jourdain, of Weymouth; will proved 1st December, 

1561. Mentions wife Agnes, sons Walter and Hugh, and 

brother Thomas. ^^ 
Anne and Susan Jourdain, daughters of the brother of John 

Jourdain, of the East India Company. ^3 
Arthur Jourdain, of Lyme Eegis, a member of the Society 

of Merchant Adventurers of Exeter. Married Elizabeth, 

daughter of Wm. Welche, of Lyme, in 1589,^2 ^nd died 

before Aug., 1597.34 
William Jourdain, whose daughter Katherine was bp. 2nd 

July, 1572.35 
William, who married Dorothy Bridgeman, 2nd March, 1594.^^ 
William, whose son Eichard was bp. 24th Nov., 1619.37 
Wilmot Jourdain married Wm. Bicton, 30th April, 1622.86 
Thomas Jourdain married Elizabeth Bushell, 18th Nov., 

1565,35 and had Thomas, bp. 12th June, 1575,35 and Agnes, 

bp. 24th Sept., 1578.35 Perhaps this younger Thomas 

married Jane Coker, of A8hebosom.38 
Elizabeth Jourdain buried 24th May, 1570.35 
Elizabeth Jourdain married Wm. Eorde, 15th Nov., 1601. 

Nicholas Bevys was related to the Jourdains. He mentions 
in his will,33 dated 8th Nov., 1612, proved 2nd June, 1613, his 
cousin, Ignatius Jourdain. Bevys married Richaurd Waldron, 
12th Aug., 1593,32 and had with others a daughter, Mary, bp. 
15th Dec, 1599,32 who married a Jourdain; a deed executed by 
her 15th April, 1664, was witnessed by Rachell Jourdain. 



^ "Genealogical Gleanings, etc.," by H. F. Waters, New Eng, Hist, Oen, 
Register ^ vol. xlix. p. 491, et seq, 

^ Registers of Lyme Regis. Silvester is a surname in that parish ; it is 
possible that his mother was a Silvester. 

^ Dictionary of National Biography, xxx. 214. 

^ Registers of St. Mary Arches, Exeter. 

^ Marriage Licences of Exeter, Col. Vivian. 

^ Registers of St. Petrock's, Exeter. 

' Register of St Paurs, Exeter. 

^ Register of St Mary Archea 

^ Register of St. Petrock'a 

^® Jenkin's Hist, of Exeter, p. 329. 

^^ The Genealogist, New Series, ii. p. 297. Her sister Jane married Thomas 

^2 ««Gen. Gleanings," H. F. Waters. 

^^ Registers of Lyme Regis. 

^•* Did, Nat, Biography, 

^* Will of her brother John. 

'^ Will of her brother Ignatius. 

^^ Registers of St Petrock*s. 

^^ Marriage lAceifices, &c., Col. Vivian. 

^^ Register of St Mary Arches. 

^ Diet, Nat, Biography, 

21 Calamy's Noruionformis^s Memorial, ii. p. 72. 

22 Jenkin's Hist, of Exeter, p. 380. 

23 WooLACOMBE and Cotton's Gleanings, p. 161. 
2^ Register of St. Mary Arches. 

25 Will of Elizabeth Jourdain. (P.C.C. Russell, 89.) 

2* Will of his grandmother, Elizabeth Jourdain. (P.C.C. Pembroke, 42.) 

27 "Gen. Gleanings," Waters. 

2^ Bp, HalVs Register, Matthew Drake admitted 6th May, 1630, vice John 

28 Clark, Oxford Univ, Reg, voL ii. p. 405. 

^ Calamy quoted Notes and Qtieries, 6th Series, vi. p. 277. 

^ Oliver's Eccles, An^iq, ii. p. 46. 

^ Register of St. Mary Arches. 

83 <*Gen. Gleanings," H. F. Waters. 

** ElizaMhan Guild, Cotton, p. 56. 

35 Register of St Paul's, Exeter. 

^ Register of St Mary Major's, Exeter. 

37 Registers of Holy Trinity, Exeter. ^^ 

38 The Genealogist, New Series, iL p. 297. 



(Read at Kingsbridge, July, 1897.) 

The critical examination of a large number of the hut ciicles 
by the Dartmoor Exploration Committee has clearly demon- 
strated the fact that many of the dwellings are of great age, 
and were inhabited by a people who lived on Dartmoor 
during the Late Neolithic or Early Bronze Age. Up to the 
present no metallic objects have been discovered in the hut 
circles, and the whole surface of Dartmoor has yielded but 
very few implements or weapons made of bronze. 

That a stone-using people existed on the moor is amply 
demonstrated — irrespective of the evidence obtained from 
the hut circles — from the fact that its surface, or sub-surface, 
has in all directions yielded large quantities of flint spalls, 
amongst which cores, flakes, implements, and weapons exist 
in considerable numbers. 

The present account deals principally with the finds made 
at Post Bridge, Brownberry, and Huccaby. 

These places are sites of ancient tenements — farms virhich 
have for a long period been cultivated, owing to the more 
fertile character of the soil and the sheltered positions they 
occupy, and have been held either as customary freeholds or 
as copyholds for many centuries. 

There is no doubt that in many of the fields of these 
farms hut circles formerly existed ; in some traces of these 
primitive dwellings still exist, and in others they have been 
removed within recent recollection. 

The flints are turned up in the process of cultivation, and 
some fields have yielded several thousand specimens, mostly 
spalls, with occasional finely-worked implements or weapons. 
The flints are from the chalk, with here and there specimens 
of chert. As a rule, the spalls have been struck from flint 
pebbles of no great size, but a few of the larger flakes and 

Stonb Ihplbhbmti AS'n Wiapons. 

Cblt fkoh Foot of Cosdon Beacon. 
IPage 379.) 


some of the finer implements have evidently been fabricated 
from nodules of flint of considerable dimensions. A speci- 
men of the latter, which had never been worked, was found 
on making a hedge at Post Bridge some two years since. 

The ancient workers in flint seem to have neglected the 
greensand deposit of Devon, and preferred to go further 
afield for their raw material. The superior chalk flint found 
east of Devon was imported into Dartmoor, and was almost 
exclusively used by its prehistoric folk. The labour involved 
in transport must have rendered this material of some value, 
which was further enhanced when, with great skill and 
industry, it was fashioned into implements and weapons. 

Specimens of these which have been formed by chipping 
and flaking blocks, nodules, or pebbles of flint, are not so 
numerous as implements and weapons which have been 
fabricated from the flakes or splinters which have been 
struck from the nodules. In the former case the nodules, 
when suitably chipped and trimmed, became the object of 
manufacture ; and in the latter the nodule was flaked and 
broken up, so that the fragments became the chief product, 
and the core, or portion from which no more flakes could be 
struck ofif, was thrown away. 

Foremost in importance of objects resulting from the chip- 
ping and flaking of the nodule is the celt, which served the 
purpose of hatchet, adze, and chisel. Thus far these are of rare 
occurrence on Dartmoor. Two have been found near Walkham 
Head in turf-ties — highly-finished, polished grey flint — and 
another at the foot of Cosdon Beacon, opposite Belstone. 
The latter is the finest recorded specimen of a flint imple- 
ment yet found on Dartmoor. One side is much patinated, 
whilst the other has preserved the lustrous character of the 
chalk flint. The curves towards the cutting edge have been 
rubbed down smooth, whilst the body of the celt shows the 
subsidiary flaking. It is thus a combination of both pro- 
cesses, and is interesting as a specimen of the intermediate 
stage between the earlier Neolithic, consisting entirely of an 
implement prepared by flaking and chipping, and the later 
specimens, which have a wholly smooth surface produced by 
rubbing and grinding. (See Plate I., No. 1.^) 

Last year (1896) the writer obtained a large worked nodule 
of flint from Lower Merripit, Post Bridge. (Plate I., No. 2.) 
It is so flaked that it possesses a slightly circular blunt edge, 
which is somewhat bruised as if by use. It weighs 1 pound 
4^ ounces, and displays a good deal of the original crust of 

^ The illustrations represent full size, unless indicated otherwise. 

2 B 2 


the chalk flint It can be conveniently grasped in the hand, 
or hafted, when it would become a most formidable skull- 
cracker. It is difficult to suggest the original use of this 
object A similarly-shaped and worked stone, but weighing 
only 7 ounces^ was found in the same neighbourhood Its 
semicircular blunt edge has also been bruised by use ; it is 
more conveniently grasped than the larger stone, but, like 
this, its purpose is not easily understood. 

These very few examples exhaust the list of large imple- 
ments produced by shaping the nodule itself which has come 
under the notice of the writer — an indication of their com- 
parative scarcity. 

There are, however, implements and weapons in abun- 
dance which have been struck from the nodule until the 
latter has been almost quite used up in their production 
down to the. core, which has then been thrown away as being 
unsuitable for further flaking. As a rule, these imple- 
ments are smaU, but many of them are finely worked, and 
disclose a large amount of skill in their production. To 
understand the modus operandi in the production of flint 
implements by prehistoric man on Dartmoor, one must study 
the habits and customs of modern savages. Catlin ^ minutely 
studied the production of flint arrow-heads by the Apaches. 
These Indians are described as using a chisel or fabricator, 
made from an incisor of the sperm whale, which is struck by 
a mallet of hard wood, and thus chipping or flaking the 
flint to the required shape and degree of finish. The 
Dartmoor arrow-heads were no doubt fashioned much in the 
same manner. Hard schorlaceous pebbles, in handles of 
aller, would form the hammer for breaking up the flint 
nodules ; the chisel might have been an incisor of some large 
carnivorous animal, the point of an antler or a fabricator of 
flint, and the mallet of oak. Long chisel-shaped implements 
of flint are occasionally met with. One was found by Mr. 
Francis Brent on the southern slope of Yes Tor, and another 
on Saddleborough Moor. The writer also found an example 
at Huccaby, and another at Post Bridge. When a violent 
blow is delivered at right angles on the flat surface of a flint 
nodule, what is known as the cone of percussion is produced; 
but if the blow be administered near the edge of the flat 
surface an imperfect cone is formed, and this is termed 
the bulb of percussion. When these characteristics are 
present in fragments of flint it is fairly safe to assume 

2 Indians of the Rocky Mountains and the Andes, London, 1868. 

Stohe Ihplehentr and Wbj 

No. 1. 

Small Nodvle with Conb of Prrci'ssioh. 

(Page 381.) 

{Po'jes 381, 382.) 


that they have been produced by human agency ; for in 
hardly any instances of natural fracture does the surface 
of the splinter show any trace of its having been produced 
by a blow ; the only probable exception to this being 
that formed by the violent impact of one stone upon another, 
as, for instance, a fall from a cliff, or other similar natural 
causes. Flints found on the surface of Dartmoor possessing 
bulbs or cones of percussion may generally with safety 
be ascribed to the primitive workers in stone, even if they 
possess no secondary chipping. For illustration of the cone 
of percussion see Plate II., No. 1. 

The finds of finely-finished flint arrow-heads are few and 
far between on Dartmoor, the writer's collection containing 
less than a score of these weapons. Sharp triangular 
flakes are, however, found in greater numbers, and these may 
have been used as arrow-tips. Some appear to be suitable 
for this purpose, and seem desirable, for their preparation 
could not have involved the large amount of skill and labour 
which must have been bestowed on the highly -finished 
examples. One of the most beautiful of these was found by 
Mrs. 0. L. Munday, in the summer of 1892, in Greyhound 
Marsh, Post Bridge. (Plate II., No. 2.) It was found on what 
was evidently the site of a place where flint implements were 
made, for within the area of a few feet the writer and 
his family have found many hundreds of flakes and tiny 
chips, the latter so small that there is no doubt that they 
represent the d6hris produced by the fashioning of flint 
implements and weapons. This beautiful arrow-head is 
almost perfect, a small piece of the tang only being broken 
off. The point and edges are as sharp now as when first 
produced, and if looked at under a magnifying glass, the 
delicacy of the flaking to produce these stands revealed. The 
flint has been so trimmed down that this tiny specimen 
weighs only thirteen grains. Placed as a tip to a suitable 
arrow -stick, and shot from a bow, it becomes a deadly missile. 
With similar arrows Catlin has seen the Blackfoot Indians 
slaughter whole herds of buffaloes ; in some instances the 
flint-tipped arrows have been known to penetrate clean 
through the carcass of one of these ponderous beasts, 
an illustration of the force and penetration capable of being 
produced by the employment of such apparently fragile and 
delicate-looking objects. 

No. 3, Plate II., represents an example which was found 
at Lower Merripit, Post Bridge. It is perfect as made — the 
imperfect barb being due to an error in manufacture. The 


weight of this arrow-head is twenty-seven grains, or a little 
over double that of the previously-described specimen. They 
may together be taken as fine examples of Dartmoor anow- 
heads of the tanged and barbed variety. 

Nos. 4 and 6 are specimens of the triangular vaiiety, 
and were found at Brownberry and Greyhound Marsh respeo- 
tively. The former has the firont face (visible in illastratum) 
finely chipped and worked, but the back is simply the flat 
surface of the original flake, with a little secondary working 
at the edges only. It weighs twenty-six grains, and ib 
imperfect through breakage, as the illustration suggests. The 
example from Greyhound Marsh was picked up ^ose to the 
place where No. 2 was found; it is worked on both feces, 
u almost perfect, and weighs nearly forty-eight grain& 

No. 3, Plate V., is somewhat uncertain. It may be either a 
portion of a large arrow-head, as suggested by the dotted 
lines of the drawing, or it may be a small example complete 
in itself, with a single long barb, similar to a form which is 
common on the Derbyshire moors.^ 

Thus far the occurrence of leaf-shaped arrow-heads on 
Dartmoor has been uncommon. The writer has only one 
broken specimen in his collection, and another in the same 
condition possessing a tang but no barbs. 

The larger kind of arrow-heads were probably used as tips 
to short stabbing spears, or, attached to light sticks, they 
might have been used as javelins. No. 6, Plate II., is of 
this kind. It is from Brownberry, is closely worked on one 
side, whilst on the other is the rounded smooth surface of the 
flake, with a strongly-pronounced bulb of percussion at the 
base, where it is about three-eighths of an inch thick. It 
weighs nearly half an ounce. 

Nos. 1 and 2, Plate III., though not quite perfect, are more 
shapely examples ; the former is from Huccaby and the latter 
from Brownberry. 

No. 1, Plate IV., is a broken object of uncertain use. It 
might be a lance -head, although the sharpness of the base 
does not seem to favour this assumption ; or it might have 
been used as a knife like No. 3 — a thin, sharp, but imperfect 
tool. No. 2 on the same Plate may be a rudimentary spear- 

Borers are not uncommon. No. 2, Plate V., is a good 
specimen from Huccaby. No. 1, Plate V., is a tool of 
uncertain use. The edges are not sharp enough to have been 

■* Evans's Ancient Stoiie hnplevients of Great Britain, p. 351. 


used as a knife, and the point is too blunt to be effective as 
a small spear-point ; it might perhaps be best described as a 
pointed scraper. 

Specimens of flakes which have evidently been used as 
knives are numerous, but flakes with secondary trimming, so 
as to produce a knife-edge, are by no means common. One 
of the best I have yet seen was found in a hut circle at 
Smallacombe Bocks, near Hay Tor. The base, unfortunately, 
is broken.* No. 2, Plate VI., is evidently more suitable for 
stabbing than cutting, the point being still sharp and effective. 
Mounted in a short stick or bone, it would be formidable as 
a dagger. No. 1 on same plate is a knife of the more 
abundant type. 

The scraper is probably the most ancient implement of any 
craft in the world, and may be described as a broad flake 
trimmed to a circular or semicircular shape with a bevelled 
edge. They vary in shape and size — from the large horse- 
shoe form to the small circular thumb scraper — and are by 
far the most numerous form of implement found on Dart- 

The great majority of these tools were doubtless used 
for skin -dressing; some, however, might have been used 
as planes. 

Amongst savage people of to-day the women are the skin- 
dressers ; and the skill they display in this avocation, 
with the subsequent preparation of the garments, is most 

That the prehistoric women of Dartmoor were industrious 
in this direction is amply demonstrated by the abundance of 
scrapers found in and near the sites of ancient settlements ; 
in fact, their share in the advancement of primitive culture 
must have been a large one, for there is some reason to 
believe that the women were also the potters, from certain 
indications on some of the rude hand-made pottery which 
has been unearthed from some of the hut circles. 

In the preparation of skins the scrapers were used for 
removing the fat from the fleshy side, the hair or fur being 
taken off by " sweating," i,e, rolling up the skins when damp, 
thus opening the pores, and rendering the unhairing process 

Or it is quite possible that these industrious creatures 
had discovered the depilatory action of the lye produced by 
moistening their wood ashes with water. 

^ See Illustration in Dartmoor Exploration Committee's Report, No. IV. 


Nos. 1 and 2, Plate VII., from Merripit and Huccaby 
respectively, are good types of the horse-shoe variety. 

There are also scrapers of a conical type, not nearly so 
common nor apparently so efifective, for they are not so 
conveniently handled. This, and the inference that the 
conical shape was premeditated, have led to the suggestion 
that these tools were not intended for use as scrapers, but 
were applied to some unknown purpose. They are included 
as scrapers, for they approximate more nearly to this im- 
plement than to any other.^ 

No. 4, Plate VII., is another somewhat uncommon variety 
from Brownberry. It is a curved flake more or less trimmed 
all round, and forming a combination of a scraper and 

The thumb scrapers, which are fairly numerous, are repre- 
sented by No. 3. Other types of scrapers are simple flakes 
with bevelled points, and some of these are so small that it 
is very difficult to imagine what their possible usefulness 
could have been. 

The remaining type to be described is shown on Plate VIIL, 
and is known as the notched or hollow variety, and was 
evidently intended to scrape cylindrical objects, such as 
arrow-sticks and bone needles. 

There is another form of implement found in many of the 
hut circles for which no definite use can be suggested. They 
are usually pebbles of red grit or fine-grained elvan, such as 
may be found in the river-beds of the Dartmoor streams near 
the borders of the moor. They usually have one or more of 
their surfaces ground down to a flat edge, or their surfaces 
scored with fine longitudinal furrows, as if some small 
objects, such as bone needles, had been sharpened on them. 
Two or three have deep cuts in them, as if to sharpen some 
larger implement or weapon. (See Plate IX.) 

These suggest the probability of their use for sharpening 
bronze, if this alloy was ever sharpened by grinding, and 
not exclusively by hammering. Such deep cuts in the grit 
pebbles would, however, be produced by grinding down flint 
objects, but such fine-worked and polished tools are seldom 
found on Dartmoor. None of them appear to have been 
used as whetstones or "barkers." Various surmises have 
been made as to the use of the pebbles with the edges 

** V Anthropologic f vol. viii. No. 2, contains an account of the exploration 
of the Grotte du Pape, in which precisely similar scrapers were found, and 
are regjarded as characteristic of the strata of the lower valleys of the 

Sroxi InxKMKns aso WxAroxa. 

Xi>. 1. 

Tl!l> SlIlAI'Ell, BoREn, ASn A 

(Noi. 1 and 2, /"oi/ft! 382, J 
(i^To. 3. Paqe 382.) 

Stone Iuplehentb akd Weapoks. 

Xo 1. No 2. 

Kmfe and Small Dao<ieh. 

{Pag« 383.) 

Stoxz Imflbmbnts and Wbapokb. 

{Paget 383, 384.) 

Stone Ihflbhents and Weifonb. 

Flake with Notch fob Sckapino Ant 
(Page 3S4.) 

Stone Implemehtb and Wbafons, 

OnoovBi) Stosb and Rubbbbs, 
(PaiW 384.) 


flattened down by grinding — they might have been used in 
the preparation of the skins by rubbing thera, as do the 
Eskimo women of to-day with pumice-stone, in the pressing 
down of the seams of garments, in the tempering of the clay 
for the potter, in grinding down pigments, or in the fashioning 
of the pottery when in a plastic condition. 

These are suggestions only, for these objects are at present 
as puzzling to the antiquaries at the British Museum as they 
are to local archaeologists. They persistently turn up in the 
exploration of hut circles, and it is possible that some light 
may in future be thrown on their use. 

One of the striking peculiarities of the examination of the 
hut circles is the almost entire absence in them of means for 
grinding grain. One hut circle on Whiten Eidge yielded a 
muUer, oval in shape, and with a grinding surface of twelve 
inches by nine inches, and a greatest thickness of four and 
a half inches. One or two more have been observed near 
Bang's Oven,® and one was found deeply buried in the peat 
by Prebendary Wolfe, at Leighon, near Manaton, and is now 
in the Torquay Natural History Museum. 

Cooking stones, i.e, rounded, river- worn pebbles, which 
have been used after being heated in a fire for baking or 
boiling, are numerous in some of the hut circles — one at 
Broadun yielded no less than sixty. 

Discs of slate, evidently used as covers to pots, have been 
unearthed in hut circles at Har Tor, Blackslade, Smallacombe 
Kocks, and other places ; and clay spindle-whorls have be^n 
found so far only in the settlement at Legis Tor, whilst one 
of micaceous slate was discovered a few years since by Mr. 
Alexander on the summit of Leedon Tor. 

^ These are doubtful, and may be modem, for they were observed lying on 
the surface of the ground. 


(Read at Kingsbridge, July, 1897.) 

There is a negative feature in the scenery of Dartmoor and 
its ajoining areas that seems to me to be very closely con- 
nected with its recent or early Pleistocene geology ; tJiat is^ 
the total absence of small lakes, or tarns, as they are usuallj 
termed, from the moor itself, and also from its immediate 

Over very similar districts in Britain, very closely re- 
sembling Dartmoor in many of its physical aspects — as in 
the nature of its rocks, its altitude, its source of miany 
streams and rivers, &c. — are thickly scattered numerous 
small sheets of water, or tarns, which lie in hollows of 
the rocks, or in rock-basins, as these hollows are generally 
called. Others of these tarns lie in the deeper portions 
of the narrow valleys, the exits of which are barred or 
dammed by great accumulations of clay, sand, and rocky 
d^ris which stretch across their mouths. 

Take, for example, some of the upland districts of Wales, 
where numbers of these tarns abound. The lake district 
of Cumberland and Westmoreland, where, in addition to 
the better-known large lakes, there are also numerous tarns, 
especially in the higher reaches of the valleys, resting in 
deep rocky depressions or basins, or held in by great barriers 
of debris, in the manner already described. 

Other such areas containing groups of these tarns 
scattered over the Highlands of Scotland are quite 
common. Here they are also confined to the higher 
regions, and, like the other examples, rest or lie in true 
rock-basins, or are shut in by ridges of debris. 

Perhaps the best area to compare with that of our own 


Dartmoor is that of the southern uplands of Scotland, or 
that portion of it of which Mount Merrick, in Kirkcud- 
brightshire, forms a centre. 

This area in its geology is a granite and slate one, together 
with many other of its physical features presenting a strong 
resemblance to Dartmoor, its altitude being rather higher, 

One striking contrast between the two areas is that over 
the southern uplands of Scotland, like the other districts 
referred to, there are scattered many of these lakelets, or 
tarns. On certain heights you can stand and count nearly a 
dozen of them, and there is a score or more of them in an 
area not larger than Dartmoor. 

Dartmoor, as you are aware, does not possess a single 
example, although there are names which would imply the 

Clacywell Pool, or Classenwell Pool, is but a pool of 
water filling an old mining work. The famous Cranmere 
Pool, even in its palmy days, had no claim to be regarded 
as a lake, or tarn, in the proper sense of the term. 

Dartmoor is absolutely, then, without a single example of 
these peculiar small sheets of water which are so character- 
istic of similar regions elsewhere. What, then, let us enquire, 
is the cause of this singular exception and negative feature 
in its scenery ? 

A careful examination of all the other districts referred 
to will reveal the following facts, viz., that many of the 
basins holding these tarns have their surrounding rocks 
rounded, smoothed, and polished by former ice action. 
The edges, sides, and even the deeper portions of these 
rock-basins are covered by glacial striae, caused by these 
ancient glaciers, which scooped them out. The debris 
which in certain instances pen in some ' of the tarns, 
when examined, contains distinctly striated stones; and 
further examination clearly shows that the ridges of debris 
are none other than the remains of old terminal moraines 
of former glaciers which once crept down the valleys. 

Thus, then, in all these localities where tarns abound the 
proofs of glacial phenomena are both clear and abundant; 
and so evidently are they connected together that the tarns 
are now very generally regarded by geologists as the direct 
result of ice action, whether they lie in rock-basins, or 
in the narrower and deeper portions of the valleys, hemmed 
and shut in by accumulations of detrital matter, which in 
point of fact consists of old moraine stuff. 


With regard to the formation of true rock-basins, it has 
been frequently urged that ice cannot excavate. Very true, 
ice of itself perhaps cannot ; but moving ice, in the bottom of 
which is fixed masses of rock like so many chisels and gravers, 
is a most powerful agent in this respect. In its movement^ 
armed with these implements, it ploughs and hollows out 
deep depressions in the rocky surfaces over which it passes. 
There is no other physical agent or agents known which 
can perform the same kind of work. Water may wear 
away the rocks to any extent, cut deep channels, smootii 
and polish, but its effects are essentially^ different from 
ice. It does not possess the grinding, scooping power of 
the latter, with its under surface armed with natural gouges 
in the form of rock fragments. 

When to the existence of these rock-basin and moraine 
dammed lakelets, or tarns, we add the other collateral 
evidences of ice action, always found in the areas where 
these small sheets of water occur — as, for instance, the 
grooved and striated surfaces, the remains of terminal, 
lateral, and even of median moraines in the adjacent 
valleys, true erratic blocks, together with the frequent 
accompaniment of deposits of tUl, or boulder clay, in the 
near vicinity — we are forced to connect the phenomena of 
both as strictly related. 

Now, over the area of Dartmoor we have no proof 
whatever of any of the glacial phenomena just referred to. 

It is well known to glacialists that the ice-sheet which 
more or less extended over a portion of Northern Britain 
did not reach much further south than the valley of the 
Thames, and that the subsequent or contemporaneous local 
glaciers had no place in small-isolated areas like Dartmoor. 

It is true that various attempts have from time to time 
been made by various observers to refer certain phenomena 
occurring on Dartmoor to local glaciation. None of these, 
however, are, I think, the result of true glacial action, but 
must be referred to the more common operations of nmning 
water. During the cold of the Pleistocene period, and at 
its close, the floods from melting snows would perfectly 
accomplish all the distribution and arrangement of that 
deposit of angular rocky dihris surrounding Dartmoor so 
frequently referred to ice. The same cause would also 
equally well explain these accumulations of scree matter 
filling some of the valleys, which some have regarded as the 
remains of ancient glacier moraines. 

The total absence, then, of lakelets, or tarns, and of glacial 


phenomena from the area of Dartmoor, is, I venture to 
think, something more than a mere coincidence. It is to 
the absence of the latter cause that I would refer the 
absence of the former. 

It is a fact of no little significance that there is not a 
single example of a lake, or tarn proper, in any other 
of these elevated regions to the south-west forming the 
backbone of Cornwall, the physical features of which 
resemble those glaciated areas in the north where tarns 
greatly abound. 

If I am correct in my explanation of the absence of tarns 
from Dartmoor, I think it adds additional weight to the 
evidence that in districts where they do plentifully occur 
they owe their origin to the former presence of ice 
action; that the negative evidence as supplied by Dart- 
moor tends greatly to strengthen the positive proofs which 
glaciated districts afford that these curious lakes, so common 
in our other upland regions, are a striking result of the last 
great age of ice. 

In certain recent volcanic districts of Italy, in central 
France, and the Eifel district in Germany, there exist a 
number of small circular lakes, which lie in crater basins, 
hence termed crater lakes; but none of these must be 
confounded with the "tarns" with which I have been 



BY A. R. HUNT, M.A., P.L.S., P.G.S. 
(Bead at Kingsbridge, July, 1897.) 

The first two geological papers submitted to the Devonshire 
Association dealt, the first indirectly and the second directly, 
with the granites of Dartmoor. In the first Mr. Pengelly 
discussed the Bovey clays derived from the granite ; in the 
second he discussed the granites themselves and their bearing 
on the evergreen problem of the Permian or Triassic age of 
the new red sandstones of Devonshire: a problem recently 
rediscovered and furbished up anew : the pendulum of 
orthodox opinion having now swung over from Trias to 

Mr. Pengelly based his arguments on Mr. Godwin- 
Austen's theory that the Dartmoor granites were of three 
different ages, a theory founded possibly on some misappre- 
hension as to the mode of occurrence of the mineral 
tourmaline. Mr. Pengelly subsequently came to the 
conclusion that there were but two granites, and not three. 
The question here seems to be whether the infiltrated 
felspar-quartz-schorl veins are to be counted as granite, for 
though always crystalline their structure is not often 
granitoid. There can be no doubt that the main granites, 
and the elvans which invade them, and the veins which 

^ Owing to the lamented death of Mr. R. N. Worth, f.g.s., since this 
paper was originally submitted to the Association, I should have preferred 
withdrawing it entirely. But as our Hon. Secretary has been good enough 
to express a wish that it should still appear, I have largely recast it. The 
paper was written as at first in the full confidence that Mr. Worth would be 
present both to hear and criticise it. Could I have foreseen the sad event, 
such a controversial subject as between Mr. Worth and myself would have 
been scrupulously avoided. 


seem newer than either, are of three different ages; but 
some may prefer to hold that the porphyritic main granites 
in their varieties, and the elvans in their varieties, are the 
only true granitic rocks in Dartmoor, and that they are but 

There is plenty of evidence to show that the granites, 
elvans, and infiltrated veins are of three different ages ; but 
the importance or otherwise of this difference is one of the 
chief problems of Dartmoor geology, and remains an open 
question. Some maintain that all these various types of 
crystalline rock are but diffisrent phases of the cooling of 
one great magma. My object in the present paper is to 
point out some of the difficulties in the way of the accept- 
ance of this view. 

Dartmoor is largely bounded by carboniferous rocks. 
Granite invades these rocks in veins and larger masses. 
Hence one fact concerning Dartmoor absolutely beyond 
dispute is that some, at any rate, of its granites are of later 
date than some portion at least of the rocks formed during 
the carboniferous epoch. This fact, which is commonly 
referred to as the post-carboniferous age of the Dartmoor 
gi'anites, has been an axiom with the geologists of the 
Devonshire Association since the foundation of the Society. 
It is a fact which most of the said geologists have been ever 
ready to prove up to the hilt by some favourite section, my 
own being the interosculation of culm and granite in the 
Knowle cutting on the railway south of Lustleigh Station. 

The mode of origin of the Dartmoor granite as a whole 
has always been a puzzle, and remains so. 

At our Exeter meeting, in 1887, Mr. W. A. E. Ussher, f.g.s., 
propounded with much hesitation the theory known as the 
laccolitic, which is a cross between the plutonic and the 
eruptive. The molten rock is supposed to have welled up 
from beneath superincumbent strata, among which it spread 
itself out without reaching the surface. The granite, accord- 
ing to this theory, remained plutonic, and was finally only 
brought to light by the subsequent removal by denudation 
of the overlying sedimentary rocks. 

In October, 1888, Mr. E. K Worth, f.g.s., read a paper 
advocating the view that the Dartmoor granite is the base, 
root, and ancient reservoir, of a grand volcano which was 
once 18,000 feet high. 

In the spring of 1889, in ignorance of Mr. Worth's afore- 
said paper, I propounded a theory based on the assumption 
that the Dartmoor granite was originally an archaean crystal- 


line rock more or less re-formed by hydrothermal agencies in 
post-carboniferous times. 

In the same year Mr. Worth read to the Geological Sodrtf 
a paper on the elvans and volcanic rocks of Dartmoor, in 
which he advocated his theory of the volcanic origin of the 
Dartmoor granita No discussion on this paper is recorded 
in the Quarterly Journal. 

It will be observed that within the space of a twelve- 
month three very different theories had been launched by 
local workers. All three were independent, and evolved fin 
the sole object of overcoming the difficulties which had 
occurred to the minds of their several originatora M& 
Ussher had approached the subject from the standpoint of 
the general stratigraphy of Devon ; Mr. Worth from tiuit of 
the phenomena of the moor valleys and of the red sand- 
stone conglomerates ; myself from that of the microscope and 
that of the perplexing problem of the crystalline rocks of the 
English Channel, both detached and in situ. 

At this stage of the general enquiry the advocates had 
done their preliminary work, and the one thing needful was 
something of the nature of a deliberate judicial decision. 

An opportunity for this occurred in 1890, when Mr. Worth 
read a paper to the Geological Society on the *' Igneous Con- 
stituents of the Triassic Breccias of South Devon." Una 
paper elicited a weighty discussion on the volcanic question. 
Professor Bonney thought Mr. Worth right in his mam 
contentions, while Sir. A. Geikie considered that "the 
presence of Dartmoor granite in the breccias was unfavour- 
able to the notion of volcanic rocks having been derived 
from that source/' Mr. Hudleston was prepared to accept 
the theory of a great Devonshire volcano, but doubted the 
evidence of its existence in the breccias. Dr. Hicks thought 
the fragments in the breccias might only indicate a pre- 
existing ridge in the Dartmoor area. In the author's absence^ 
Professor Judd summed up his arguments, but unfortunatdy 
refrained from expressing his own opinion, which would 
have carried much weight. 

In 1890 Mr. Worth also wrote, " We may take it now as 
practically undisputed that the limit of the western granite 
(i.e. Devon and Cornwall) in antiquity is the carbomferons 
system, as proven by the fact that in Devon granitic veins 
traverse unquestionably carboniferous rocks." This is no 
doubt practically undisputed. It is the orthodox doctrine; 
and there are but two heretics. 

In the same year Mr. Ussher submitted a paper to the 


Somersetshire Archseological Association, maintaining what 
seems at first sight a diametrically opposite view. By a 
detailed study of the sedimentary rocks of Devon, Mr. 
Ussher had arrived at the same conclusions to which my 
own microscope work had led me in 1889, viz. that the 
Dartmoor granite had originally existed as an ancient solid 
crystalline rock before the carboniferous period. 

It may be urged against Mr. Ussher and myself that the 
Dartmoor granite, if re-formed, cannot be considered the 
same granite. A similar question often arises in the case of 
locomotive engines and ships. If they last long enough, 
every part may be in turn worn out and replaced. Do the 
ships and engines maintain their identity? A still more 
doubtful case is when a ship is cut in two and lengthened. 
The new part may prove by the very trade marks on the 
materials used that it is far later in date than the registered 
year of the vessel's original launch. Now there is no doubt 
that the older granite of Dartmoor has been cut and split, 
and displaced and injected. The intruding rocks are as 
certainly newer than those they penetrate as is the mid 
section of a ship which has been built up between the 
displaced stem and stern newer than the said stem and 
stern. Even the age of these older portions of the ship may 
be doubtful, as both wood and metal may have been 
constantly removed and replaced. Thus in a very old reno- 
vated and lengthened ship it might be as diflBcult to 
decide from the materials the original age of the vessel 
as it is to ascertain the exact age of the Dartmoor granite 
from its altered and replaced minerals. 

One singular feature in the Dartmoor problem is that, 
although Messrs. Worth, Ussher, and myself have occasionally 
been in the position of combatants fighting what is strangely 
called a triangular duel, we have not disputed each other's 
facts. Personally I should have been rejoiced to adopt either 
of my friends' theories had they explained the difi&culties of 
my micro-sections. The solution of the puzzle of Dartmoor is 
not the ultimate prize we seek ; it is but one link in the long 
chain of Devonshire geological problems. We want this link 
welded. We care not who wields the hammer or blows the 

We have seen that Mr. Worth's theory was before the 
Geological Society in 1890, but without satisfactory result, 
as those geologists who appeared to accept his conclusions 
rejected his premises. 

In 1893 Mr. Ussher's theory was summoned incidentally 

VOL. XXIX. 2 c 


to the bar of the Greological Society on the occasion of a 
paper read by General MacMahon. The result was to make 
confusion worse confounded, as, owing apparently to some 
misapprehension of Mr. Ussher's theory, he was somewhat 
severely dealt with for holding some imaginary geological 
heresy, a heresy which had he really supported would have 
placed us poles asunder. The view apparently imputed to 
him was that he held that the Dartmoor granite was re- 
formed out of ancient sedimentary rocks. Our joint view, 
however, was that the Dartmoor granite as now seen had 
been re-formed out of an ancient rock, but that that rock 
was crystalline, if not granite itself. This makes absolutely 
all the difference. The assertion of Mr. Ussher's to which 
General MacMahon took special exception was the following: 
'^ . . the genesis of the Devon and Cornish granites . . . 
resulted from the metamorphism in situ of pre-existing rocks 
of pre-Devonian age, which had in a rigid state exercised an 
obstructive influence on the N. and S. movements, and had 
thereby produced great mechanical effects on the surrounding 
strata prior to the alteration of the latter." ^ Now it may be 
noted that Mr. Ussher and myself arrived independently at 
this conclusion without having trodden a step of the way 
together. The hypothesis was forced on Mr. Ussher to explain 
numerous stratigraphical facts, as it was forced on me to 
explain sundry microscopical facts. Moreover, this solution of 
certain definite difficulties was only reached after years of 
assiduous study. It might have been supposed that when a 
most difficult problem, which had long occupied the attention 
of three Fellows of the Geological Society on the spot, chanced 
to come before the Society, in the absence of the said local 
students, that the work of the local men would have been 
treated with a certain amount of respect, if from no higher 
motive than that of esprit de corps. But, strange to say, Mr. 
Ussher was treated with a little humorous banter, Mr. Worth 
with calm indifference, and as for myself, though not distantly 
referred to in the paper, I was dragged into the discussion to 
be chastised for a ridiculous hypothesis which had never 
even crossed my mind, viz. that granite or any other rock 
could be fused by gentle stewing ! Here was a grand oppor- 
tunity lost, the opportunity of assisting the local men, 
should the specialists have had any suggestions to offer. 
But instead of elucidating the difficulties of the case, the 
leaders of the Geological Society seemed more disposed to 

- Quar, Joum, Geol, Soc, vol. xlix. p. 387. 


worry the workers. Mere viva voce discussion would require 
no notice, but when geologists take the trouble to publish 
their comments in the official journal of the Society, it is a 
challenge which can scarcely be disregarded except by way 
of acknowledgment of defeat, unless it be regarded as be- 
neath the notice of the challenged; a most undesirable 
alternative, which would result in geological controversialists 
following the tactics of Messrs. Thomas Winterbotham 
Hance, and Pierre, of the Bab Ballads, 

At this point it must be premised that a most important 
problem in Devonshire geology is the character of the base- 
ment rocks of the western counties, the rocks which in 
Devonshire underlie the Devonian strata. The solution of 
this problem can only be attained, if at all, by process of 
induction, by weighing and collating all the facts and 
phenomena which can by any means be brought to bear upon 
it. A stranger glancing at a geological map would think 
the answer evident. In the Bristol Channel, in the English 
Channel, far away to the westward of the Land's End, and in 
numerous exposures in Devon and Cornwall, we find granitic 
rocks exposed by denudation. The subterranean connection 
of these Devon and Cornwall exposures has been often 
assumed, and the natural suggestion is that this pervading 
granite is the basement rock of Devon and Cornwall. 
Closer examination appears conclusively to dispose of this 
hypothesis, because the granite is repeatedly observed to 
invade the adjacent sedimentary strata. Then the question 
arises whether it is possible that an ancient basement granite 
has been partially redissolved, and has supplied a richauffe 
granitic material for the injection both of the adjacent 
sedimentary strata and of itself. If this resolution be 
possible, a great many apparently insuperable difficulties 
vanish. It is this hypothesis of the " metamorphism in 
situ" of the ancient granite to which the independent 
investigations of Mr. Ussher and myself have led us. 

To return now to the important criticisms on Mr. Ussher's 
presentation of this hypothesis which were made at the 
Geological Society in 1893. 

Our former esteemed President, Mr. Hudleston, who was 
in the chair, in opening the discussion, observed that I 
** regarded it [Dartmoor] as an archsean massif." This is 
quite correct, if it is thoroughly understood that this old 
granite has been so energetically acted on by heat and fluids 
as to have been to an unascertained degree dissolved and 
re-formed, and to have supplied material for the formation of 

2 2 


new granitic rocks, which are undoubtedly of post-carboni- 
ferous age. Geologists dealing with the Dartmoor granite 
merely as a mineral product may prefer to date it from the 
era of its re-formation. Considering it, as I do, as the 
representative of the basement rock of South Devon, I seek 
to refer it if possible to its pre-reformation days. Just as in 
the great question of the Beformation of the Anglican 
Church there is room for two opinions — the one that the 
reformed product is entirely new, the other that it is but the 
original article, metamorphosed indeed almost out of 
recognition, but for all that only metamoiphosed, re- 
constructed, but not destroyed — so is it with the Dartmoor 
granite ; it may be viewed from two different standpoints. 

In commenting on Mr. Ussher*s views as they had been 
presented to the Society by his critic, Mr. Hudleston 
proceeded to say that Mr. Ussher was an ingenious 
metamorphist, who had evaded contradiction by assuming 
certain rocks not now existing to have been pre-Devonian, 
rocks obviously now beyond the disproof of chemical 
analysis. Now the answer to this seems to be that were the 
assumed ancient granite not beyond the reach of chemical 
analysis, there would remain no problem to solve. The 
problem for Mr. Ussher is. What was the hard unyielding 
core of Devon which produced such "great mechanical 
effects on the surrounding strata"? The suggested answer 
is that it may possibly have been a granite, or similar rock, 
subsequently modified into the Dartmoor granite as we now 
see it. This solution of the problem seems to fit in well 
with all the known facts of the case. If, however, it is not 
the correct solution and answer, T for one have absolutely no 
alternative hypothesis which will explain my own observed 
facts; and be it noted that there is no current alternative 
hypothesis which will explain Dartmoor. In the discussion 
referred to, Mr. J. H. H. Teall said that "there was at 
present no really satisfactory explanation of the structural 
relations of the granite to the surrounding rocks." 

Then a comment was made to which I have elsewhere 
referred. Professor Bonney enquired whether there was 
" any evidence that a rock could be fused by pressure alone 
any more than by gentle stewing in sea-water, which had 
also been suggested." The Professor concluded by saying 
that " no good was done for science by proposing hypotheses 
which in avoiding one difficulty raised a number of others 
far more formidable." Now in answer to this, I must point 
out that from one end of Dartmoor to the other there is 


at present no sign of fusion, but every proof of solution and 
recrystallisation at low temperatures from the physicist's 
point of view, say, for instance, not to exceed a dull red 
heat. Fusion by pressure alone is, I "believe, a doctrine not 
entertained by anyone, as mere pressure cannot produce 
heat. Fusion by stewing is a contradiction in terms, as 
"fusion" is so very commonly understood to mean the 
liquefaction of a substance at a dry heat without the inter- 
vention of a solvent. 

With respect to the hypotheses which have been recently 
proposed to avoid the difficulties of the Dartmoor problem, 
these may be usefully reviewed. 

A very patent fact concerning Dartmoor is that certain 
carboniferous and Devonian rocks appear to rest on and 
against its slopes; this granite being apparently, and in 
many cases certainly, post-carboniferous in age. We thus 
have older sedimentary rocks lying on a newer plutonic rock. 
To meet this difficulty the laccolite hypothesis was suggested, 
the newer granite being assumed to have been thrust in 
under the now overlying slates. This was Mr. Ussher's 
suggestion, made for lack of a better, and with the remark 
that there was much lack of light on the subject. 

Another patent fact concerning Dartmoor is that in places 
it acts as an intrusive rock, that certain fragments suggestive 
of volcanic rocks occur in the red sandstone conglomerates, 
and that certain specimens found by Mr. Worth at Catte- 
down, and to all appearance derived from Dartmoor, were 
pronounced by Professor Bonney to be andesites.^ To meet 
these facts and others, Mr. Worth formulated his hypothesis 
of a Dartmoor volcano in Permian times. 

A third fact patent to the microscopist is that the Dart- 
moor quartz is charged throughout with chlorides, in the 
form of cubic crystals in fluid inclusions. It has never been 
suggested that these are other than chlorides of sodium or 
potassium. These minerals are associated with tourmaline, 
evidently crystallised out of solution. The rock appears to 
have consolidated finally throughout at a temperature low 
enough not to destroy the chlorides and the tourmaline. 
There is no indication here of high volcanic temperatures, 
but of low plutonic temperatures. To meet these facts, and 
very many others, the hypothesis was proposed that the 
. Dartmoor granite was an anciently consolidated crystalline 
rock, which in post-carboniferous times had been again 

^ Trans, Devon* Assoc, vol, xxi, p. 79. 


subjected to the action of plutonic heat and moisture, that 
moisture being supplied by a superincumbent salt-water 
ocean* It was suggested that sdl the low -temperature 
intrusive elvans and the low-temperature minerals through- 
out the main granite itself must be ascribed to this later 

As this third hypothesis covered Mr. Ussher's older 
observations as well as did the laccolite, and furthermore 
harmonised with his more recent stratigraphical work better 
than did the laccolite, Mr. Ussher adopted the general theory 
that the Dartmoor granite as we now see it represents, and 
is derived from, a pre-Devonian crystalline rock, which has 
been to all intents and purposes modified and metamorphosed, 
to a greater or less extent, in situ ; though, of course, a rock 
which has been elevated some thousands of feet from below 
an ocean floor to thousands of feet above the sea level 
cannot be strictly described as in situ. All I contend for 
is that the main Dartmoor granite as we see it in our Devon- 
shire hills is the representative of an old basement rock 
which once underlay the Devonian and carboniferous rocks 
under old Devonian and carboniferous oceans. 

All the above hypotheses have been most cautiously and 
tentatively advanced to try and explain pressing difificulties, 
and at all times their authors would have been most thankful 
to receive assistance, information, and correction from any 
source whatever. One thing I can aver, and that is, that in 
no instance has Mr. Worth, Mr. Ussher, or myself sought to 
score a point off his fellow-student. Had we sought to trip 
each other up in matters of detail, such might possibly have 
been done. Tacitly we seemed to agree to collect our facts, 
and leave it to the future to reconcile them. The three rival 
hypotheses have been singularly free from the suggested 
failing of avoiding difficulties by raising others far more 
formidable. On the contrary, either one of them will account 
for many facts in the Dartmoor problem. For instance, they 
will all account for that most important fact, viz. the granites 
which intrude into the culm rocks. It is in minor points 
of detail that difficulties present themselves — difficulties 
which are often scarcely appreciated by those who have not 
specially studied them, be these difficulties stratigraphical or 

In my own case, one of my chief difficulties lies in Mr. 
Worth's contention that certain fragments are derived from 
Dartmoor, and are true high-temperature volcanic rocks. 
This is a piece of evidence entirely outside my own experi- 


ence ; just as my own closely-associated inclusions of brine 
and fresh-water were beyond the experience of my Mends 
who were not studying the petrological aspect of the problem 
with the higher powers of the microscope. 

If high-temperature volcanic rocks have actually been 
derived at any time from the granitic area of Daitmoor, 
a volcanic theory of Dartmoor is thereby established. The 
problem then resolves itself into reconciling the low- 
temperature evidence with the high-temperature evidence. 
One possible explanation would be that the volcanic rocks 
were very local ; another that the low-temperature minerals 
were secondary. In the latter alternative it might be 
necessary to hold that the Dartmoor rock was a high- 
temperature post-ca,rboniferous volcanic rock subsequently 
injected with, and modified by, solvents, instead of being a 
more ancient plutonic rock so affected. On this hypothesis 
one difficulty would be the lack of time for the operations, 
the post-carboniferous granites of Dartmoor being closely 
limited for time in the geological calendar. 

One of the chief checks to Qie progress of the elucidation 
of the Dartmoor problem has been the total absence of 
useful outside criticism. 

The hesitating opinions elicited by Mr. Worth's papers are 
of little argumentative value ; and, so far as I can see, the 
criticisms on Mr. Ussher's paper missed their mark entirely. 
For my own pait I have challenged my critics in our own 
Transactions, in the Eeports of the British Association, and 
in the columns of the ever-hospitable Geological Magazine, 
without eliciting what is the chief object of all amateur 
work, refutation or confirmation. Mr. Worth's volcanic 
theory has met with a like fate. In only one instance, so 
far as my knowledge goes, has Dartmoor been discussed from 
the great volcano point of view, and this without any direct 
reference to the author of this notable theorv. In the case 
referred to, however, the volcano theory is accepted in its 

One of the marked features of the Dartmoor district is 
the occurrence of coarse porphyritic granites, of fine 
granitoid rocks commonly known as elvans, and of a 
variety of intermediate forms. On the pre-carboniferous 
hypothesis, the porphyritic granite represents the older rock, 
and the elvans the newer ; while the intermediate forms may 
be the result of solvent fluids acting on the older rock, with 
subsequent recrystallisation of the dissolved minerals. 

A novel suggestion on this subject was made by 


General MacMahon in a paper to the Geological Society.^ 
Writing of a granite on the western boundary of D«^ 
moor, it is suggested ''that as the partially crystallised 
granite was moved* upwards the traction and friction 
against the sides of the vent broke up the larger crystals 
and increased the heat, and consequent fluidity, of the 
marginal portions of the mass, so that we have a margin 
of fine-grained granite around the normal porphyritic, and 
an imperfect blending of the two along the line of junction." 
The same author observes that he was unable to differentiate 
the granite in four slices taken from three veins from that 
in the main mass. "These slices contain quartz, felspar 
(orthoclase and plagioclase), biotite, and silvery mica, much 
schorl, some garnet, and a little zircon. Mineral deposits 
and bubbles are of large size compared with the area 
of the cavities containing them."^ This hypothesis involves 
a good many physical questions, which must be left to 
experts. We have seen that Professor Bonney demurred, 
and no doubt with justice, to the assumption that a 
rock could be fused by pressure alone. For the sake of 
argument, we may take pressure here to mean the fiiction 
and crushing which is the result of great regional pressure. 
I have seen one interesting specimen of a slickenside in a 
joint of red sandstone from the Manchester Ship Canal, 
in which the surface of the rock was vitrified or por- 
celainised. The red colour was discharged, but it was 
merely skin-deep. If this was the effect of heat it was 
intense, but absolutely confined to the surfaces in contact 
Now what sort of dry heat would be requisite to liquefy 
the Dartmoor granite? The brightest red heat of an 
ordinary fireplace makes no appreciable alteration in the 
outward appearance of the rock. Quartz is commonly 
melted by the heat of the electric arc. Thus to liquefy the 
Dartmoor granite at a dry heat a temperature far beyond 
a bright red heat would be requisite. The question then 
arises whether any amount of friction between orthoclase 
crystals and the sedimentary sides of the assumed vent of 
the Dartmoor volcano could possibly sufficiently increase 
the already assumed high temperature, so as to further 
liquefy the already semi-molten rock, the vent being twenty 
miles in diameter, and there being in consequence no forcing 
of material through a constricted passage. 

^ QvMr. Journ. GeoL Soc. vol. xlix. p. 393. 
•^ Ihid. p. 386. 


Then the further question arises whether there is any 
evidence that the temperature of the rock really was high. 
General MacMahon points out that in these granites the 
mineral deposits and bubbles are large compared with the 
area of the cavities, and that there is much schorl. Dr. 
Sorby long ago pointed out that schorl is a low-temperature 
mineral, and that the minerals in quartz inclusions are 
commonly the chlorides of sodium and potassium. There 
is no doubt that these minerals and schorl are quite charac- 
teristic of certain veins and granites which have clearly 
crystallised out of solution in the Dartmoor district. Thus 
the facts recorded by General MacMahon harmonise well with 
the low-temperature plutonic theory; whereas with high 
volcanic heats it is difficult to explain the presence of so 
much schorl and chlorides, which in such temperatures 
would, if authorities are correct, be dissociated or dissipated. 
Moreover, though volcanic quartzes are apt to contain fluid 
carbonic acid, I have not yet encountered any trace of 
carbonic acid in the Dartmoor inclusions, though abundant 
in a quartz vein in a rock at Tavistock, west of the moor. 

The thanks of all students are due to General MacMahon 
for his practical applications of the volcano theory to the 
explanation of the phenomena actually observed on the 
western borders of Dartmoor. If they will bear the closest 
expert scrutiny, they will go far tq prove the truth of the 
volcano theory — and vice versa. But it must be the scrutiny 
of experts — chemists and vulcanologists — and to them we 
must leave the decision of these interesting minor questions 
of Dartmoor. 

Since Mr. Worth, in 1888, and I, in 1889, independently 
started what are virtually two working hypotheses for the 
study of Dartmoor, there has been no controversy between 
us — not so much as an exchange of controversial letters. 
Agreement is always more pleasant than difference, and 
friendly students of the same subject may well cherish the 
hope that where conclusions seem hopelessly antagonistic, 
some superior intelligence from outside will in time step in, 
explain difficulties, and decide points at issue. Alas! the 
opportunity for such arbitration has now fled for ever. Such 
being the case, I now make the attempt to ascertain where 
and why our observed facts have led us asunder. 

The most authoritative exposition of Mr. Worth's theory 
will be found in his " Dartmoor Volcano," published in the 
Transactions of the Plymouth Listitution 1888-9. In this 
pjkper Mr. Worth reviews different opinions as to granite, 


e.g. (1) the primaiy rock of the world; (2) an igneous lock; 
(3) an altered stratified rock ; (4) a rock sometimes igneooa, 
sometimes metamorphia 

Granite as the primary rock is by common conflent 
dismissed. Granites of different origins, igneous and meta- 
morphic» are dismissed as applying to Dartmoor, Mr. Wozfli 
saying, "We are only concerned with the granite of Dartmoor 
and its continuation west, and what may be proved touchiiig 
them." This assumes that the Dartmoor granite is all rf 
like age and origin, and here our theories b^in to divem 
because the evidence appears to me to indicate that the 
Dartmoor granite is really a changed rock — technicallj, 

Mr. Worth has no objection to metamorphic granites, but 
observes that ''if our granites and elvans are metamorphic^ 
special forms of sedimentary rock must have been provided 
\i,e. potassic rocks], occupying exactly the same areas^ whicb 
have left no trace behind 1 Our business, however, is not 
with original character, but with agency." 

Given Mr. Worth's premises, I thoroughly agree with his 
conclusions ; indeed, I go further, as I cannot admit that anj 
known sedimentary rock could produce the Dartmoor granite 
by any conceivable process of metamorphosis. To place me 
in agreement with Mr. Worth's argument a few words must 
be struck out; none need be substituted. We delete "and 
elvans," "sedimentary," and "exactly"; and read, "If, there- 
fore, our granites are metamorphic, special forms of rock 
must have been provided, occupying the same areas." This 
is my thesis. Grant me, instead of a sedimentary foundation 
rock, an ancient granite, and nearly every difficulty vanishes ; 
at any rate, more difficulties are overcome than by any other 
hypothesis. There is no need for me to follow Mr. Worth's 
arguments against the mythical sedimentary sub-strata. I 
grant at the outset that that hypothesis is utterly untenable. 

Then, with respect to the volcanic theory of Dartmoor, 
there is again no need for me to rebut volcanic evidence. 
My theory would no doubt collapse before a single great 
Dartmoor volcano, but until that hypothesis is proved correct 
it is possible that any volcanic evidence may only indicate 
minor outbursts, and those would not affect my position one 
way or the other. The contortion of adjacent sedimentary 
rocks does not assist either side, so long as the cause is 
undecided. On the great volcano theory the eruption of the 
granite thrust the strata asunder, and the granite was the 
active agent. On the metamorphic theory the whole district 


was heavily squeezed, and the softer sedimentaries were 
crushed a^nsl an ancient core of crystaUine rock and 
suffered severely ; here the granite was the passive patient. 
The crystalline rock being at the same time subjected to 
plutonic metamorphic hydrothermal agencies, was modified 
greatly, so that the rock now exposed by denudation differs 
from the rock which underwent the great post-carboniferous 
earth movements. 

With respect to the volcanic theory of Dartmoor, Mr. 
Worth writes, " Here and there in debris of Dartmoor origin, 
both on and off the moor, are found fragments of felstone 
of a more or less rhyolitic character — remnants of genuine 
f elsitic lava streams." If this is the case the volcanic origin 
of some part at least of Dartmoor is proved; there is no 
escaping it. Mr. Worth continues: "The best example of 
these in my possession is from the neighbourhood of Lee Moor 
— a grey, compact felstone, partially banded, with well- 
marked fluidal structure, and enclosing fragments of quartz 
and felspar, and of igneous rock, apparently of andesitic 
type, closely resembling the volcanic grit from Cattedown." 
This is apparently a volcanic conglomerate, and it is impor- 
tant to trace the constituents ; so we turn to the description 
of the Cattedown rock which resembles it. Here we are 
assisted by Professor Bonney's microscopic analysis : " The 
rock is composed of more or less rounded fragments^ 
cemented by a little 'paste,' which is probably quartz — 
sometimes clear and chalcedonic, sometimes crowded with 
dust-like particles. Some of the fragments are felspar, fairly 
irregular in outline, in part, at least, plagioclase ; one or two 
may be quartz, one or two are a kind of viridite, probably 
replacing a pyroxenic mineral; and one small grain resembles 
epidote. ... I think the materials have undergone attrition, 
and have been deposited by water, but believe they have 
been obtained by the denudation of volcanic cones." ^ 

The difficulty here is the viridite replacing pyroxene, and 
the epidote— minerals which, so far as I am aware, do not 
occur within the boundaries of the main Dartmoor granite. 
It is true that General MacMahon, in a paper whose short 
title is, "On Eocks of Igneous Origin on Dartmoor," describes 
augitic and hornblendic rocks ;'^ but the full title of the 
paper describes these rocks as on "the western flank of 
Dartmoor " ; and in the first few lines the locality referred 

® Dartmoor Volcano, p. 16. 

^ Quar. Journ, Geol. Soc. voL i. p. 357. 


to is stated to be that " between Lydford and Okehampton." 
Any fragments derived from this area would not affect the 
main question as to the origin and age of the Dartmoor 
granite. Owing to the general absence of pyroxenic rocks 
within the Dartmoor area, the testimony of any pyroxenic 
fragments claiming that origin necessarily demands close 
examination. If pyroxenic rocks formed any substantial 
portion of an ancient Dartmoor volcano, some indications 
of those minerals might reasonably be looked for in its 
denuded core. I do not assert that such do not exist, but 
I have never come across such rocks within the Dartmoor 
border myself, nor am I aware of any descriptions of such 
rocks there having been published. 

This question seems to invite further investigation; bnt 
whatever the result, as already mentioned, local volcanic 
activity within the Dartmoor area would not necessarily 
affect the hypothesis of the metamorphic character of the 
rock as a whole ; always premising that if metamorphic it 
is a metamorphic crystalline rock, and not a metamorphic 
sedimentary one. 

Very closely connected with the problem of the origm 
of the Dartmoor granite is that of its joints and divisional 
planes, so often suggestive of stratification. On the latter 
point General MacMahon offers a novel suggestion, viz., ** It 
seems obvious that the pseudo-bedding must be a structure 
connected with sub-aerial agencies." No doubt sub-aerial 
agencies have helped to break up the surface rock through 
its planes of weakness, and to reveal latent joints ; but these 
joints and divisional planes are inherent in the rock itself, 
in every gradation, from the fissure recemented with granite 
material to the mere cleavage tendency to split in certain 
directions rather than in others. The latter quality is some- 
what amusingly recognized in the following observation of a 
skilled workman : " If us had to split a stone here us would 
have to catch him with the grain." This most philosophic 
dictum probably covers the whole Dartmoor problem. How 
comes it that in an apparently homogeneous crystalline rock, 
we moor farmers, when seeking gate-posts, are bound to 
" catch him with the grain " ? It is something that we 
recognize the fact, for we are not on the first rung of the 
Dartmoor ladder until we do. No doubt the pseudo-bedding 
and other joint-systems are often revealed by weathering ; but 
how were these structures originated? and at what times 
were they originated? Before these questions can be 
answered a deal of hard work has still to be done, and as 


such work is not what may be called paying, there is, I fear, 
no chance of its being attempted by men who have both the 
leisure, the knowledge, and the appliances to carry it to 
a successful issue. 

All students of Dartmoor must have observed that though 
the granite is cut up into blocks roughly rhomboidal, 
these rhomboids are occasionally split up again by divisional 
planes passing obliquely through them; further, that the 
edges of these planes, so to speak, are often as straight as 
though ruled with a ruler, at other times very irregular ; and 
that one set, often roughly parallel with the contour of the 
hills, is occasionally so wavy as to look almost crumpled. 

During the past winter, 1896-97, the excessive rains have 
denuded the granite blocks on Lustleigh Cleave of vegetable 
growth to an unusual extent, thus offering exceptional 
opportunities of observing the relations of the divisional 
planes in the rock. Let us note a few of the facts thus 
temporarily exposed to view. We come across a certain 
block lying cracked on the hillside. The crack clearly 
divides a large orthoclase crystal. We see that the plane 
of weakness thus developed originated subsequently to the 
final consolidation of the rock as we now see it. A second 
block has quite a different story to tell. In it we have a 
gaping joint filled in with a highly felspathic vein, evidencing 
a joint which has been refilled, leaving the rock as solid as 
at first. This old plane of weakness is crossed by a second 
joint, which is not thus restored, and which cannot possibly 
have been in existence when the first was filled, as in such 
case the invading magma or solution would have spread into 
it. We here have two transverse planes — the one anterior 
to the last crystallisation of felspar, the other subsequent 
thereto. We now turn to a third block. In this we observe 
two parallel planes, one of which has resulted in a vein 
or narrow dyke which is chiefly white felspar, the other in a 
vein, or more strictly a segregation, which is chiefly tourmaline. 
This specimen is unique in my experience. The two parallel 
planes of weakness are apparently of the same age, but the 
one has been chiefly cemented with felspar, the other with 
tourmaline. The general rule is that the felspar crystallises 
first, the tourmaline and .quartz later ; the first apparently at 
a higher temperature, for, where occurring together, the 
felspar lines the walls of the fissure. It may be con- 
iectured that the flow of heated water through the wider 
fissure would be maintained at a higher temperature than 
the percolation through a joint whose walls were in contact. 


This may possibly be the explanation, but it is not 
relied on. 

In the vicinity of all these blocks the granite itself ii 
often much altered, being chaiged to an unusual extent trift 
large (for granite), and occasionally idiomorphic, crystals of 
quartz. In tact, one occasionally finds in the same rock 
idiomorphic crystals of quartz, mica, and orthodase; aho^I 
think, of plagioclase, but I have not sliced one of tlian 
examples. In one interesting block a very large (appaienllj 
twinned) crystal of orthoclase is divided by a film of qniiti 
from the surrounding matrix. All these cases occur on the 
hiUside above Foxworthy Mill, and apparently within the 
inflaence of a large felspar-quartz-tourmaline vein, filling m 
important east and west joint-fissure. This locality is about 
a mile and a quarter from the nearest junction of the graidls 
with the sedimentary rocks, so is not complicated 1^ ai^ 
doubts as to contact alteration. 

A good instance of the perfect consolidation of a jointed 
rock may be seen in a stone water-trough at Foxworthy. la 
it there are three parallel planes of weakness, two beiiig 
mere "shakes" in the stone, while the third is a cemented 
once-open joint, about half an inch wide. At one period 
this stone must have been shattered into at least three 
pieces; but it was subsequently so thoroughly* recemented 
and consolidated by granite mineral as to supply a block 
suflBciently sound for a water-trough to be hewn out of the 

All these cases present one most obvious difficulty to the 
enquirer. The rocks are formed partly of original minerals 
and partly of secondary ones ; yet when this fact is demon- 
strated to the intellect (for the minerals filling a fissure must 
of necessity be newer than the fissure), the eye often fails to 
detect any difference between the new and the old. Eefer- 
ring to the western flank of Dartmoor, General MacMahon, 
as we have already seen, observes that he was unable to 
differentiate the granite in four slices taken from three 
veins (north-east of Lydford) from that in the main masa He 
mentions that " these slices contain quartz, felspar (orthoclase 
and plagioclase), biotile, and silvery mica, much schorl, some 
garnet, and a little sircon. . . . Mineral deposits and 
bubbles are of large size compared with the area of the 
cavities containing them." ^ 

These veins are clearly more complex than those on the 

^ Quar, Jouni. Oeol, Soc, vol. xlix. p. 386. 


eastern side of the moor, but, judging by analogy, it would 
appear that the "main mass'* described has itself been 
greatly affected by secondary mineralisation. In some of the 
rocks near the felspar-quartz-tourmaline vein on Lustleigh 
Cleave, above referred to, I have sometimes wondered 
whether any original crystals remained intact, except, per- 
haps, black mica. 

Mineral deposits and bubbles, " of large size compared 
with the area of the cavities," are so characteristic of the 
vein rocks and those associated with them, as contrasted with 
the scarcity of inclusions with minerals in the typical porphy- 
ritic Dartmoor granite, that I should infer that all the slices 
described by General MacMahon are largely composed of 
secondary minerals. So far as my experience goes, plagio- 
clase, much schorl, and much mineral in the fluid inclusions 
indicate secondary action either in veins or by general 
diffusion throughout the main rock; whereas paucity of 
plagioclase, of schorl, and of chlorides in inclusions indicates 
the less altered rock. Whether there is any Dartmoor rock 
absolutely free from secondary mineralisation remains to 
be proved. Even the great orthoclase crystals, which seem 
as old as any mineral in the district, occasionally develop 
micro-crystals of the most distinctive plagioclase. 

Besides these phenomena of joints and mineral veins, 
we have a cognate series of concretions — concretions of mica 
and quartz, of schorl and quartz, and very rarely concretions 
similar to felsitic matrix filling the ordinary type of elvan 
veins. The first pair of these, viz. the quartz-mica and the 
quartz-schorl concretions, occasionally exhibit a marked 
tendency to assume crystalline outlines — the quartz-schorl 
after quartz, the quartz-mica after felspar. In one case of the 
latter the similarity in size and form to an orthoclase crystal 
in the same stone was most unmistakable. The explanation 
which naturally first suggests itself is that a crystal of 
felspar has been replaced by mica and quartz. But if so, as 
the concretions are very abundant, it might be expected that 
replacements of such felspars would be common, and that 
they would occur in all stages of development; but this is 
not the case. In the case of the microscopic fluid inclusions, 
these continually occur in hexagonal negative crystals after 
quartz, and in rhomboidal and six-sided crystals apparently 
after other minerals ; and it seems just possible that a highly 
felspathic matrix, such as that of the Dartmoor granite, 
might tend to influence the crystalline form of a group 
of minerals accreting within it. In Shap quarries I once 


saw a more remarkable concretion than any hitherto noticed 
by myself on Dartmoor. One half was that of a well-defined 
hexagon, whereas the other half was irregular, and dispersed 
into the surrounding granite, as though during the process of 
consolidation the force, whatever it was, which was controlling 
the crystalline form of the growing concretion had ceased to 
act before consolidation was complete. These concretions 
with crystal outlines are very rare, and so far as I am aware 
have neither been explained nor even described ; but they 
are well worth attention, as it is in just such abnormal 
phenomena that the key may be found to unlock the secrets 
of the normal rock. 

The Dartmoor granite thus presents to the eye of the 
ordinary intelligent observer quite a series of phenomena in 
the joints, the veins, and the different concretions, all of which 
demand explanation from any adequate theory of the origin 
of the granite taken as a whole. Will the volcano theory, or 
any eruptive, as distinguished from plutonic, theory, stand 
the required test ? In the case of the Lustleigh Cleave rock, 
described in the foregoing pages, we find a coarse granitic 
rock, traversed by veins of a finer granitic material, apparentiy 
filling up ancient joint planes. Our first impression may be 
that we have here an ordinary igneous rock injecting an older 
rock of similar character. But when we look round for any 
source from which such injections can have been derived, we 
find no trace of anything of the kind ; but what we do find is 
a thick vein, composed of the very materials which invade 
the neighbouring granite, viz. felspar, quartz, and schorl ; but 
these minerals in the said vein have not consolidated with a 
granitic structure, but in succession, from the two walls of the 
fissure inwards. The indication here seems to be that before 
the vein-minerals consolidated the fissure acted as a pipe for 
the circulation of water charged with the substances which 
subsequently crystallised as felspar, quartz, and schorl. This 
mineral water not only circulated in the main passage-way, 
but through every existing joint in the shattered rock around 
it — to what extent shattered none can say. Were any of the 
rock decomposed and porous, the mineral waters would saturate 
it throughout. In process of time the dissolved minerals 
would crystallise out in fissure, joint, and porous rock, filling 
the old joints with new minerals, and duplicating the felspars 
and quartzes throughout the main rock itself, besides the 
introducing of tourmaline. 

But before these minerals could crystallise out of the 
solvent waters they must have been themselves at some 


earlier time dissolved. So the first stage of the cycle of 
events must have been the solution of the minerals of the 
main rock by solvent waters. The solution of orthoclase by 
carbonated water is a very common occurrence to be observed 
wherever water trickles through herbage over a rocky slope. 
Quartz, it is reported, has been made in the laboratory by the 
solution and recrystallisation of quartz itself. So the plutonic 
solution and recrystallisation of quartz and felspar is not a 
great stretch of the scientific imagination. But given the 
solution and recrystallisation of granite by solvents under 
plutonic conditions, and, so far as I am aware, all the 
petrological phenomena of Dartmoor can be explained. If, 
however, this premise be denied, the petrology of Dartmoor 
fairly bristles with insoluble mysteries. 

One of the most perplexing of the Dartmoor puzzles is that 
of those compound aggregations of minerals already referred 
to as so often seen in the granite. They may be roughly 
divided into two classes, viz. those with mica and those with 

The grey concretions with mica are very well known. They 
are generally rounded, and occur in the typical grey por- 
phyritic granite of the moor. They are extremely durable, 
often stand out from the weathered rock, and are occasionally 
completely set free. When one of these rounded concretions 
occurs by itself in some river gravel the petrologist may well 
be puzzled both as to its form, composition, and derivation, 
especially when it contains porphyritic orthoclase. So far as 
I am aware, the mica-quartz of these concretions never occurs 
filling joints and forming veins. Very exceptionally the con- 
cretions take well-defined crystal outlines, to all appearance 
following felspar, as the hexagon is not apparently perfect 
enough for quartz. The case observed in Shap quarries was 
a portion of a true hexagon, but I had no opportunity of 
ascertaining its composition. The mica-quartz concretions 
often enclose large crystals of orthoclase; so the question 
arises whether these orthoclases are of the same age as the 
mica-quartz enveloping them. In certain cases the matrix of 
these concretions can be observed spreading into the surround- 
ing rock, between the felspars of the main rock, so gradually 
that there can be no doubt that the felspars enclosed and 
the felspars not enclosed are of like age. From this it 
seems likely that all the large orthoclases in the concretions 
are the orthoclases of the main granite subsequently enveloped 
in a mica-quartz matrix. The felspars are often rounded 
as though partially dissolved by the mica -quartz envelope. 



Per contra, I have no proof that felspar might not crystallise 
out afresh from the mica-quartz matrix. So in any ordinary 
example where the outlines of the concretion are sharply 
defined, it would be impossible to assert positively of any 
particular crystal of felspar that it was older than the con- 
cretion. In one example of a large concretion a large felspar 
lay across the boundary-line, half within the concretion, half in 
the surrounding granite. Had the concretion extended a Utile 
further this orthoclase crystal would have been completely 
enclosed. In another specimen the concretion includes an 
excellent specimen of an orthoclase twin in the form of a 
cross, a well-known but not abundant form of the Dartmoor 
orthoclase crystal. The general evidence seems to go to prove 
that the quartz-mica concretions are newer than the por- 
phyritic orthoclases, and newer than an early consolidation of 
the granite, but older than any known jointing, and older 
than the schorl, and the quartz and felspar associated with 
the schorl. 

The following explanatory working hypothesis is suggestei 
Assume an ordinary granite with porphyritic orthoclases. Let 
the quartz-felspar matrix be sufficiently liquefied, or in some 
way set free, so as to permit a rearrangement of the flakes of 
mica. It is conceivable that the mica-flakes might gravitate 
together, floating in the more soluble quartz ; on consolidation 
the mica-quartz concretion would then remain permanently 
enclosed in the ordinary granitic matrix. Then the question 
arises, Why should these concretions ever assume a crystalUne 
outline? The crystallising mineral here is, of course, the 
quartz, the mica-flakes being already crystals suspended in it. 
There seem two possible methods of crystallisation in such a 
case. The quartz may crystallise as quartz, or possibly its 
form may be governed by the enveloping felspathic matrix. 
This seems improbable ; but in one well-defined example, as 
already mentioned, the section exposed in the granite was 
exactly like an oblique section of orthoclase near it. I can 
only commend this question to better trained observers. 

What we chiefly require to know is the relative age of these 
mica-quartz concretions and of the enclosing granite, and how 
they were free to assume occasionally crystalline forms — only 
very occasionally. 

The quartz-schorl concretions are quite a separate class. 
They are obviously one of the many forms in which the 
secondary quartz, schorl, and felspar have consolidated. 

These minerals occur, as we have already seen, linint^ the 
walls of fissures, without exhibiting any sign of granitic 


structure ; they occur dispersed through the rock with 
perfect granitic structure ; while the quartz and schorl often 
crystallise together in rough hexagons, surrounded by a 
nimbus of felspar. In this case the microscope throws 
much light on the mode of crystallisation, for we see 
that the quartz and schorl often crystallise alternately, if not 
simultaneously, and that the felspar crystallises just a little 
before them. As in a vein the felspar will usually be the 
first to line the walls, so in felspar-quartz-schorl concretions 
we shall have the quartz and schorl surrounded by felspar, 
the quartz-schorl doing its best to assume the hexagonal 
form, but only occasionally succeeding. But the wonder 
is that the mineral partners should succeed at all; for the 
quartz-schorl hexagons referred to occasionally occur in the 
most compact granite. Some good little specimens occur 
in one of the monolithic pillars of Manaton Church. The 
crystallisation of idiomorphic minerals out of solution is 
intelligible when we find the idiomorphic minerals to be 
those earliest formed ; but everything goes to show that 
schorl and its attendant quartz were the last minerals 
crystallised in the Dartmoor granite — immeasurably later 
than the porphyritic orthoclases, and later than all other 
felspars associated with them. I say the attendant quartz 
because it is certain we have quartz of two ages on 
Dartmoor, the quartz of the veins being obviously newer 
than the original quartz of the granitic walls of the veins. 
The problem of these crystal-like quartz-schorl concretions 
presents to geologists a problem far harder than the one which 
posed King Alfred, viz. how the apple got into the dump- 
ling; for, after all, the enveloping dumpling was demonstrably 
newer than the apple. But in the case of the felspar-quartz- 
schorl concretions they are as surely newer than the envelop- 
ing granite as are the felspar-quartz-schorl veins newer than 
the same. These concretions differ from those of quartz- 
mica, because all three minerals are certainly secondary; 
whereas in the case of the quartz-mica concretions the mica, 
at any rate, seems to be the original black mica of the granite. 
Hitherto we have been considering the problems of the 
granite as they may present themselves to any intelligent 
observer having the merest smattering of mineralogy. The 
smallest primers inform the student that granite is composed 
of mica-quartz and felspar, with occasionally other minerals, 
which extra mineral, in the case of Dartmoor, is schorl, 
alias tourmalina If the student be a microscopist of the 
old school, one who has gone through the ancient mill of 

2 D 2 


resolving diatoms, he will find himself easily introduced to a 
series of problems almost beyond the reach of the small 
petrological microscopes. He will require no special training 
to appreciate the diflBculties of the situation. It is by 
the merest chance that I have been in a position to puzzle 
myself on the subject. More than a quarter of a century 
ago, never dreaming of micro-geology, I thought it would be 
interesting to possess a microscope, so resorted to one of our 
old-fashioned English makers, and bought an English model 
instrument, and, shortly afterwards, a few specimens of 
diatoms. These diatoms demanded an achromatic condenser, 
a mechanical stage, and high-powered objectives- Diatom- 
work to the microscopist is almost entirely test- work. Their 
markings are well known ; the difi&culty is to see them ; and 
to succeed in this, perfect lighting and perfect optical 
appliances are essential Diatoms are excellent practice, 
because the observer, or would-be observer, knows that if he 
cannot see well-authenticated markings it is not the fault of 
the diatom. Whereas, in the study of micro-petrology, if one 
cannot see an object there is the temptation to conclude that 
it does not exist. The difficulty is invariably the lighting, as, 
of course, the objectives remain constant, and their powers are 
usually well ascertained. 

When examining the quartz of a new slide for the first 
time, it is well to have a well-tested specimen at hand, as in 
the event of the lighting being defective, the well-known 
details will fail to reveal themselves, and this defect must be 
corrected before the unknown field can be usefully explored. 
In searching for fluid carbonic acid the temperature too must 
be considered. The vaporization of fluid carbonic acid by 
heating it above its critical temperature is a very simple and 
interesting experiment, and one I once essayed to perform at a 
conversazione ; it was to be my contribution to the evening's 
entertainment. However, to my horror, when the time for 
exhibition arrived I could find no carbonic acid in my most 
trusty slides. The failure was complete. The heat of the 
room and of the microscope lamps had effectually performed 
my experiment before I began operations. Ice would have 
rectified the error in manipulation had it been detected 
in time. The special additional microscope accessories 
essential to the study of granite quartzes are a good 
achromatic condenser, a mechanical stage, and a one- 
sixteenth immersion objective ; and these, unfortunately, 
at the lowest estimate, will cost as much as an ordinary 
petrological microscope complete. Thus the trained young 


students, with time at their disposal, who are calculated to do 
the most good work in this direction, are just those who at 
the outset of their career are not likely to possess the needful 
weapons of attack. 

In such a problem as that of Dartmoor advantage must 
be taken of every possible auxiliary in the form of collateral 
research. Such an auxiliary is the recent research on 
radiolarian cherts by many observers, and more particularly 
the work done on the culm cherts by Messrs. Hinde and 
Fox. In my paper on the Dartmoor granite, submitted to 
the Association in 1889, finding chloride of sodium in the 
quartzes, that is to say, salt-water instead of fresh, I 
suggested the simplest possible origin of salt-water, viz. 
the sea. It was nothing astonishing. Certain volcanic 
phenomena have long been attributed to the invasion of 
salt-water (and most volcanoes are near the sea); and it 
is certainly simpler to derive the salt in a comparatively 
cool plutonic granite direct from the sea than to derive 
it from volcanic depths at volcanic heats, which would 
involve the combination of chlorine and sodium, and 
possibly the earlier dissociation of those minerals from 
antecedent combinations. There is nothing absurd in the 
suggestion, so far as I have been able to ascertain, either 
chemical, physical, or geological; and so the ridicule it 
excited was as unexpected as it is unaccountable. The 
suggestion may very possibly be wrong, but there is 
nothing absurd about it. Let us now notice what has 
occurred. In 1889, seeing salt-water in the Dartmoor 
quartzes, I maintained that Dartmoor had been under the 
sea, and that, owing to the fineness of the culm-slate 
sediments, that sea must have been a fairly deep one. 
Now my stratigraphical friends trace radiolarian cherts 
of culm age around Dartmoor, and prove that Dartmoor 
was during a part of the carboniferous epoch not only 
beneath a moderately deep sea, but that the said sea 
was even oceanic in the character of some of its sediments. 
Whatever the depth, it must have been sufficient to escape 
all currents that could prevent the settlement of radiolarian 
ooze; so it was practically oceanic. But ocean-depths over 
Dartmoor supply the requisite pressure for forcing water 
into the subjacent strata, and at the same time afford the 
answer to a possible objection to the sea-water theory, viz. 
the difficulty of accounting for the access of surface water 
to plutonic regions in face of the expansive action of heated 
fiuids and gases. 


So now we know that when the culm-slates and cherts 
were formed an ocean lay over Dartmoor. Further, there 
is good evidence that after these rocks were deposited and 
consolidated, but still within the carboniferous epoch, the 
floor of the Dartmoor ocean rose to the surface of the sea, 
as proved by the culm conglomerates. 

Some years ago Mr. Ussher sent me specimens of culm 
grit from Ugbrook Park, and culm conglomerate from near 
Eydonball Cross. Both rocks contain fragments of chert 
The conglomerate contains a rounded grain with the 
spherical white spots considered indicative of radiolaria. 
As there are no cherts but culm cherts in the neighbour- 
hood, it seems quite possible that these culm conglomerates, 
which indicate shallow waters, contain the remnants of the 
older cherts of the same epoch, accumulated at ocean depths. 
If, however, any wary geologist should maintain that the 
cherts in the conglomerate are of silurian or other pre- 
carboniferous age, I believe that up to the present time 
there is no proof to the contrary. Not that it makes 
much difference so far as the granite problem is concerned; 
for there is no doubt of the fact that at one period of the 
carboniferous epoch South Devon .was under oceanic con- 
ditions, as evidenced by the accumulation of radiolarian 
ooze; and that at a subsequent period of the same epoch 
the same district was under shallow-water conditions, as 
evidenced by the accumulation of conglomerates. 

Let us now examine the facts as thus presented to us, 
on the assumption that the rocks under the carboniferous 
and Devonian deposits of South Devon were an ancient 
consolidated granite. 

If, as seems most likely, the chert in the Eydonball Cross 
conglomerate is culm chert, we have the following sequence 
of events : (1) Deposition of radiolarian ooze at, say, 1500 
fathoms, or 9000 feet. (2) The consolidation of this ooze 
into chert. (3) The raising of this chert above sea-level, 
during which time it was cracked and recemented. (4) The 
denudation of the chert rocks, with rounding by wave action 
on a coastline. (5) The locking-up of the rounded chert 
fragments in a conglomerate. The cherts are finely cracked 
and recemented, as is the grain in the conglomerate. If, 
then, the said grain is of carboniferous age, its formation, 
cracking, rounding, and redeposition, as conglomerate, occur 
within somewhat narrow time-limits, geologically speaking. 
These events suggest formidable earth-movements, and 
such earth-movements are recognized by geologists to have 


occurred either during the carboniferous epoch or shortly 
g.fter its close. But during the carboniferous epoch and 
the preceding Devonian South Devon was convulsed by 
volcanic eruptions ; so much so, that much of its soil owes 
its present fertility to palaeozoic volcanic minerals. Thus 
we have evidence that up to the deposition of the radio- 
larian ooze on the tranquil bottom of the carboniferous 
ocean, plutonic heats were not very far below the solid 
crust of rock. Here, too, we have evidence of a rapid 
change of level from ocean bottom to land surface at a 
period when volcanic activities below ground were rife. 
It is scarcely possible to conceive of these conditions 
without much dislocation of strata and much consequent 
invasion of sea- water, which, when heated, would at the 
same time dissolve the terrestrial minerals, and supply a 
good many additional marine ones. Thus a potash-felspar 
dissolved by sea- water would have a good excuse to re-form 
as a soda-felspar. In this connection it is worth noticing 
the occurrence of secondary plagioclastic felspars in rocks 
of very diverse character in South Devon. We have seen 
that in the potash region of Dartmoor we have secondary 
soda-felspars, both in the veins and in the orthoclase crystals 
of the typical granite ; then when we come to the Devonian 
diabases and the disputed metamorphic green rocks we find 
felspar in neighbouring veins of the slates and schists ; again, 
at the Eddystone we find felspathic veins in the gneiss. 
Cracks in the Devonian diabases we find luted with felspar, 
and in the metamorphic " green rocks," which are admittedly 
transformed diabases or cognate igneous rocks, we find every 
mineral apparently changed, with granular and streaky 
albite sometimes in abundance. Granular albite in the 
Devonian diabases is an intermediate link I have failed 
to find; but in those rocks significant secondary quartz- 
grains occasionally occur, with fluid inclusions charged with 
salts, very suggestive of the secondary quartzes in the 
Dartmoor granite. Not that cubic crystals are defined. 
Then, with respect to quartz-veins, they, of course, are 
ever present in the Devonian and carboniferous rocks of 
Devon; occasionally associated sparingly with felspar, 
tourmaline chlorite, and other secondary minerals. Many 
of these veins are very local in their origin. For instance, 
in the cherts, where we see very fine microscopic bands 
of chert and secondary volcanic minerals, suggestive of 
alternate deposits of ooze and volcanic ash, we shall find 
the minute cracks in the rock filled with the same green 


stuff. Then in slates or schists near "green rocks" we 
shall find quartz-veins associated with felspar and chlorita 
In sandstones the veins are quartz, in limestones calcite. 
Eather an exception to this rule was a pure quartz-vein 
in a greenstone near Tavistock ; but it was also exceptional 
in its inclusions, as it was crowded with carbonic acii 
The general indication of the veins is that the dissolved 
minerals recrystallised in them did not come up from 
plutonic depths, but originated on the spot This is what 
might be expected if heated and cracked rocks were in- 
vaded by overhead water, without much circulation through 
joints and fissures. On the other hand, in tourmaline we 
have evidence of a new element, boron being introduced— a 
mineral usually connected with volcanic regions. 

The recent researches on the chert rocks of Devon by 
Messrs. Fox and Hinde, though adding greatly to the facte 
which must be borne in mind in ascertaining the sequence of 
events during a comparatively brief episode in the ancient 
history of Devon, is calculated to make the work easier by 
defining a tranquil deep-sea period which existed before the 
advent of those tremendous earth-movements which closed 
the era of the palaeozoic rocks. In fact, the greater the 
variety of the facts recorded, the easier will it be to solve 
the different problems affected by them. For instance, on 
the working hypothesis of the solvent action of heated 
waters advocated in this paper, the behaviour of the culm 
slates on the down south of Becky Falls is very significant. 
Not long since I rode to the top of the hill on the Manaton 
and Bovey road, and then, turning sharply to the right, rode 
up to the cairns on Blackdown. The whole distance 
traversed was not very far from the granite-culm boundaries. 
Much slightly -altered culm lay about the surface of the 
down, with occasionally blocks of black indurated altered 
rock. One fragment illustrated both rocks, and seemed to 
me clearly indicative of the boiling rather than baking 
process. Another fragment with undulating surface, almost 
like ripple mark, but full of mica, was suggestive of heavy 
pressure. Among the cairn stones was a block of vein 
quartz with lovely water-clear and milk-white crystals fit 
for a museum. Now, all these clues ought to be followed 
up; but unfortunately, while the work obviously increases 
day by day, the workers are gradually vanishing. Possibly 
geology is getting too costly ; for while the slicing specimens 
such as the above would entail a certain expense, the result 
might well be nil. But if one could ascertain the reason 


why some of the above quartzes were water-clear and others 
milk-white, the probability is that, that one fact secured, a 
good many others would foUow in its train. 

It is scarcely possible to conclude this paper without 
affectionate mention of the now vanished band of geologists 
whose interest in South Devon geology was so keen — 
Champernowne, Ormerod, Lee, Pengelly, Tawney, and 
Worth. The loss of the last-named, so far as the granite 
is concerned, seems to have written the last note, and to 
have closed the book. 

But the problem is not yet solved, and there seems but 
little prospect of any local worker taking up the task with 
the skill, enthusiasm, persistent attention, and tireless energy 
of our departed colleague. But let me sound one note of 
caution. Where Mr. Worth's almost life-long attention has 
fallen short of a full answer to the riddle, no one need 
expect to take a tourist's ticket from London, and to clear 
up all difficulties before the said ticket has expired, still 
less to attain a final decision without taking a ticket at all. 
Yet this is exactly what was attempted in the case of another 
South Devon problem, long since finally decided by authori- 
ties so weighty that if their decision were upset one would 
cease to look for any terra firraa in the whole science of 

Perhaps no geological fact has been better authenticated and 
demonstrated than that Baised Beaches exist on the south 
coast of England. These beaches have been mapped by 
De la Beche, described by Godwin- Austen, lectured on by 
Pengelly, and accepted by Prestwich. Authority could 
really no further go. Perhaps the most typical of these 
beaches is that at Hope's Nose. It is a more perfect beach 
than any recent beach in Torbay, having its beach-platform, 
its substratum of large rolled stones, its stratified shell- 
bearing sand, and its capping of blown sand. Near it, on 
the Thatcher Eock, is a mere fragment of a beach, but it has 
yielded forty-three species of shells, and is, I believe, the 
first in rank in that respect. 

Some years ago I devoted much time to collecting shells 
in the latter beach, which shells were identified by my 
colleague, Mr. D. Pidgeon, by Mr. J. T. Marshall, and by Mr. 
Gwyn Jeffery. The facts gathered were submitted to the 
Devonshire Association in a paper entitled, "The Eaised 
Beach on the Thatcher Eock ; its Shells and their Teaching." 
I did not offer to prove to the Association that that beach 
was a genuine Eaised Beach. Had I done so it is very 


doubtful whether the Council would have permitted a title 
to appear in the Transactions calling in question such an 
universally received doctrine as the existence of Saised 
Beaches on the coast of Devonshire. That, among Devon- 
shire geologists, would be comparable to calling in question 
the rotundity of the earth. 

However, be that as it may, Devonshire geologists had 
overlooked a remarkable characteristic of the beach dSriSf 
viz., that much of it is very angular and unbeach-like. Mr. 
Pidgeon, with his unfailing acuteness, noticed this, and wrote 
a too able paper attacking the genuineness of the beaches. 
He threw down the challenge in his title, viz., " The So-called 
Eaised Beaches." Mr. Pidgeon's point was that the deposits 
were not true beaches. In the discussion that followed the 
paper at the Geological Society, my friend, Professor Hughes, 
F.R.S., argued that the said deposits were not " raised." The 
Geological Society seemed quite ready to accept both these 
doctrines in their entirety, and this amazing result followed. 
In the splendid index to the first fifty volumes of the 
Quarterly Journal, the Thatcher Beach is referred to as a 
Eaised Beach, " so called'' Now, I believe it to be the fact 
that not a single Fellow of the Geological Society who joined 
in the condemnation of this classic Eaised Beach had even 
so much as set foot on the Thatcher Eock to see it. Not- 
withstanding this, all the conclusions of such geological 
giants as De la Beche, Godwin-Austen, Pengelly, and 
Prestwich were chucked aside as of no moment whatever. 
This anybody can see for himself who looks at the new 
index. It is true that Professor Prestwich, in his last paper 
to the Geological Society, paid absolutely no heed to the 
novel doctrine, and with much kindly courtesy referred to 
my own work on the Thatcher Eock, and adopted it ; but the 
index is later than Professor Prestwich, and is well calculated 
to turn aside workers who would otherwise study our Torbay 
Eaised Beaches. That would be a great pity, for there is 
much work still to be done ; as no one has yet undertaken 
the task of examining and cross-examining the beach- 

Mr. Pidgeon's paper is well worth serious attention, but 
his feat of proving the Hope's Nose Eaised Beach not a 
Beach is really only comparable with A